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THE 


Missions  and  Missionaries 

OF 

CALIFORNIA 


BY 

FR.  ZEPHYRIN  ENGELHARDT,  O.  F.  M. 


AUTHOR  OF 

“The  Franciscans  in  California” 
“The  Franciscans  in  Jirizona,  ” etc. 


Vol.  1.  LOWER  CALIFORNIA 


With  Portraits,  Maps  and  Fac-Similes 


**EJ  alma  dc  la  historia  cs  la  verdad  sencilla.** — Pal6u,  Prol.  de  la  Vida 


SUPERIORUM  PERMISSU 


SAN  FRANCISCO.  CAL. 

THE  JAMES  H.  BARRY  COMPANY 
1908 


1 


COPYRIGHT.  1908 

BY 

ZEPHYRIN  ENGELHARDT 


« 


TO 

MARY  IMMACULATE 
THE  PATRONESS  OF 
CALIFORNIA 


I 


PREFACE 


This  volume  has  been  compiled  from  original  sources  for 
the  purpose  of  furnishing  full  and  accurate  information  in  plain 
language  and  as  concisely  as  clearness  would  permit.  It  is 
also  intended  to  serve  as  an  introduction  to  the  history  of  the 
missions  in  Upper  California.  I herewith  cordially  acknowl- 
edge my  obligation  to  the  Rev.  Fr.  Ildephonse  Moser,  O.  F. 
M.,  for  assisting  at  the  final  revision  of  the  manuscript.  If, 
notwithstanding  the  great  care  exercised,  anything  should  hap- 
pen to  be  erroneous,  correction  will  be  cheerfully  made  at  the 
earliest  opportunity.  “I  am  aware,”  to  use  Fr.  Francisco 
Palou’s  words,  “that  neither  Homer  among  the  poets,  nor 
Demosthenes  among  the  orators,  neither  Aristotle  nor  Solon 
among  the  sages,  failed  to  err,  because,  although  they  were 
eminent  sages,  orators,  and  poets,  they  were  always  men.  The 
misery  of  our  nature  is  great ; and,  while  those  that  write  do 
not  cease  to  be  men,  there  will  always  be  men  who  observe 
them.  Remember  thine  own  frailty,  and  thou  wilt  have  com- 
passion on  mine.”  {Prologo  de  la  Vida  del  Fr.  Junipero 
Serra.) 


The  Author. 


For  the  benefit  of  those  who  are  not  familiar 
with  the  Spanish  language  accents  have  been  em- 
ployed wherever  it  was  deemed  advisable.  The 
reader  will,  moreover,  please  observe  that  in  Spanish 

a has  the  sound  of  a in  far, 
e has  the  sound  of  e in  they, 
i has  the  sound  of  ee  in  seen, 
o has  the  sound  of  o in  so, 
u has  the  sound  of  oo  in  food, 
g before  e and  i is  sounded  like  h,  or  rather  like 
the  German  ch  in  ach,  nicht; 

j and  X always  have  the  sound  of  h,  or  rather  of 
the  German  ch  as  above; 

11  is  properly  sounded  like  Hi  in  million,  but  in 
America  it  is  generally  sounded  like  y in  yard,  yes; 
n has  the  sound  of  ny  in  lanyard, 
y,  when  standing  alone,  has  the  sound  ee  in  see. 


CONTENTS 


PART  I. 

The  Period  of  the  Early  Voyages  and  Discoveries. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Introductory. 

• Page 

Origin  of  Missions. — St.  Francis  of  Assisi. — The  Franciscan 
Order  a Missionary  Institute. — Franciscans  the  First  Mis- 
sionaries in  America. — Their  Efforts  in  the  West  Indies, 
Central  and  South  America,  Florida,  New  Mexico,  Arizona, 
Texas,  Canada,  Maryland. — Their  Numerous  Martyrs  . . 3 

CHAPTER  II. 

California. — Its  Discovery  and  First  Missionaries. — Hernando 
Cortes. — Fr.  Marcos  de  Niza,  O.  F.  M. — Vasquez  de  Coro- 
nado.— Juan  Cabrillo’s  Voyage. — His  Death. — Francis  Drake. 

— Thomas  Cavendish  ........  18 

CHAPTER  III. 

The  Philippine  Trading  Vessels. — Sebastian  Rodriguez  Cer- 
menon’s  Voyage. — San  Francisco  Bay. — Sebastian  Vizcaino’s 
First  Voyage  and  Settlement  in  Lower  California. — The 
Franciscans  Accompanying  Him. — The  Natives. — Voyage  Up 
the  Gulf. — Disaster. — Abandoning  the  Enterprise. — Report  . 32 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Sebastian  Vizcaino’s  Voyage. — The  Carmelite  Fathers. — First 
Corpus  Christi  Procession. — San  Barnabe  to  San  Diego. — The 
Natives. — San  Diego  to  Monterey. — First  Holy  Mass  at  Mon- 
terey.— Return  of  the  Santo  Tomas. — Monterey  to  Cape  Men- 
docino.— Dreadful  Hardships. — The  Return. — The  Tres 

Reyes  ...........  44 


Contents 


viii 


PART  II. 

The  Jesuit  Period. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Page 

Efforts  to  Colonize  the  Peninsula. — The  First  Secular  Priest 
in  California. — The  First  Jesuits. — Isidro  Otondo’s  Expe- 
dition.— The  Jesuits  Kino  and  Gogni  and  Fray  Jose  Guijosa. 

— Indian  Mission  and  Colony  Established. — Troubles  with  the 
Indians. — Mission  System. — Success  of  the  Missionaries. — 
Spaniards  Dissatisfied. — .Abandoning  the  Peninsula  . . 61 

CHAPTER  II. 

Efforts  of  the  Government. — The  Jesuits  Accept. — The  Begin- 
nings of  the  Pious  Fund. — Temporal  and  Spiritual  Affairs  in 
the  Hands  of  the  Missionaries. — Rev.  Juan  Maria  Salvatierra, 

S.  J. — He  Crosses  the  Gulf. — Establishes  Mission  Loreto. — 
Difficulties. — Insolence  of  the  Pagans. — Battle. — Rev.  Fran- 
cisco Piccolo,  S.  J. — Conspiracy. — The  Soldiers. — Hardships. 

— Founding  of  San  Francisco  Xavier.  . . . .71 

CHAPTER  III. 

Gloomy  Outlook. — Fruitless  Petitions. — The  Officials  in  Mex- 
ico.— Pearl-fishing. — Calumnies. — Captain  Mendoza’s  Report. 

— Salvatierra. — Kino. — Trip  to  Sonora. — California  an  Island? 

— Rev.  Juan  de  Ugarte. — Captain  Estevan  Rodriguez. — 
Mission  Work.  .........  87 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Mission  Routine. — The  Doctrina. — Learning  the  Language. — 
.Agriculture  at  San  Francisco  Xavier. — Distress. — Piccolo’s 
Memorial. — Revolt. — The  Pious  Fund. — Missionary  Tours. — 
.Another  Revolt. — Search  for  Mission  Sites. — Rev.  Basaldtia’s 
Petition. — Memorial  to  the  King. — The  Viceroy’s  Unfriend- 
liness.— Intolerable  Conditions. — Council. — Founding  of  Mis- 
sion San  Juan. — Lorenzo  Resigns.  . . . . .99 

CHAPTER  V. 

Salvatierra  Goes  to  Mexico. — .Appointed  Provincial. — His 
Memorial. — Viceroy’s  Strange  Conduct. — New  Viceroy. — Pro- 
vincial Salvatierra  Visits  the  Peninsula. — Rev.  Pedro  de 
Ugarte  at  Ligui. — Treachery  of  the  Indians. — Founding  of 
Mission  Santa  Rosalia. — Rev.  Juan  de  Ugarte  at  Loreto. — 
Search  for  a Port. — Salvatierra  Returns  to  California. — 


Contents 


IX 


Page 

Founding  of  Mission  San  Jose  de  Comundu. — Shipwreck. — 
Epidemics. — Other  Difficulties. — Salvatierra’s  Disappoint- 
ment.— His  Death.  ........  115 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Missions  Not  Maintained  by  the  Government. — The  Pious 
Fund. — Allowance  of  the  Missionaries. — King  Philip’s  Or- 
ders.— State  of  the  Missions. — Their  Organization. — The  Mili- 
tary.— Daily  Routine. — The  Jesuits. — Need  for  Soldiers. — 
Their  Pay. — Drawbacks. — Unselfishness  of  the  Mission- 
aries ...........  131 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Country  Unfavorable  for  Missions. — The  Natives  and 
Their  Customs. — Diseases  and  Their  Cure. — Indian  Re- 
ligion.— Indian  Language. — Indian  Character  . . . 149 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

King  Philip’s  Orders. — The  Prime  Minister  and  California. — 
Viceroy  Valero. — Brother  Bravo’s  Pleading  Before  the 
Council. — Decision. — Another  Order  from  the  King. — 
Changes  Among  the  Missionaries. — Floods. — Mission  Pur- 
isima  Concepcion. — Ugarte’s  Bold  Undertaking. — First  Ship. 

— Brother  Bravo  Made  Priest. — First  Novice  in  California. — 
Mission  La  Paz  ........  161 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Founding  of  Mission  Guadalupe. — Father  Helen’s  Efforts. — 
Locust  Plague. — Helen’s  Success. — Search  for  a Port. — 
Ugarte’s  Expedition  in  the  Triunfo  de  la  Cruz. — Incidents. — 
Expedition  to  the  Pacific  Coast  by  Land. — Indian  Troubles. — 
Founding  of  Mission  Dolores  del  Sur. — Founding  of  Mission 
San  Luis  Gonzaga. — Founding  of  Mission  Santiago  . . 174 

CHAPTER  X. 

Father  Luyando,  S.  J. — Founding  Mission  San  Ignacio. — 
Incidents. — Agriculture. — Medicine-Men. — Opening  Roads. — 
Notable  Conversions. — Epidemics. — Indian  War. — How  It 
Ended  . . ........  191 


CHAPTER  XL 

Death  of  Fathers  Piccolo  and  Ugarte. — Father  Echeverria 
Named  Visitor. — Founding  of  Mission  San  Jose  del  Cabo. — 
Dulness  of  the  Indians. — Polygamy. — Father  Taraval  Or- 


X 


Contents 


Page 

dered  to  Write  the  Mission  History. — His  Tour  to  the  Pa- 
cific.— The  Islands. — Incidents. — Founding  of  Mission  Santa 
Rosa  or  Todos  Santos. — Indian  Criminals. — Need  of  a Pre- 
sidio in  the  South.  ........  203 

CHAPTER  XII. 

The  Philippine  Galleon  Stops  at  Mission  San  Jose  del  Cabo. — 
Indian  Conspiracy. — Murder  of  Soldiers. — An  Intrepid  Mis- 
sionary.— Martyrdom  of  Father  Carranco. — Martyrdom  of 
Father  Tamaral. — Flight  of  Father  Taraval. — The  Arch- 
bishop-Viceroy’s Inactivity. — Indians  in  the  North  Restless. — 
Missionaries  Ordered  to  Loreto. — Indians  in  the  North  Plead 
for  Their  Return. — Philippine  Sailors  Murdered. — Viceroy 
Grows  Active. — Troops  from  Sonora. — The  King  Orders 
Erection  of  a Presidio. — Father  Wagner. — Indian  Treachery. 

— Another  Revolt.  ........  215 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Orders  from  the  Council  of  the  Indies  and  the  King. — The 
Jesuit  Provincial’s  Report  and  Recommendations. — Father 
Consag’s  Voyage. — The  Missions  and  Missionaries  in  1745. — 

The  Southern  Missions  Depopulated. — Two  Missions 

Abandoned. — Death  of  Fathers  Bravo,  Wagner  and  Tern- 
pis. — Departure  of  Father  Sistiaga. — Death  of  Father  Guil- 
len.— Death  of  the  Marques  de  Villapuente,  Captain  Rodri- 
guez Lorenzo  and  Captain  Bernardo.  ....  232 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Father  Consag’s  Search  for  Mission  Sites. — Founding  of  Mis- 
sion Santa  Gertrudis. — Agriculture. — Donations. — Consag’s 
Death. — Ship-building. — Shipwrecks. — Death  of  Brother  Mu- 
gazabal. — Founding  of  Mission  San  Francisco  de  Borja. — In- 
dian War. — Incidents. — Father  Link  Tries  to  Reach  the 
Colorado  River.  . . . .....  246 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Founding  of  a Mission  at  Calagnujuet. — Its  Removal. — Found- 
ing of  Mission  Santa  Maria. — Death  of  Father  Neumayer. — 

The  Colonists  in  the  South. — The  Jesuits  Call  for  a Secular 
Priest. — Animosity  of  the  Miners. — They  Excite  the  Indians 
Against  the  Jesuits. — Foolish  Demands. — Other  Causes  of 
Dissatisfaction. — Indians  Cross  the  Gulf  to  Complain. — 
How  They  Fared.  ........  260 


Contents 


XI 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Page 

The  Surrender  of  the  Missions. — Jesuits  Decline  Grand  Lega- 
cy.— Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from  Mexico. — Cruel  Treat- 
ment.— The  Jesuits  Expelled  from  California. — Jesuits  not 
Guilty  of  Crime. — Their  Enemies. — Reasons  for  the  Decree. — 
Vindication. — List  of  Jesuits.  ......  270 

PART  III. 

The  Franciscan  Period. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Viceroy  de  Croix  Requests  the  College  of  San  Fernando  to 
Accept  the  California  Missions. — Reluctance  and  Reasons 
Therefore. — Father  Junipero  Serra  Heads  the  Volunteers. — 

The  Fathers  at  Tepic. — The  Viceroy  Makes  a Change. — Palou 
and  Campa  Remonstrate. — Orders  Countermanded. — Election 
of  Guardian  and  Discretes. — Address  to  the  Viceroy. — The 
Jaliscans  Return  from  California. — Serra  and  Companions 
Reach  Loreto.  .........  289 


CHAPTER  II. 

Distribution  of  the  Missionaries. — Unworthy  Conditions. — Ban- 
croft’s Observations. — Don  Jose  de  Galvez  Arrives. — His  In- 
dignation.— Restores  the  Temporalities  to  the  Missionaries. — 

The  Soldier  Comisionados. — The  Fathers  Not  Anxious  to 
Control  the  Temporalities. — Galvez  Suppresses  Two  Mis- 
sions.— He  Transplants  Indians.  . . . . . . 303 

CHAPTER  III. 

Galvez  Forbids  Gambling. — Fr.  Lasuen’s  Reply. — Galvez’s  Let- 
ter to  Lasuen. — Galvez  Orders  Removal  of  Indians  to  Distant 
Missions.  — Fr.  Lasuen  Remonstrates.  — Galvez  Approves 
Lasuen’s  Measures. — Galvez’s  Unfriendliness  to  the  Jesu- 
its.— Plans  for  the  Improvement  of  the  Indians. — His  Proc- 
lamation.— His  Indignation. — Blames  the  Jesuits  Unjustly. — 

His  Reply  to  Lasuen’s  Complaint  .....  314 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Galvez  Tries  to  Colonize  the  Peninsula. — Industrial  School 
Plan. — Royal  Orders  for  Securing  Upper  California. — Fr. 
Serra  is  Invited  to  Santa  Ana. — Stipends  of  the  Mission- 
aries.— Expeditions  by  Land  and  Sea. — Old  Missions  to  Fur- 
nish Church  Goods. — Serra  Visits  the  Southern  Missions. — 


XII 


Contents 


Page 

He  Desires  to  Cede  Some  Missions. — Galvez  Approves. — 

The  San  Carlos  Equipped. — Galvez’s  Proclamation. — The 
“San  Carlos”  Sails. — The  “San  Antonio”  Follows. — The  “San 
Jose”  Lost. — The  Land  Expeditions.  .....  330 

CHAPTER  V. 

Fr.  Juan  Crespi  Joins  Rivera. — Fr.  Serra  Begins  His  Journey 
Through  the  Missions. — Galvez’s  Pious  Zeal. — Articles 
Taken  from  the  Missions  by  Fr.  Serra  and  Captain  Rivera. — 

Fr.  Palou’s  Statement. — Fr.  Serra  at  San  Javier. — He  Arrives 
at  Mission  Santa  Maria  .......  342 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Fr.  Serra  at  Santa  Maria. — Founding  of  Mission  San  Fernan- 
do.— Address  to  the  Indians. — The  First  Converts. — Fr. 
Serra’s  Sore  Leg. — Remarkable  Cure. — He  Reaches  Link’s 
Station. — Incidents  on  the  Road. — The  Indians. — He  Arrives 
at  San  Diego.  .........  355 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Galvez’s  Last  Regulations. — School  for  Sailors. — Unwise  Or- 
ders Concerning  the  Soldiers  and  the  Price  of  Mission 
Products. — Palou  Removes  to  Loreto. — Governor  Armona. — 
Epidemic  in  the  South. — Fr.  Moran  a Victim. — Folly  of 
Transplanting  Indians. — Galvez’s  .'^nger. — He  Remembers 
the  Missions. — Shabby  Treatment. — Fr.  Palou  Defends  In- 
dian Rights. — He  Reports  to  Mexico. — Fr.  Ramos  Goes  to 
Mexico. — Armona  Retires 366 

' CHAPTER  VIII. 

Fr.  Basterra’s  Memorial. — Its  Fifteen  Petitions. — Fr.  Lasuen’s 
Report. — The  New  Governor. — Fr.  Rioboo  Goes  South. — 
Three  Letters  from  the  Viceroy. — Articles  Sent  to  the  Five 
Missions  ..........  379 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Governor  Felipe  Barri. — New  Missions. — The  College  Cedes 
the  Sierra  Gorda  Missions. — The  Archbishop’s  Letter. — 
New  Missionaries. — Hardships. — Worst  Grievance  of  the 
Fathers. — Lack  of  Guards. — Distribution  of  the  Mission- 
aries.— Indian  Treachery  and  Arrogance. — An  Unreasoning 
Governor. — The  Guaicuros  Turbulent. — A Wily  Indian. — 
Complains  to  the  Governor. — Palou’s  Efforts  for  Peace. — His 
Fearless  Stand.  .........  392 


Contents 


xiii 


CHAPTER  X. 

Page 

Fr.  Juan  Escudero  Takes  Palou's  Complaints  to  Mexico. — 
Palou  Surrenders  Mission  Todos  Santos  to  the  Governor. — 
Proposals. — Barri’s  Refusal. — Memorial  to  the  College. — 
Favorable  Reply  of  the  Viceroy. — Rage  of  the  Governor. — 

His  “Exhorto.” — Palou's  Fearless  Reply. — Low  Scheme  of 
the  Governor. — The  Dominicans. — Palou’s  Energetic  Ac- 
tion.— Barri  Baffled.  ........  408 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Request  for  a Report  on  all  the  Missions. — San  Jose  del 
,Cabo. — Santiago  de  los  Coras. — Todos  Santos. — Santa  Ana. — 

San  Francisco  Xavier. — Mission  and  Presidio  of  Loreto. — 
Purisima  Concepcion. — Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe.  . 420 

CHAPTER  XII. 

(Continued.) 

Mission  Santa  Rosalia. — San  Ignacio. — Santa  Gertrudis. — San 
Francisco  de  Borja. — Santa  Maria  de  los  Angeles. — More 
Missionaries  Needed. — Recommendations  ....  438 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Mission  San  Fernando  de  Velicata. — More  Soldiers  Wanted. — 
Armona  and  Barri. — Pearl-fishing. — Poverty  of  the  Indians. — 

The  Pious  Fund  Donations. — How  They  Were  Invested.  . 450 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Dominican  Efforts  to  Reach  California. — Objections  of  the 
Franciscans,  the  Viceroy,  and  Don  Jose  de  Galvez. — Galvez’s 
Statement. — The  Viceroy’s  Adverse  Report. — The  Domini- 
cans Succeed. — The  Franciscans  Cede  the  Whole  Territory. — 
Copy  of  the  Agreement. — Approval  of  the  Viceroy. — Direc- 
tions.— Letter  of  the  Viceroy. — The  Franciscans  Go  North. — 
Donations.  ..........  460 


CHAPTER  XV. 

The  Franciscans  Rejoice. — Fr.  Junipero  Serra’s  Letter. — Fath- 
ers Going  North. — The  Dominicans  Arrive. — One  of  them 
Dies. — Fathers  Retiring. — Drowning  of  the  Dominican  Su- 
perior.— The  New  Superior. — Barri  Makes  Charges  Against 
the  Franciscans. — -Palou  Delivers  Mission  Documents. — 
More  Dominicans  Arrive. — Palou  Formally  Transfers  Mis- 
sion Loreto. — .Agreement  Between  Dominicans  and  Fran- 
ciscans.— Barri’s  Animosity. — Fails  to  Enlist  the  Domini- 
cans.— Strange  Conduct  of  Fr.  Mora.  ....  472 


XIV 


Contents 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Page 

Fr.  Palou  Begins  Journey  to  the  North. — Death  of  Two 
Franciscans. — Palou  at  Santa  Rosalia. — Strange  Action  of  the 
Dominican  Presiclente. — San  Francisco  de  Borja. — Santa 
Maria. — Mission  San  Fernando. — The  San  Carlos  Disabled. — 
Palou  Hastens  Northward. — Division  Line  Between  the  Ter- 
ritory of  the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans. — A Hearty  Te 
Deum. — Palou  Arrives  at  San  Diego. — Fr.  Campa’s  Difficul- 
ties.— Fr.  Cambon’s  Long  Term  of  Annoyances. — Palou’s 
Defense  of  his  College. — Decision  of  the  Viceroy  in  Favor 
of  the  Franciscans.  ........  486 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Fr.  Pal6u’s  Request. — Barri’s  Last  Chance  to  Annoy. — His  Ac- 
cusations.— Unworthy  Conduct  of  Fr.  Vincente  Mora. — Fr. 
Campa’s  Reply. — Fr.  Mora’s  Lame  Excuse. — Fr.  Serra  Com- 
municates the  Viceroy’s  Decision. — Letter  to  Fr.  Mora. — 

The  Governor’s  Retreat. — The  Dominicans  at  San  Fernan- 
do.— Embargoed  Goods  Released. — Fr.  Mora’s  Remarkable 
Letter  to  Fr.  Serra. — More  Delay. — Barri  Blames  Fr.  Mora. — 

The  Viceroy’s  Last  Orders. — List  of  Franciscans.  . . 499 

PART  IV. 

The  Dominican  Period. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Lack  of  Dominican  Material. — Governor  Barri’s  Removal. — 
Neve  Appointed. — His  Instructions. — Pay  of  the  Soldiery. — 
Royal  Declaration. — Neve  Meets  Difficulties. — Neve  Trans- 
ferred to  Monterey. — Rivera  Lieutenant-Governor  for  Lower 
California. — Rivera  Disputes  with  the  Dominicans. — He  is 
Transferred. — His  Death. — New  Reglamento. — Soldiers’ 

Pay. — Pedro  Pages  Made  Governor. — Arrillaga.  . . 513 

CHAPTER  II. 

New  Missions. — Mission  Rosario. — Mission  Santo  Domingo. — 
Mission  San  Vincente  Ferrer. — Neve’s  Meddling. — His  Crude 
Ideas. — Indians  Turbulent. — Rivera  Declines  Fr.  Mora’s  Re- 
quest.— The  Viceroy  Grants  Some  Petitions. — Smallpox 
Epidemic. — Fr.  Miguel  Hidalgo,  Presidente. — Disquieting 
Rumors. — Disasters. — Mission  San  Miguel. — Reports  of 
Pages  and  Hidalgo. — Fr.  Sales’s  Letters. — Arrival  and  De- 


Contents 


XV 


Page 

parture  of  Missionaries. — Mission  Santo  Tomas. — Fr.  Juan 
Crisostomo  Gomez,  Presidente. — Fr.  Caietano  Pallas,  Presi- 
dente  ...........  521 


CHAPTER  III. 

Mission  San  Pedro  Martir. — Missions  Santiago  and  Guadalupe 
Closed. — Governor  Borica. — Explorations. — Mission  Santa 
Catalina. — Fr.  Apolinario’s  Defense. — Arrival  and  Departure 
of  Missionaries. — Governor  Borica  Retires. — Change  of 
Presidente. — Mission  Reports  Demanded. — Formula  for  Re- 
porting.— The  Peninsula  Separated  from  the  Jurisdiction  of 
Monterey  ..........  534 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  California  Archives. — Reports  on  the  Missions  of  San  Jose 
del  Cabo,  Santiago  de  los  Coras,  Pueblo  of  Santa  Ana,  Todos 
Santos,  San  Francisco  Javier,  Loreto,  San  Jose  de  Comundii, 
Purisima  Concepcion,  Santa  Rosalia,  Guadalupe,  San  Ignacio, 
Santa  Gertrudis,  San  Francisco  de  Borja  ....  545 

CHAPTER  V. 

(Continued.) 

Missions  San  Fernando  de  Velicata,  Rosario,  Santo  Domingo, 

San  Vincente  Ferrer,  Santo  Tomas,  San  Pedro  Martir,  San 
Miguel,  Santa  Catalina  .......  555 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Lower  California  Neglected  by  the  Government. — Murder  of 
Two  Dominican  Missionaries. — Bancroft’s  Charges. — Death 
of  Some  Dominicans. — Arrival  of  Five  Franciscans. — The 
Peninsula  Escapes  the  Horrors  of  the  Hidalgo  Revolt,  but 
the  Missions  Suffer. — The  Missionaries  in  Some  of  the  Mis- 
sions.— Deaths  Among  the  Dominicans. — Indian  Troubles  563 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Petition  from  Lower  California. — Fr.  Sarria’s  Circular. — Action 
of  the  Franciscans. — Meager  Information. — Some  of  the 
Friars. — Chilean  Rebels  Plunder  Some  of  the  Missions  . 571 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Mexico  Independent. — Emperor  Iturbide. — Arrival  of  Govern- 
ment Agent. — His  Regulations. — Indians  Grow  Turbulent. — 
Ruin. — Appeal  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor  for  Aid. — Iturbide 
Forced  to  Abdicate. — He  is  Executed. — Mexico  a Republic  579 


XVI 


Contents 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Page 

Echeandia  First  Governor  Under  the  Republic. — Territorial 
Legislature. — The  Governor  An  Enemy  of  the  Mission  Sys- 
tem.— His  Regulations. — Unhappy  Natives. — Secularization. 

— Missionaries  Protest. — Echeandia  Goes  to  Monterey. — 
Padres  Lieutenant-Governor  and  Deputy  to  the  Mexican 
Congress. — Liberalism. — Quarrels. — Missions  Plundered  by 
Savages. — The  Last  Dominicans. — Fr.  Felix  Caballero. — The 
First  Bishop  of  California. — Result  of  Secularization. — Las- 
sepas  on  the  Pious  Fund.  .......  587 

CHAPTER  X. 

The  Vicissitudes  of  the  Pious  Fund. — Decision  of  the  Tribunal 
at  The  Hague. — List  of  Dominicans  in  Lower  California  . 595 


APPENDIX. 


A.  — The  First  Church  and  the  First  Holy  Mass  in  the  New 

World 

B.  — The  First  Vicar-Apostolic  in  the  New  World 

C.  — The  First  Bishop  of  Florida,  U.  S.  A. 

D.  — The  Right  of  the  Missionaries  to  be  Supported. 

E.  — Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe.  ...... 

F.  — Apostolic  Colleges  ........ 

G.  — Indian  Veracity.  ........ 

H.  — The  Power  Exercised  by  Spanish  Kings  Over  the  Church 
in  America  .......... 

I.  — Some  Indian  Language  Specimens  .... 

J.  — Hubert  Howe  Bancroft’s  Histories  .... 

K.  — The  Governors  of  Lower  California  .... 


601 

602 

604 

607 

609 

614 

618 

620 

621 

622 

624 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Page 

Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe Frontispiece 

Angel  Guiding  Ship  ........  2 

Don  Hernando  Cortes  ........  20 

The  Franciscans  Founding  Their  Mission  . . . . 37 

Spanish  Navio  ...  ......  46 

Coat  of  Arms  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  ....  60 

Rev.  Juan  Maria  Salvatierra,  S.  J.,  from  original  painting  in 
the  Museo  Nacional,  Mexico  ......  80 

Transporting  Supplies  Through  Mexico  and  California  . 133 

California  Indians  and  Spanish  Caballero  ....  152 

Emperor  Charles  V.  .......  . 160 

Martyrdom  of  Rev.  Lorenzo  Carranco,  S.  J.  . . . 219 

Martyrdom  of  Rev.  Nicolas  Tamaral,  S.  J.  . . . . 220 

Rev.  Fernando  Consag’s  Map  of  the  California  Gulf  . 240 

Coat  of  Arms  of  the  Franciscan  Order  ....  288 

Fac-simile  of  Fr.  Junipero  Serra’s  Signature  . . . 305 

Signature  of  Fr.  Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen,  O.  F.  M.  . 316 

Signature  of  Don  Joseph  de  Galvez  .....  328 

Fr.  Junipero  Serra,  O.  F.  M.,  from  original  painting  in  the 
College  of  San  Fernando,  Mexico  .....  361 

Signature  of  Fr.  Francisco  Palou,  O.  F.  M.  ...  375 

Map  of  the  Indian  Tribes  of  Mexico  and  Lower  California  393 
Signature  of  Don  Felipe  Barri  ......  397 

Signature  of  Viceroy  Antonio  Maria  Bucareli  y Ursua  . 415 

Signature  of  Fr.  Rafael  Verger,  O.  F.  M.  . . . . 421 

Signature  of  Don  Fernando  Rivera  y Moncada  . . . 478 

Fr.  Francisco  Palou,  O.  F.  M.,  from  original  painting  in  the 
Museo  Nacional,  Mexico  ......  480 

Signature  of  Fr.  Miguel  Hidalgo,  O.  P.  . . . . . 504 

Coat  of  Arms  of  the  Dominican  Order  ....  512 

Signature  of  Don  Felipe  de  Neve  .....  514 

Signature  of  Don  Theodoro  de  Croix  .....  524 

Signature  of  Don  Jose  Joaquin  de  Arrillaga  . . . 527 

Signature  of  Don  Pedro  Pages  ......  530 

, Signature  of  Fr.  Caietano  Pallas,  O.  P.  . . . . 532 

Signature  of  Don  Diego  de  Borica  .....  537 

Signature  of  Fr.  Vincente  Belda,  O.  P.  . . . . 540 

Signature  of  Fr.  Pablo  Maria  de  Zarate,  O.  P.  . . . 546 


xviii  Illustrations 

Page 

Signature  of  Fr.  Rafael  Arvina,  O.  P.  ....  551 

Signature  of  Fr.  Miguel  Gallego,  O.  P.  . . . . 558 

Signature  of  Fr.  Ramon  Lopez,  O.  P.  . . . . 565 

Signature  of  Rt.  Rev.  Francisco  Rouset  de  Jesus  . . 567 

Signature  of  Fr.  Jose  Martin,  O.  P.  . . . . . 571 

Signature  of  Fr.  Roque  Varela,  O.  P.  . . . . 576 

Signature  of  Fr.  Pedro  Gonzalez,  O.  P.  . . . . 577 

Signature  of  Fr.  Felix  Caballero,  O.  P.  . . . 592 

Rev.  Miguel  Venegas’s  Map  of  California,  the  Gulf,  and  the 
Pimerias  ........  End  of  Book 


ORIGINAL  AUTHORITIES 

Used  in  Compiling  This  Volume. 

Acta  Ordinis  Fratrum  Minorum,  Quarachi,  Italy. 

Alegre,  Francisco  Xavier,  S.  J.,  “Historia  de  la  Compania  de 
Jesus,”  3 vols.,  Mexico— 1842. 

Annual  Report,  Fourteenth,  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

Archives  of  the  Archbishop  of  San  Francisco,  vol.  i.  These 
Archives  consist  of  2560  letters  and  other  documents  bound  in 
8 volumes. 

Archives,  California.  The  volumes  on  the  Missions,  United  States 
Land  Office,  San  Francisco.  See  page  545  this  volume. 

Archives,  Santa  Barbara.  They  consist  of  about  2000  Spanish 
manuscripts.  Old  Mission,  Santa  Barbara,  California. 

Arricivita,  Fr.  Juan  Domingo,  O.  F.  M.,  “Cronica  Serafica  y Apos- 
tolica,”  Mexico — 1792. 

Baegert,  Jacob,  S.  J.,  ‘‘Nachrichten  von  der  Kalifornischen  Halb- 
insel,”  Mannheim — 1772. 

Bancroft,  Hubert  Howe,  “History  of  Texas  and  the  North  Mexi- 
can States,”  2 vols.,  San  Francisco,  Cal. — 1890. 

Bancroft,  Hubert  Howe,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  San  Fran- 
cisco— 1886. 

Bancroft,  Hubert  Howe,  “History  of  Mexico,”  vols.  ii  & iii,  San 
Francisco — 1890. 

Beaumont,  Fr.  Pablo,  O.  F.  M.,  “Cronica  de  la  Provincia  de 
Michoacan,”  tom.  iii,  Mexico — 1874. 

Barcia,  Andres,  G.,  (Cardenas  y Cano,  Gabriel  de),  “Ensayo  Crono- 
logico,”  Madrid — 1723. 

Benavides,  Alonso,  “Memorial,”  Latin  in  “Acta  Ordinis  Minorum,” 
Quarachi,  Italy;  English  in  “Land  of  Sunshine,”  Los  Angeles — 
1900-1901. 

Boletin  de  la  Academia  de  la  Historia,  Madrid — 1891  & 1892. 

“Cartas  Edificantes  y Curiosas  de  las  Misiones  Estrangeras,”  vol. 
iii,  Madrid — 1753.  (Reports  on  the  Jesuit  Missions  Everywhere.) 

Clavijero,  Francisco  Xavier,  S.  J.,  “Historia  de  la  Antigua  O Baja 
California,”  Mejico — 1852. 

Coll,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  F.  M.,  “Colon  y La  Rabida,”  Madrid— 1892. 

Coues,  Elliott,  “On  the  Trail  of  a Spanish  Pioneer,”  2 vols..  New 
York— 1900. 

Diaz,  Bernal,  “Historia  Verdadera  de  la  Conqufsta  de  la  Nueva 
Espaha,”  Madrid — 1632;  English  Translation,  London — 1844. 


XX  Original  Authorities 

Espinoza,  Isidro  Felix,  O.  F.  M.,  “Cronica  Apostolica  y Serafica,” 
Mexico — 1746. 

Espinoza,  Isidro  Felix,  O.  F.  M.,  “Cronica  de  la  Provincia  Fran- 
ciscana  de  Michoacan,”  edited  by  Dr.  Nicolas  Leon,  Mexico — 
1899. 

Forbes,  Alexander,  “California,”  London — 1839. 

Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States,  United  States  vs.  Mexico, 
Appendix  II,  Washington — 1902. 

Gonzaga,  Fr.  Franciscus,  O.  F.  M.,  “De  Origine  Seraphicae  Re- 
ligionis  Franciscanae,”  Pars  Quarta,  Romae — 1587. 

Greenhow,  Robert,  “History  of  Oregon  and  California,”  Boston — 
1847. 

Harold,  Fr.  Francis,  O.  F.  M.,  “Epitome  Annalium  Ordinis  Min- 
orum,”  2 vols.,  Rome — 1662. 

Hittell,  Theodore,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  San  Francisco- 
1885. 

Herrera,  Antonio,  “Historia  General,”  vol.  ii,  Madrid — 1601. 

Icazbalceta,  Joaquin  Garcia,  “Don  Fray  Juan  de  Zumarraga,” 
Mexico — 1881. 

Icazbalceta,  Joaquin  Garcia,  “Codice  Franciscano,”  Mexico— 1889. 

Magliano,  Fr.  Pamfilo,  O.  F.  M.,  “St.  Francis  and  the  Franciscans,” 
New  York— 1867. 

Mendieta,  Fr.  Geronimo,  de,  O.  F.  M.,  “Historia  Eclesiastica  In- 
diana,” Mexico — 1870. 

Mota-Padilla,  Matias  de  la,  "Historia  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Nueva 
Galicia,”  Mexico — 1870. 

Ortega,  Jose,  S.  J.,  “Afanes  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus,”  or  “Historia 
del  Nayarit,”  Barcelona — 1754. 

Out  West,  “The  Diary  of  Fr.  Junipero  Serra,”  edited  by  C.  F. 
Lummis,  Los  Angeles — 1902. 

Pal6u,  Fr.  Francisco,  O.  F.  M.,  “Relacion  Historica  de  la  Vida  del 
Ven.  Padre  Fray  Junipero  Serra,”  Mexico — 1787. 

Palou,  Francisco,  O.  F.  M.,  “Noticias  de  la  Nueva  California,”  4 
vols.  (Doyle  edition),  San  Francisco — 1874. 

Parras,  Fr.  Pedro  Joseph,  O.  F.  M.,  “Gobierno  de  los  Regulares,” 
2 vols.,  Madrid — 1783. 

Pattie,  James  O.,  “Personal  Narrative,”  edited  by  Reuben  Gold 
Thwaites,  Cleveland,  Ohio — 1905. 

Pimentel,  Francisco,  “Obras  Completas,”  vols.  i-iii,  Mexico — 1903- 
1904. 

Reports  of  Explorations  and  Surveys,  (Pacific  Railroad  Reports), 
vol.  iii,  Washington — 1856. 

Robinson,  Fr.  Paschal,  O.  F.  M.,  “The  Writings  of  St.  Francis 

of  Assisi,”  Philadelphia — 1906. 


Original  Authorities 


XXI 


Shea,  John  Gilmary,  “History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  United 
States,”  vol.  i.  New  York — 1886. 

Shea,  John  Gilmary,  “The  History  of  the  Catholic  Missions,”  New 
York— 1854. 

Solorzano  y Percyra,  Juan,  “Politica  Indiana,”  vol.  i,  Madrid — 1776. 

Sutro  Collection  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Southern  California, 
vol.  ii,  Los  Angeles — 1891. 

Tello,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  F.  M.,  “Cronica  Miscelanea  de  la  Provincia 
de  Xalisco,”  Libro  Segundo,  Guadalajara — 1891. 

Torquemada,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  F.  M.,  “Monarquia  Indiana,”  vol.  i, 
Madrid— 1723. 

Vega,  Garcilaso  de,  “La  Florida,”  Madrid — 1723. 

Venegas,  Miguel,  S.  J.,  “Noticia  de  la  California,”  3 vols.,  Mad- 
rid—1757. 

Vetancurt,  Fr.  Augustin  de,  O.  F.  M.,  “Cronica  de  la  Provincia 
del  Santo  Evangelio,”  Mexico — 1697. 

Vetancurt,  Fr.  Augustin  de,  O.  F.  M.,  “Menologio  Franciscano,” 
Mexico — 1697. 

Wadding,  Fr.  Luke,  O.  F.  M.,  “Annales  Minorum,  seu  Trium  Or- 
dinum  a S.  Francisco  Institutorum,”  Lyons — 1625-1654.  Rome — 
1731-1745. 


The  following  authorities  are  also  quoted: 

Analecta  Franciscana,  vol.  iii,  Quarachi,  Italy. 

Bancroft,  George,  “History  of  the  United  States,”  vol.  ii,  Bos- 
ton— 1854. 

Bancroft,  H.  H.,  “History  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,”  San 
Francisco — 1889. 

Bancroft,  H.  H.,  “History  of  Central  .America,”  vol.  i,  San  Fran- 
cisco— 1890. 

Bancroft,  H.  H.,  “The  Native  Races,”  vol.  i.  New  York — 1874. 

Baraga,  Rt.  Rev.  Frederic,  “Grammar  of  the  Otchipwe  Language,” 
Detroit — 1850. 

Bartlett,  John  Russell,  “Personal  Narrative,”  vol.  ii.  New  York — 
1854. 

Catholic  Encyclopedia,  vol.  ii.  New  York — 1908. 

Clinch,  Bryan,  “California  and  Its  Missions,”  vol.  i,  San  Fran- 
cisco— 1904. 

Constitucion  y Leyes  Municipales  de  la  Provincia  del  Santo  Evan- 
gelio, (Mss.),  Mexico — 1667. 

Engelhardt,  Fr.  Zephyrin,  O.  F.  M.,  “The  Franciscans  in  Arizona,” 
Harbor  Springs,  Michigan — 1899. 

Escriche,  Joaquin,  “Diccionario  de  Legislacion  y Jurisprudencia,” 
Madrid— 1873. 


XXll 


Original  Authorities 


Lassepas,  Ulixes  Urbano,  “Historia  de  la  Colonizacion  de  la  Baja 
California,”  Mexico — 1859. 

Lowery,  Woodbury,  “The  Spanish  Settlements  in  the  United 
States,”  vol.  i.  New  York — 1901. 

Lummis,  Charles  F.,  “The  Spanish  Pioneers,”  Chicago — 1893. 

North,  Arthur  Walbridge,  in  “Sunset  Magazine,”  San  Francisco — 
1906-1907. 

North,  Arthur  Walbridge,  “The  Mother  of  California,”  New  York 
—1908. 

Quarterly  of  the  Oregon  Historical  Society,  vol.  iv,  no.  iv,  Port- 
land, Oregon — 1903. 

Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association,  vol.  viii,  no. 
i,  Austin,  Texas — 1904. 

Salpointe,  Most  Rev.  J.  B.,  “Soldiers  of  the  Cross,”  Banning, 
Cal.— 1898. 

Shea,  John  Gilmary,  in  “The  American  Catholic  Quarterly  Re- 
view,” vol.  iv,  Philadelphia,  Penn. 

Thaddeus,  Fr.,  O.  F.  M.,  “The  Franciscans  in  England,”  London — 
1898. 

Villa-Sefior  y Sanchez,  Jose  Antonio,  Teatro  Americano,  Mexico — 
1646. 


PART  I. 


EARLY  VOYAGES  AND  DISCOVERIES. 


CHAPTER  I. 


INTRODUCTORY. 

Origin  of  Missions. — St.  Francis  of  Assisi. — The  Franciscan  Order 
a Missionary  Institute. — Franciscans  the  First  Missionaries  in 
America. — Their  Efforts  in  the  West  Indies,  Central  and  South 
America,  Mexico,  Florida,  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  Texas,  Can- 
ada, Maryland. — Their  Numerous  Martyrs. 

# 

Missions  for  the  conversion  of  pagan  nations  began 
with  the  advent  of  Christianity.  They  are  the  result 
of  Christ’s  command  to  His  Apostles,  “Go  ye  into  the  whole 
world  and  teach  all  nations  and  teach  them  to  observe  what- 
soever I have  told  you.”  These  first  missionaries  have  passed 
away,  but  the  Church  founded  upon  the  Apostles  continued 
the  work  of  gathering  tribes  and  nations  into  the  fold  of 
Christ.  Her  messengers  have  at  all  times  made  their  way 
to  the  most  distant  parts  of  the  earth,  in  order  to  establish 
missionary  stations  where  all  might  learn  the  truths  of  salva- 
tion. 

From  the  time  of  St.  Benedict,  the  patriarch  of  the  monks 
in  the  West,  the  Church  discharged  her  duty  of  converting 
infidel  peoples  mainly  through  religious  Orders  whose  mem- 
bers devote  themselves  to  missionary  work.  To  this  class 
of  zealous  men  belong  the  Franciscans,  Dominicans,  Augus- 
tinians,  and  Jesuits,  who  in  the  order  named  undertook  the 
Christianization  of  the  natives  in  the  New  World. 

The  Franciscan  Order,  which  was  the  first  in  the  field,  was 
founded  by  Francis,  the  son  of  the  Assisian  merchant  Peter 
Bernardone.  At  the  age  of  twenty-four  years  young  Bernar- 
done  began  to  devote  himself  to  the  exercises  of  piety,  to  the 
contemplation  of  the  Life,  Passion,  and  Death  of  his  Divine 
Savior,  and  to  weeping  for  his  own  sins,  although,  as  his 
biographers  declare,  Francis  never  committed  grievous  sin.  . 
Others,  young  and  old,  learned  and  unlearned,  wealthy  and 
poor,  laymen  and  ecclesiastics,  attracted  by  the  wonderful  ex- 
ample of  the  youthful  penitent,  and  moved  by  the  same  irre- 
sistible, yet  sweet,  supernatural  force  which  had  changed  the 


4 Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

son  of  the  wealthy  Peter  Bernardone,  attached  themselves  to 
the  “Poor  Little  One  of  Assisi,”  as  Francis  chose  to  call  him- 
self, with  the  request  that  he  direct  them  on  the  path  of 
Christian  perfection. 

Francis  saw  that  his  youthful  dreams  were  to  be  realized 
after  all,  though  in  a manner  quite  different  from  what  he 
had  fancied  in  the  days  of  his  worldly  ambition.  He  was, 
indeed,  to  be  the  leader  of  a great  army,  but  the  foes  should 
be  the  enemies  of  immortal  souls  rather  than  the  petty  oppo- 
nents of  his  native  city ; the  weapons  should  be  the  preaching  of 
the  Word  of  God ; and  the  commissary  or  quartermaster,  none 
other  than  “My  Lady  Poverty.”  Guided  by  the  light  from 
above,  meditation  on  the  Life  and  Death  of  the  Divine  Master 
convinced  him  that  it  was  better  to  pray  and  labor  for  the 
conversion  of  sinners  than  merely  to  weep  for  their  sins ; 
and  that  he  and  his  disciples,  at  all  events,  were  chosen  to 
preach  the  Gospel.  Hence  it  was  that,  instead  of  becoming 
a contemplative  institution,  the  Order  of  Friars  Minor  was 
founded  as  a distinctively  missionary  brotherhood  of  which 
the  founder  himself  was  the  first  missionary. 

The  Rule  composed  by  the  Saint  makes  it  evident  that  he 
considered  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  subject  to  the  author- 
ities in  the  Church,  the  principal  object  of  his  institute.  After 
giving  directions  concerning  their  mode  of  life  and  the  various 
offices  of  the  Order,  Francis  sets  forth  the  main  outward  occu- 
pation of  the  friars  in  the  following  manner:  “The  friars 

must  not  preach  in  the  diocese  of  any  bishop  when  their 
doing  so  may  be  opposed  by  him.  And  let  no  one  of  the 
friars  dare  to  preach  in  any  way  to  the  people,  unless  he  has 
been  examined  and  approved  by  the  Minister-General  of  this 
brotherhood,  and  the  office  of  preaching  conceded  to  him  by 
the  latter.  I also  warn  and  exhort  the  same  brethren  that  in 
the  preaching  they  do,  their  words  be  well  considered  and 
simple,  for  the  benefit  and  edification  of  the  people,  announc- 
ing to  them  vices  and  virtues,  punishment  and  glory,  with 
brevity  of  speech,  because  the  Lord  made  His  word  short 
upon  earth.”  ^ 


1 Rule  of  St.  Francis,  Chapter  IX. 


The  Franciscans  in  America 


5 


The  holy  founder,  we  see,  makes  preaching  dependent  on 
the  consent  of  the  respective  bishop,  which  shows  that  the 
Seraph  of  Assisi  was  thoroughly  Catholic,  and,  therefore, 
imbued  with  profound  reverence  for  the  divinely  instituted 
authority  of  the  Church.  Devotion  to  the  Church  of  Christ, 
especially  for  her  Supreme  Visible  Head,  was  indeed  char- 
acteristic of  the  founder  of  the  Franciscan  Order.  Hence  it 
is  not  surprising  that  he  should  begin  the  Rule,'  which  his 
sons  still  vow  to  observe,  with  these  words:  “Brother  Francis 
promises  obedience  and  reverence  to  the  Lord  Pope  Honorius 
and  his  successors  canonically  elected,  and  to  the  Roman 
Church.”  He  likewise  closes  the  Rule  with  this  declaration: 
“Moreover.*!  command  the  Ministers-General  under  obedience 
that  they  ask  of  the  Lord  Pope  one  of  the  Cardinals  of  the 
holy  Roman  Church  to  be  governor,  protector,  and  corrector 
of  this  brotherhood,  so  that,  being  always  subject  and  sub- 
missive at  the  feet  of  the  same  holy  Church,  grounded  in 
the  Catholic  Faith,  we  may  observe  poverty  and  humility  and 
the  holy  Gospel  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  which  we  have 
firmly  promised.”  ^ 

Lest  his  brethren  imagine  that  they  were  to  confine  their 
preaching  to  people  already  civilized  and  Christianized,  St. 
Francis  begins  the  last  chapter  of  his  Rule  with  these  unmis- 
takable words:  “If  any  one  of  the  friars  by  divine  inspira- 

tion desires  to  go  among  the  Saracens  or  other  infidels,  he 
shall  ask  permission  therefor  from  his  minister-provincial ; 
but  the  ministers  shall  give  permission  to  those  only  whom 
they  deem  fit  to  be  sent.”  ^ The  zealous  patriarch  himself 
regarded  missions  among  heathen  people  so  important  and 
so  pleasing  to  God,  that  he  resolved  to  be  the  first  to  devote 
himself  to  that  work. 

With  this  end  in  view,  Francis  embarked  for  the  land  hal- 
lowed by  the  footsteps  and  Blood  of  his  Divine  Master,  in 
order  to  preach  Christ  to  the  Mahomedans  in  Palestine,  then 


2 Rule  of  St.  Francis,  Chapter  XII. 

3 Rule  of  St.  Francis,  Chapter  XII. 


6 Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


as  now  controlled  by  the  partisans  of  Mahomed.  Contrary 
winds,  however,  forced  the  vessel  back  to  Italy,  and  frustrated 
his  first  attempt  at  a foreign  mission.  He  then  set  out  for 
Morocco ; but  he  had  scarcely  arrived  in  Spain,  when  he  was 
recalled  to  settle  important  business  in  connection  with  his 
Order.  These  efforts,  though  ending  in  failure,  plainly  show 
the  bent  of  the  holy  founder’s  mind.  Nor  would  he  abandon 
his  plans  for  the  conversion  of  unbelievers.  At  the  second 
general  chapter,  held  at  Assisi  in  1219,  the  friars  under  his 
direction  took  systematic  action  to  organize  missionary  bands 
and  to  include  the  whole  world  in  the  range  of  their  evangel- 
ical activity. 

Lest  their  authority  to  preach  be  disputed,  and  to  prove 
their  filial  regard  for  the  Holy  See,  without  whose  approba- 
tion Francis  and  his  disciples  would  not  presume  to  speak 
as  missionaries,  they  petitioned  Pope  Honorius  HI.  for  letters 
of  approval.  The  Pope  readily  granted  the  prayer,  and  issued 
the  following  Apostolic  Letter  which  the  friars  might  offer 
in  evidence  whithersoever  they  went : 

“Honorius,  Bishop,  Servant  of  the  Servants  of  God,  to  the 
Archbishops,  Bishops,  Abbots,  Deans,  Archdeacons,  and  other 
Ecclesiastical  Superiors,  Health  and  Apostolic  Benediction. 

“As  Our  beloved  sons.  Brother  Francis  and  his  companions, 
have  renounced  the  vanities  of  the  world,  and  have  embraced 
a form  of  life  which  the  Roman  Church  has  approved,  and, 
following  the  example  of  the  Apostles,  desire  to  preach  the 
Word  of  God  throughout  the  world.  We  beseech  and  exhort 
you  in  the  Lord,  and  command  you  by  these  Apostolic  Let- 
ters, to  receive  as  Catholic  and  faithful  the  Brothers  of  this 
Order,  who,  bearing  these  Letters,  shall  present  themselves 
to  you.  Show  yourselves  favorable  to  them  with  all  kind- 
ness for  the  honor  of  God  and  out  of  regard  for  Us.  Given. . . 
the  11th  of  June,  in  the  third  year  of  Our  Pontificate.’’^ 


4 “Honorius,  Episcopus,  Servus  Servorum  Dei,  Ven.  Archiepisco- 
pis,  et  Episcopis,  ac  Dilectis  Filiis  Abbatibus,  Decanis,  Archidiaco- 
nis,  et  aliis  Ecclesiarum  Praelatis,  Salutem  et  Apostolicam  Bene- 
dictionem. — Cum  dilecti  filii.  Prater  Franciscus  et  Socii  ejus  de  vita 


The  Franciscans  in  America 


7 


Francis  in  his  simplicity  added  a message  of  his  own  be- 
ginning thus:  “To  all  those  in  authority,  to  Consuls,  Judges, 

and  Governors  in  whatever  part  of  the  world,  and  to  all  oth- 
ers to  whom  this  letter  may  come,  Brother  Francis,  your  little 
contemptible  servant,  wishes  health  and  peace.”  ® 

Equipped  >with  the  approbation  of  the  Holy  See  and  the 
blessing  of  their  beloved  founder,  the  friars  set  out  barefooted 
for  their  laborious  task,  having  “no  scrip,  no  bread,  nor  money 
in  their  purse,  but  shod  with  sandals,”  ® like  the  Apostles  of 
old.  Brother  Benedict  of  Arezzo  with  a number  of  com- 
panions was  sent  to  Greece ; Brother  John  of  Parent  and  one 
hundred  brethren  were  directed  to  preach  in  Spain ; Brother 
Agnello  of  Pisa  and  others  were  ordered  to  England  with 
this  brief  mandate:  “I,  Brother  Francis  of  Assisi,  Minister- 

General,  command  you.  Brother  Agnello  of  Pisa,  in  virtue  of 
holy  obedience,  to  go  to  England  and  there  to  discharge  the 
office  of  minister-provincial.  Farewell.”  Other  friars  went 
elsewhere,  and  six  of  the  brethren  were  told  to  preach  Christ 
and  His  Gospel  to  the  Moors  of  Morocco.  Five  of  them 


et  religione  Minorum  Fratrum,  abjectis  vanitatibus  hujus  mundi, 
elegerint  vitae  viam  a Romana  Ecclesia  merito  approbatam;  ac 
serendo  semina  Verbi  Dei  Apostolorum  exemplo  diversas  circu- 
meant  mansiones;  Universitatem  Vestram  rogamus  et  hortamur 
in  Domino,  per  Apostolica  Vobis  scripta  mandantes,  quatenus 
latores  praesentium  de  praedictorum  Fratrum  Collegio  existentes, 
cum  ad  Vos  duxerint  declinandum,  ipsos  recipiatis  sicut  Catholicos 
et  Fideles;  alias  eis  ob  reverentiam  Divinam  et  Nostram  exhiben- 
tes  Vos  favorabiles  et  benignos.  Datum  . . . Ill  Idus  Junii,  Pon- 
tificatus  Nostri  Anno  Tertio.”  “Bullarium  Franciscanum,”  tom.  i, 
p.  2,  Romae  1759;  Wadding,  “Annales,”  tom.  i,  p.  301,  ad  annum 
1219;  “St.  Francis  and  the  Franciscans,”  152-153.  Honorius  became 
Pope  in  1216. 

5 See  the  letter  in  “The  Writings  of  St.  Francis”  by  Fr.  Paschal 
Robinson,  O.  F.  M.,  125-126. 

6 Mark,  vi,  8-9. 

’^“Ego  Frater  Franciscus  de  Assisio,  Minister  Generalis,  prae- 
cipio  tibi,  Fratri  Agnello  de  Pisa,  per  obedientiam,  ut  vadas  ad 
Angliam,  et  ibi  facias  officium  ministeriatus.  Vale.”  Wadding, 
“Annales,”  tom.  i,  303,  ad  annum  1219. 


8 Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


arrived  at  their  destination  only  to  suffer  a violent  death  at 
the  hands  of  the  fanatical  Sultan  in  1220,  and  thus  became 
the  proto-martyrs  of  the  Seraphic  Order.  * 

Francis  again  chose  the  Holy  Land.  With  one  companion, 
Brother  Illuminatus,  he  landed  in  Syria,  then  occupied  by 
the  Sultans  of  Damascus  and  of  Egypt.  Though  Meledin, 
the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  had  offered  a prize  for  the  head  of  a 
Christian,  Francis  boldly  approached  the  Mahomedan  head- 
quarters. To  the  amazement  of  his  court  Meledin  listened 
with  marked  attention  to  the  fervent  address  of  the  bare- 
footed stranger,  and  then  sent  him  back  unharmed  to  the 
camp  of  the  Christians.  Seeing  that  it  was  not  the  will  of 
God  that  he  should  suffer  martyrdom  for  Christ,  as  he  had 
hoped,  Francis  returned  to  Italy,  where  he  closed  his  won- 
derful career  on  October  4th,  1226,  at  the  age  of  forty-four 
years. 

The  Friars  Minor  have  ever  since  regarded  the  preaching 
of  the  Gospel  to  heathen  people  as  one  of  the  most  sacred 
legacies  bequeathed  by  their  holy  founder,  as  is  evident  from 
the  efforts  made  by  the  superiors  at  all  times  to  obtain  volun- 
teers for  the  missions  in  foreign  countries.  Referring  to  the 
Chinese  and  Turks,  for  instance,  the  official  organ  of  the 
Seraphic  Family,  the  Acta  Minorum,  in  February,  1903, 
authoritatively  declared,  “The  Very  Rev.  Fathers  Provincial 
must  needs  be  generous  and  well  disposed  in  presenting  mis- 
sionaries to  the  Most  Rev.  Father  General.  Those  acting 
contrariwise  may  greatly  fear  to  incur  the  severest  judgment 
from  the  Savior  of  the  world  for  having  impeded  the  conver- 
sion of  souls.  We  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  scope  of  our 
Order  is  not  restricted  to  the  well-being  of  believing  peoples, 
but  chiefly  consists  in  the  conversion  of  unbelievers.  Hence, 
to  put  obstacles  in  the  way  of  suitable  missionaries,  so  that 
they  may  not  follow  the  vocation  granted  them  by  God,  must 
be  considered  the  greatest  sin  against  the  Order,  against  the 


8 “Analecta  Franciscana,”  tom.  iii,  14;  “St.  Francis  and  the  Fran- 
ciscans,” 156-157,  174-181. 


The  Franciscans  in  America 


9 


Church,  and  even  against  God,  inasmuch  as  such  a vocation 
ought  rather  to  be  encouraged  and  assisted  by  every  means.”  ^ 

It  is  owing  to  this  ever  active  missionary  spirit  among  the 
Friars  Minor  that  millions  upon  millions  of  American  Indians 
have  obtained  the  Christian  faith.  The  children  of  St.  Francis 
were,  indeed,  the  principal  factors  in  the  very  discovery  of 
America,  inasmuch  as  the  persons  most  prominently  connected 
with  that  event  belonged  to  the  Seraphic  Family.  Fr.  Juan 
Perez  de  Marchena,  the  friend  and  counselor  of  Christopher 
Columbus,  was  the  guardian  or  superior  of  the  Franciscan 
monastery  at  La  Rabida;  Queen  Isabella  of  Spain  wore  the 
cord  and  scapular  as  a member  of  the  Third  Order  of  St. 
Francis ; and  the  great  navigator  likewise  belonged  to  the 
Third  Order.  Fr.  Juan  Perez  accompanied  his  illustrious 
friend  on  the  second  voyage,  and  landed  on  the  Island  of 
Hispaniola,  or  Hayti,  in  1493.  At  Port  Concepcion  he  built 
the  first  chapel  in  the  New  World  of  boughs,  and  there  on 
the  feast  of  the  Immaculate  Conception,  December  8th,  offered 
up  the  first  holy  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass,  and  in  the  name 
of  Jesus  Christ  blessed  the  land  in  whose  discovery  he  had 
taken  so  conspicuous  a part. 

Besides  Fr.  Perez,  a number  of  Franciscans,  Hieronymites, 
and  a few  secular  priests  under  their  apostolic  vicar.  Very 

9 “Quapropter  RR.  PP.  Provinciales  generosi  et  faciles  sint 
oportet  in  missionariis  Reverendissimo  P.  Generali  praesentandis; 
secus  facientes  districtissimum  Judicium  a Salvatore  mundi  ob  im- 
peditam  animarum  conversionem  subire  pertimescant.  Memores 
esse  debemus,  Ordinis  nostri  scopum  baud  restringi  ad  fidelium 
populorum  bonum,  sed  potissimum  consistere  in  conversione  in- 
fidelium.  Idoneis  igitur  missionariis  obstacula  movere,  quominus 
vocationem  a Deo  ipsis  datam  exequantur,  maximum  censendum 
est  peccatum  in  Ordinem,  in  Ecclesiam,  imo  et  in  Deum,  cum  tabs 
vocatio  deberet  foveri  omnibusque  mediis  juvari.” 

10  St.  Francis  founded  three  Orders  for  those  who  aspire  to  a 
more  perfect  observance  of  the  law  of  God.  The  First,  or  Fran- 
ciscan Order,  was  established  in  1208  for  men;  the  Second,  or 
Order  of  Poor  Clares,  in  1211  for  women;  and  the  Third,  or  Order 
of  Penance,  in  1220,  for  married  and  unmarried  men  and  women 
who  strive  after  perfection  without  leaving  their  homes. 

11  See  Appendix  A for  authorities. 


lo  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Rev.  Bernardo  Buil,  landed  at  Hispaniola.  The  secular  clergy 
attended  to  the  spiritual  wants  of  the  Spaniards,  whereas  the 
religious  devoted  themselves  to  the  conversion  of  the  natives. 
The  vicar  apostolic,  however,  returned  to  Spain  in  the  follow- 
ing year.  In  honor  of  St.  Francis,  Columbus  had  a mon- 
astery of  stone  erected  for  the  Franciscan  friars  at  a place 
around  which  in  the  course  of  time  arose  the  city  of  Santo 
Domingo.  This  was  the  first  convent  in  America,  and  Fr. 
Juan  Perez  was  appointed  the  first  guardian.  Another  mon- 
astery for  the  Friars  Minor  was  built  on  the  same  island  at 
La  Vega.  In  connection  with  both  houses  the  Fathers  con- 
ducted the  first  schools  for  boys. 

Upon  the  advice  of  Cardinal  Ximenes,  himself  a Franciscan, 
ten  additional  Franciscans  were  sent  to  Hispaniola  in  1502. 
They  brought  along  the  first  church  bells.  About  this  time 
the  friars  also  passed  over  to  Cuba  and,  with  the  assistance 
of  the  natives,  erected  the  first  convent  there.  It  was  dedi- 
cated in  honor  of  St.  James,  the  patron  of  Spain.  The  gen- 
eral chapter  of  the  Order,  held  in  1505,  only  thirteen  years 
after  the  discovery  of  San  Salvador,  organized  the  convents 
of  the  West  Indies  into  an  independent  province  under  the 
title  of  the  Holy  Cross.  It  was  the  first  of  its  kind  in  the 
Western  Hemisphere. 

Pope  Julius  II.,  on  November  15th,  1504,  provided  the 
Church  in  America  with  the  first  bishop  in  the  person  of  the 
Franciscan,  Fr.  Garcia  de  Padilla,  who,  at  the  request  of 
the  king,  was  appointed  for  the  See  of  Santo  Domingo.  The 


12  See  Appendix  B. 

12  Harold,  “Epitome  Annalium,”  ad  annum  1493,  no.  3;  Herrera, 
“Decada,”  i,  lib.  v,  cap.  xii;  “Colon  y La  Rabida,”  267.  See  Ap- 
pendix A. 

11  Harold,  ad  annum  1502,  nos.  4-5. 

15  Fr.  Torrubia,  O.  F.  M.,  “Cronica  Serafica,”  lib.  i,  cap.  xvi; 
Wadding,  ad  annum  1505;  Harold,  ad  annum  1505,  no.  18;  “Colon 
y La  Rabida,  267;  “Boletin,”  Madrid,  1892,  tom.  xx,  no.  iii,  287; 
Fr.  Franciscus  Gonzaga,  O.  F.  M.,  “De  Origine  Seraph.  Relig.,” 
pars  iv,  1197-1198. 


The  Franciscans  in  America  ii 

bishop-elect  received  consecration  in  May,  1512,  but  died  on 
November  12th,  1515,  before  he  could  leave  Spain. 

In  1511  twenty-three  Franciscans,  by  order  of  King  Ferdi- 
nand, were  sent  to  the  Island  of  Puerto  Rico,  or  San  Juan. 
Two  years  later  the  king  commanded  that  the  sons  of  native 
chiefs  should  be  placed  in  charge  of  these  friars  for  a term 
of  four  years  to  be  instructed  in  reading,  writing,  and  the 
Christian  religion.  These  boys  proved  so  clever  and  willing 
that  on  returning  to  their  homes  they  drew  many  thousand 
Indians  into  the  fold  of  Christianity. 

When  King  Ferdinand  learned  that  the  Spaniards  had  dis- 
covered and  occupied  the  mainland  of  America,  he  directed 
that  a number  of  Friars  Minor  under  the  leadership  of  Fr. 
Quevedo,  should  preach  to  the  natives  of  the  newly-acquired 
country.  At  the  request  of  the  king.  Pope  Leo  X.,  on  August 
28th,  1513,  appointed  Fr.  Juan  de  Quevedo  bishop  of  Darien, 
or  Santa  Maria  de  la  Antigua.  Bishop  Quevedo  and  his 
companions  sailed  from  the  port  of  San  Lucar,  Spain,  on 
April  12th,  1514,  and  arrived  at  their  destination  on  June 
30th.  18 

As  evidence  of  missionary  zeal  and  intrepidity  in  their  ranks, 
the  Franciscans  could  point  to  three  martrys  for  the  faith  as 
early  as  the  year  1516.  These  were  Fr.  Fernando  Salzedo, 
Fr.  Diego  Botello,  and  a lay-brother  whose  name  is  unknown. 
They  had  been  captured  by  the  cannibal  Caribs,  killed,  muti- 
lated, and  devoured  according  to  the  custom  of  these  sav- 
ages. 1® 

Hernando  Cortes  and  his  little  army  entered  Mexico  in 
1519.  A secular  priest,  Rev.  Juan  Diaz,  and  a priest  of  the 

16  Harold,  ad  annum  1504,  no.  3;  Mendieta,  “Hist.  Ecles.  Ind.,” 
lib.  i,  cap.  vi,  33;  “Boletin,”  Madrid,  1892,  no.  vi,  587-588,  600,  612- 
615. 

1'^  Harold,  ad  annum  1511,  no.  1;  ad  annum  1513,  no.  1;  Gonzaga, 
pars  iv,  1197-1198. 

16  Harold,  ad  annum  1514,  no.  1;  “Boletin,”  Madrid,  1892,  tom. 
XX,  602-603;  Bancroft,  “Hist.  Central  America,”  vol.  i,  390. 

19  Harold,  ad  annum  1516,  no.  10;  Mendieta,  “Hist.  Ecles.  Ind.,” 
lib.  i,  cap.  xiii,  41. 


12  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Order  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  Fr.  Bartolome  de  Olmedo,  accom- 
panied the  expedition  as  chaplains  of  the  troops.  When 
Cortes,  in  1521,  had  subdued  the  Mexicans,  he  entreated  the 
Pope  and  the  emperor  to  send  members  of  religious  Orders 
as  missionaries,  who  by  their  very  conduct  would  convince 
the  Indians  that  they  did  not  come  for  the  gold  of  the  natives, 
but  only  to  save  their  immortal  souls.  Emperor  Charles  V., 
accordingly,  appealed  to  various  Mendicant  Orders  for  vol- 
unteer preachers  of  the  Gospel.  The  Flemish  (Belgian) 
Franciscans,  in  1522,  sent  Fr.  Juan  de  Tecto,  guardian  of 
the  monastery  at  Ghent,  Fr.  Juan  de  Aora,  and  Brother  Pedro 
de  Mura,  better  known  as  Pedro  de  Gante.  These  three 
were  the  first  to  preach  Christianity  among  the  natives  of 
Mexico.  After  reaching  Tlaxcala  in  August,  1523,  they 
taught  the  divine  truths  with  such  effect  that  the  Indians  in 
large  numbers  applied  for  baptism. 

The  work  of  conversion  on  a grand  scale  began  with  the 
arrival  of  the  so-called  “Twelve  Apostles,”  who,  under  the 
leadership  of  Fr.  Martin  de  Valencia,  came  to  Mexico  in 
May,  1524.  Soon  after  reaching  the  capital,  Fr.  Martin,  who 
was  clothed  with  the  authority  of  a vicar-apostolic,  con- 
voked the  first  ecclesiastical  council  in  the  New  World. 
The  sessions  began  on  July  2d,  1524.  Nineteen  Franciscans, 

20  Mendicant  Orders  are  those  that  have  no  fixed  income,  but 
live  on  the  voluntary  alms  of  the  faithful.  The  most  prominent 
are  the  Augustinians,  Capuchins,  Barefooted  Carmelites,  Domini- 
cans, and  Franciscans.  Their  members  are  known  as  “friars.” 
Whether  priests  or  lay-brothers,  they  usually  prefix  the  initials 
“Fr.,”  the  abbreviation  for  “friar,”  to  their  names.  “Fr.”  before  a 
name  in  this  work  invariably  stands  for  “Fray”  or  “Friar,”  but  may 
be  read  “Father,”  the  common  term  for  priest;  lay-brothers  will 
be  designated  as  such.  Secular  priests,  or  priests  of  non-Mendicant 
Orders,  will  be  designated  by  the  terms  “Father”  or  “Reverend.” 

21  Bernal  Diaz,  “Verdadera  Historia,”  capp.  xxiv,  xxvii,  xxxvi; 
Harold,  ad  annum  1522,  nos.  1-2;  Mendieta,  lib.  iii,  cap.  iv,  187. 
The  pulpit,  made  of  one  block  of  stone,  from  which  the  friars  are 
said  to  have  preached,  is  still  to  be  seen  in  the  Franciscan  church 
at  Tlaxcala.  It  bears  the  following  inscription  copied  by  the 
writer  on  Sept.  3d,  1905:  “Primer  Pulpito  de  Nueva  Espana.  Aqui 
tubo  principio  el  Santo  Evangelio  en  este  Nuevo  Mundo.” 


The  Franciscans  in  America 


13 


five  secular  priests,  six  secular  doctors  of  canon  law,  and  Her- 
nando Cortes  took  part  in  ^ the  deliberations.  On  the  same 
occasion  the  first  Franciscan  custody  on  the  mainland  was 
organized  under  the  title  of  Santo  Evangelio,  or  Holy  Gospel, 
and  Fr.  Martin  was  elected  first  custos. 

The  first  aim  of  the  friars  was  to  gather  the  boys  into 
schools  connected  with  the  various  convents,  and  then  to  teach 
their  pupils  reading,  writing,  and  singing.  Often  as  many 
as  six  or  eight  hundred  children  received  an  elementary  educa- 
tion under  the  same  roof.  Marvelous,  too,  were  the  results 
of  their  labors  among  the  grown  people.  Brother  Gante  re- 
ported that  with  one  companion  he  frequently  baptized  eight 
thousand,  sometimes  ten  thousand,  and  even  fourteen  thou- 
sand persons  in  one  day.  Solorzano,  according  to  Harold, 
declares  that  “there  was  not  one  of  Fr.  Martin’s  brethren 
who  down  to  1531  had  not  baptized  as  many  as  one  hundred 
thousand  people.”  So  deep  was  the  impression  made  by  these 
friars  that  the  arrival  of  the  Franciscans  under  Fr.  Martin 
de  Valencia  became  the  starting-point  in  the  chronology  of 
the  natives  under  the  term  of  “the  year  when  the  faith 
came.” 

In  1527  Mexico  was  made  a diocese.  Fr.  Juan  de  Zumar- 
raga  of  the  Franciscan  Order,  whom  Charles  V.  had  nomi- 
nated on  December  12th,  1527,  was  appointed  first  bishop 
by  Pope  Adrian  VI.  The  general  chapter  of  the  Order,  held 
at  Nice  in  1535,  elevated  the  Custody  of  the  Holy  Gospel  to 
the  rank  of  a province,  which  now  comprised  seventy  con- 
vents in  different  parts  of  Mexico.  Later  on  other  provinces 
and  several  apostolic  colleges,  or  Franciscan  seminaries,  were 


22  Harold,  ad  annum  1524,  nos.  5-6;  Gonzaga,  pars  iv,  1221.  A 
custody  is  a small  province.  The  head  of  a custody  is  called 
“custos”;  the  head  of  a province  bears  the  title  “provincial”;  the 
superior  of  a monastery  is  styled  “guardian”;  “presidente”  in  Span- 
ish countries  is  the  superior  of  a small  convent  or  hospice.  The 
superior  of  all  the  Franciscans  in  California  was  also  called  “presi- 
dente,” which  is  equivalent  to  “commissary.” 

23  Harold,  ad  annum  1524,  ut  supra;  Bancroft,  “Hist.  Mexico,” 
vol.  i,  171. 


14  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

established,  whence  zealous  missionaries  set  out  to  convert 
the  natives  in  the  countries  to  the  north  and  northwest,  notably 
in  Florida,  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  Texas,  and  the  Californias. 

Meanwhile  the  Friars  Minor  accompanied  the  Spanish  con- 
querors into  Central  and  South  America  for  the  purpose  of 
communicating  the  divine  truths  and  protecting  the  natives 
against  the  rapacity  of  the  military.  The  intrepid  Fr.  Marcos 
de  Niza  with  some  of  his  brethren  entered  Peru  in  1532, 
along  with  Francisco  Pizarro.  In  the  course  of  time  nearly 
all  the  tribes  of  South  America  were  visited  and  permanent 
missions  established  in  their  respective  territories.  ^5 

In  the  vast  territory  comprising  the  United  States  Florida 
first  beheld  the  Franciscan  habit.  Five  Friars  Minor,  led  by 
their  commissary,  Fr.  Juan  Xuarez,  set  foot  on  the  eastern 
shore  with  Panfilo  de  Narvaez  on  April  4th,  1528.  Fr.  Xuarez 
came  as  bishop-elect  of  Florida  and  Rio  de  las  Palmas,  and 
therefore  enjoys  the  distinction  of  having  been  the  first  bishop 
of  a diocese  within  the  boundaries  of  the  United  States.  The 
whole  expedition  perished  on  the  coast  from  drowning  or 
starvation  or  at  the  hands  of  savage  Indians.  Only  four 
men  escaped  to  relate  their  privations  and  the  fate  of  their 
companions. 

The  Franciscans  again  appeared  in  Florida,  determined  to 
win  the  natives  for  Christ,  after  the  Dominicans  and  Jesuits 
had  abandoned  the  field.  They  succeeded  in  establishing  pros- 
perous missions  all  along  the  coast,  penetrated  the  interior  as 
far  west  as  the  Mississippi  River,  and  traversed  the  region 
to  the  north  as  far  as  Georgia,  though  with  heavy  sacrifices 
of  men  and  labor.  Fourteen  Friars  Minor  suffered  violent 
death  at  the  hands  of  the  Indians  in  return  for  their  efforts 
to  spread  the  Gospel.  Nevertheless,  missionary  stations  and 
missionary  laborers  grew  so  numerous  that  in  1612  they  were 
formed  into  a province,  along  with  the  convents  in  Cuba, 


24  Harold,  ad  annum  1527,  no.  5;  ad  annum  1535,  no.  7;  Icazbal- 
ceta,  “Fray  Juan  de  Zumarraga,”  p.  16;  Gonzaga,  1221-1226;  Men- 
dieta,  Torquemada,  Espinoza,  Vetancurt. 

25  Harold,  ad  annum  1532,  no.  2;  “Cronica  de  Xalisco,”  280-282; 
Gonzaga,  1311-1349. 


The  Franciscans  in  America  15 

under  the  title  of  “Provincia  de  Santa  Helena  de  Florida.” 
It  was  the  first  province  of  religious  in  the  United  States,  and 
antedates  the  coming  of  the  “Pilgrim  Fathers”  by  eight  years. 
In  1634  this  province  comprised  thirty-four  friars  who  main- 
tained forty-four  mission  stations,  where  they  controlled  about 
thirty  thousand  neophytes.  ^6 

The  territories  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  were  discov- 
ered by  the  Franciscan  Fr.  Marcos  de  Niza  in  1539,  some 
years  before  the  death  of  Martin  Luther,  sixty-eight  years 
before  any  English  colony  was  founded  in  the  Western  Hem- 
isphere, and  two  hundred  and  thirty-seven  years  before  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  Fr.  Marcos  is  the  same  that 
accompanied  Pizarro  to  Peru.  Three  years  later,  1542,  three 
Franciscans  were  martyred  in  New  Mexico  as  victims  of  their 
zeal  for  the  Christian  faith.  They  were  Fr.  Juan  de  Padilla, 
Fr.  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  and  Brother  Luis  de  Escalona.  Per- 
manent missions  were  established  in  both  territories  at  the 
end  of  the  sixteenth  century.  At  most  of  them  schools  for 
boys  were  conducted  by  the  missionaries.  From  1539  to  1850 
about  three  hundred  Franciscans,  of  whom  thirty-eight  were 
killed  by  the  natives,  labored  among  the  Indians  of  New 
Mexico  and  northern  Arizona. 

Early  in  1685  the  French  Franciscan  Fathers  Maximus  Le 
Clerq,  Zenobius  Membre,  and  Athanasius  Douay,  with  three 
Sulpitian  priests,  accompanied  Robert  de  la  Salle  into  Texas. 
Save  the  erection  of  a fort,  nothing  was  accomplished  in  the 
course  of  the  two  years  during  which  they  were  allowed  to 
remain.  With  the  exception  of  Fr.  Douay  and  Rev.  Cavalier, 
who  both  escaped  to  Canada,  all  the  members  of  the  expedi- 
tion were  murdered  by  savages. 


26  Harold,  ad  annum  1S27,  nos.  4-5;  Gonzaga,  1612;  Mendieta, 
lib.  iv,  cap.  x,  397;  lib.  v,  cap.  xxi,  616;  cap.  xxvi,  628;  Barcia,  “En- 
sayo  Cronologico,”  Decada,  ii,  Aiio  MDXXVII;  Shea,  “Hist.  Cath. 
Church”;  “Cath.  Missions.”  See  .Appendix  C. 

27  Harold,  ad  annum  1539,  no.  3;  ad  annum  1540,  no.  1;  Mendieta, 
lib.  V,  cap.  iii,  742-745;  Benavides,  “Memorial”;  Vetancurt,  “Meno- 
logio  Franciscano”;  Gonzaga,  1278-1298;  Salpointe,  “Soldiers  of 
the  Cross.”  See  also  “The  Franciscans  in  Arizona.” 


i6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

Permanent  missionary  work  began  with  the  Spanish  Fran- 
ciscan Fr.  Damian  Mazanet,  who  entered  the  territory  in 
1689.  A large  number  of  Indian  missions  were  established 
in  the  interior,  on  the  gulf  coast,  and  notably  on  the  Rio  San 
Antonio  at  and  near  the  present  city  of  San  Antonio.  The 
missionaries  labored  with  much  success  down  to  the  time  of 
Mexican  Independence,  which  everywhere  put  an  end  to  the 
missions  controlled  by  religious  Orders.  The  most  noted  of 
the  friars  are  the  V'enerable  Fr.  Antonio  Margil,  called  the 
Apostle  of  Texas  and  Guatemala,  and  Fr.  Isidoro  Espinosa, 
the  historian.  They  both  toiled  among  the  savages  under 
the  most  disheartening  circumstances  about  the  beginning  of 
the  eighteenth  century.  Altogether  about  one  hundred  and 
sixty  priests  and  lay-brothers  of  the  Order  of  St.  Francis 
devoted  all  or  part  of  their  lives  to  the  conversion  of  the 
Indians  in  this  territory.  Six  of  the  missionaries  were  mur- 
dered by  the  natives,  and  five  others  are  said  to  have  per- 
ished in  prairie  fires. 

Nor  was  the  northern  part  of  the  continent  overlooked  by 
the  sons  of  the  Seraphic  Saint  during  the  period  of  discovery. 
“The  unambitious  Franciscan  Le  Caron,”  says  the  Historian 
George  Bancroft,  “years  before  the  Pilgrims  anchored  in 
Cape  Cod,  had  penetrated  the  land  of  the  Mohawk,  had  passed 
to  the  north  into  the  hunting  grounds  of  the  VVyandots,  and, 
bound  by  his  vows  to  the  life  of  a beggar,  had  on  foot,  or 
paddling  a bark  canoe,  gone  onward,  and  still  onward,  tak- 
ing alms  of  the  savages  till  he  reached  the  rivers  of  Lake 
Huron.”  Three  French  Friafs  Minor,  to  one  of  whom  Ban- 
croft alludes,  entered  Canada  as  pioneers  of  the  faith  in  1615. 
For  ten  years  they  were  the  only  missionaries  that  lived  among 
the  Indians  in  the  vast  territory  called  New  France.  One  of 
them,  Fr.  Nicholas  Viel,  was  put  to  death  by  an  Indian  in 
1625,  and  thus  became  the  proto-martyr  of  Canada.  In  the 
course  of  time  the  Franciscans,  finding  their  number  insuf- 


28  Espinosa,  “Cronica  Serafica”;  Arricivita,  “Cronica  Serafica”; 
Shea,  “History  of  the  Catholic  Church,”  vol.  i. 

29  “History  of  the  United  States,”  vol.  ii,  783. 


The  Franciscans  in  America 


17 


ficient  to  meet  the  growing  wants  of  the  country,  invited  the 
Jesuits  to  share  the  field  with  them.  Several  priests  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus  arrived  in  1625.  Both  missionary  bands  la- 
bored in  harmony  until  English  bigotry  destroyed  the  mis- 
sions and  expelled  the  devoted  men  who  aimed  at  nothing 
save  the  conversion  of  the  savages  to  the  faith  of  Christ. 

The  same  cause  prevented  the  Franciscans  from  securing 
a foothold  in  the  colonies  settled  by  the  English.  The  Jesuits 
in  turn  had,  indeed,  invited  the  English  Friars  Minor  to  assist 
them  in  the  Catholic  settlements  of  Maryland,  and  the  Inter- 
mediate Chapter  held  at  London  in  1672  had  sent  two  Fran- 
ciscan friars,  followed  by  others  in  subsequent  years ; but  the 
persecutions  suffered  in  the  mother  country  made'  it  impossi- 
ble to  continue  the  training  and  sending  of  missionaries,  so 
that  no  more  arrived  from  England  after  the  year  1699. 

Individual  friars,  mostly  of  French  or  Belgian  extraction, 
penetrated  to  the  northwest  as  military  chaplains,  and  some- 
times as  missionaries  attempted  to  convert  the  natives,  but  no 
permanent  missions  resulted  from  their  efforts  during  the 
Colonial  Period.  One  of  the  Franciscans,  in  his  zeal  to  reach 
the  Indians  of  the  West,  suffered  death  in  1680  at  the  hands 
of  savages  in  Illinois,  and  another  was  killed  in  Michigan 
during  the  year  1706.  The  most  noted  of  the  Belgian  religious 
was  Fr.  Louis  Hennepin,  O.  F.  M.,  who  in  1680  discovered 
the  Upper  Mississippi  River  and  named  the  Falls  of  St.  An- 
thony. He  is  also  known  as  the  author  of  the  two  works. 
Description  de  la  Louisiane  and  Nouvelle  Decouverte,  in 
which  he  describes  his  voyages,  travels,  and  discoveries. 

Having  briefly  reviewed  Franciscan  missionary  activity  in 
America  during  the  three  centuries  immediately  following  its 
discovery,  we  shall  now  describe  the  early  voyages  to  Lower 
California  and  the  northwest  coast,  and  then  proceed  to 
relate  the  history  of  the  missions  and  missionaries  of  the 
peninsula. 


30  John  Gilmary  Shea,  “History  of  the  Catholic  Church,”  vol.  i, 
224-225. 

31  Fr.  Thaddeus,  O.  F.  M.,  “The  Franciscans  in  England,”  81-83. 


CHAPTER  II. 


California. — Its  Discovery  and  First  Missionaries. — Hernando  Cor- 
tes.— Fr.  Marcos  de  Niza,  O.  F.  M. — Vasquez  de  Coronado. — 
Juan  Cabrillo’s  Voyage. — His  Death. — Francis  Drake. — Thomas 
Cavendish. 

HE  territory  whose  history  we  are  about  to  relate  has  been 


variously  described  under  three  distinct  titles:  California, 
New  Albion,  and  Carolina  Islands.  The  term  California  is  first 
mentioned  by  Bernal  Diaz,  the  comrade  in  arms  of  Hernando 
Cortes ; ^ New  Albion  was  applied  by  the  English  freebooter, 
Francis  Drake,  while  navigating  along  the  Pacific  Coast  in 
1577;  and  Carolina  Islands,  or  Islas  Carolinas,  was  used  by 
the  German  Jesuit,  Henry  Scherer,  in  the  atlas  published  by 
him  at  Munich  in  1702.  The  last  two  names  were  soon  for- 
gotten, but  the  term  California  prevailed.  ^ 

For  nearly  two  hundred  years  the  term  California  was  em- 
ployed to  designate  the  peninsula  which  is  known  as  Old  or 
Lower  California,  and  which  in  the  early  days  was  supposed 
to  extend  from  Cape  San  Lucas  northward  to  a line  drawn 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Colorado  to  a point  on  the  Pacific 
Ocean  considerably  south  of  the  port  of  San  Diego.  After 
the  Spaniards  had  discovered  and  settled  the  region  north  of 
the  peninsula,  which  was  also  called  California,  the  designa- 
tions Upper  and  Lower,  or  New  and  Old  California,  became 
necessary.  * 

The  discovery  of  California,  under  God,  is  due  to  the  rest- 
less ambition  of  Hernando  Cortes,  the  conqueror  of  Mexico. 
He  had  been  deprived  of  the  power  to  govern  New  Spain, 
and  therefore  sought  to  find  and  subdue  other  countries  where 
he  might  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  success  unmolested.  With 

1 Bernal  Diaz,  “Verdadera  Historia,”  cap.  200,  where  the  word 
California  occurs  twice. 

2 Rev.  Miguel  Venegas,  S.  J.,  “Noticia  de  la  California,”  pte.  i, 
sec.  i,  p.  2;  pte.  ii,  sec.  iii,  183-184;  Rev.  F.  X.  Clavijero,  S.  J.,  “His- 
toria de  la  Antigua  6 Baja  California,”  lib.  i,  sec.  i,  pp.  1-2. 

3 Alexander  Forbes,  “California,”  Introduction,  p.  2. 


Cortes;  Franciscans;  Cabrillo 


19 


this  end  in  view  he  directed  that  two  ships  should  be  built  in 
the  harbor  of  Tehuantepec,  or  Port  Santiago,  and  in  order  to 
hasten  their  completion  he  lived  there  for  a year  and  a half 
in  a hut  on  the  beach  to  superintend  their  construction.  In 
the  meantime  Cortes  urged  Fr.  Martin  de  Valencia,  the  custos 
of  the  Franciscans  in  Mexico,  to  allow  some  friars  to  join 
the  expedition  as  chaplains  for  the  crews  and  as  missionaries 
for  the  people  whose  land  might  be  discovered.  Fr.  Martin 
resolved  to  go  in  person  with  seven  other  prominent  religious 
of  the  Order.  The  friars  selected  were  Fr.  Martin  de  Jesus, 
or  de  la  Coruna,  Fr.  Ildefonso  de  Herrera,  Fr.  Juan  de  Pa- 
dilla, who  became  the  first  martyr  of  New  Mexico,  Fr.  Toribio 
Motolinia,  Fr.  Antonio  de  Ciudad  Rodrigo,  Fr.  Francisco 
Ximenez,  and  Fr.  Alfonso  de  Guadalupe.  Except  the  last  two, 
all  were  guardians  or  superiors  of  monasteries  in  New  Spain. 
After  waiting  in  vain  for  seven  months  Fr.  Martin  returned 
to  the  capital  in  order  to  preside  at  the  coming  chapter  of  the 
custody,  doubtless  accompanied  by  the  Fathers  mentioned  who 
had  a vote  in  the  council.  Before  departing  he  directed  Fr. 
Martin  de  la  Coruna  to  remain  and  to  embark  in  the  ships 
whenever  they  should  be  ready  to  sail.  The  Franciscans,  Fr. 
Juan  de  San  Miguel  and  Fr.  Francisco  Pastrana,  accompanied 
him.  ^ 

The  two  vessels.  La  Concepcion,  in  charge  of  Captain  Diego 
Becerra,  and  the  San  Lazaro,  commanded  by  Hernando  Gri- 
jalva, set  sail  on  October  30th,®  1533.  The  ships  were  sep- 
arated the  very  first  night  after  leaving  the  port.  Grijalva 
moved  onward  for  about  three  hundred  leagues,  and  on  De- 


“Carta”  de  Fr.  Martin  de  Valencia,  Tejunatepec,  January  18th, 
1533,  in  “Codice  Franciscano,”  tom.  ii,  177-186,  Mexico,  1889.  See 
also  “Cronica  de  la  Provincia  de  Michoacan,”  edited  by  Dr.  Nico- 
las Leon,  p.  151,  Mexico,  1899. 

5 Mendieta,  lib.  iv,  cap.  x,  394-397;  lib.  v,  pte.  i,  cap.  viii,  587-588; 
Tello,  “Cronica  de  Xalisco,”  tom.  ii,  161;  Beaumont,  “Cronica,”  iii, 
485-486,  490;  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  45. 

® Hittell,  “Hist.  Calif.,”  vol.  i,  45,  quoting  “Relacion  del  Viaje”; 
Bancroft,  “Hist.  Mexico,”  vol.  i,  422,  says  October  29th. 

7 Diaz,  cap.  200;  Venegas,  pte.  ii,  152;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  31.  Hit- 
tell and  Bancroft  have  second  night. 


20  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


cember  20th  arrived  at  an  island  which,  on  account  of  the  day, 
the  vigil  of  St.  Thomas,  the  Apostle,  he  named  Santo  Tomas 
Island.®  The  San  Lazaro  then  returned  to  Mexico. 

Becerra,  the  captain  of  the  Concepcion,  had  meanwhile 
aroused  such  hatred  against  himself  through  his  overbearing 
disposition  that  Pilot  Fortiin  Ximenes  ® and  his  confederates 
killed  him  while  he  lay  asleep.  A number  of  soldiers,  who  had 
remained  faithful,  shared  the  same  fate,  and  more  would 
have  been  put  to  death,  had  not  the  Franciscan  friars  inter- 
fered. Under  the  circumstances  the  religious  declined  to  con- 
tinue the  voyage,  and  were  therefore  set  ashore  on  the  coast 
of  Xalisco  with  the  wounded  who  had  been  spared. 

Dreading  the  wrath  of  Cortes,  Ximenes  left  the  coast  of 
Xalisco  in  search  of  new  islands.  After  sailing  in  a north- 
westerly direction  for  some  time,  the  Concepcion  reached  a 
bay  whose  shores  were  inhabited  by  Indians.  Here  well- 
deserved  punishment  overtook  the  mutineers.  On  landing  to 
take  in  a supply  of  fresh  water,  Ximenes  and  twenty  Span- 
iards were  massacred  by  the  natives.  The  few  sailors  who 
had  remained  on  board  the  ship  then  steered  the  vessel  back 
to  Xalisco  and  made  the  port  of  Chiametla,  where  they  related 
what  had  occurred.  They  also  reported  that  the  newly- 
discovered  land  abounded  in  pearls. 

Cortes  now  resolved  to  fit  out  another  expedition  and  to 
command  it  in  person.  He  enlisted  a large  number  of  sol- 
diers, sailors,  and  colonists  with  their  wives,  and  set  out  from 
Chiametla  about  the  middle  of  April,  1535.  The  fleet  con- 
sisted of  the  three  ships,  San  Lazaro,  Santa  Agueda,  and 
Santo  Tomas.  Fr.  Martin  de  la  Coruna  with  some  other 
Franciscan  friars  joined  the  expedition  for  the  purpose  of 


8 Now  Revilla  Gigedo  Island,  according  to  Greenhow,  “Hist. 
Calif.,”  52. 

9 Also  written  Ortun,  Orduno,  etc.,  Jimenes. 

10  Bernal  Diaz,  “Cronica  de  Xalisco,”  Venegas,  and  Clavijero 
locis  citatis. 

11  “Cronica  de  Xalisco,”  162;  Diaz,  “Hist.  Verd.,”  cap.  200;  Vene- 
gas, pte.  ii,  153;  Clavijero,  “Historia,”  lib.  ii,  32;  Greenhow,  “Cali- 
fornia,” 52-53. 


HERXANDO  CORTfiS 


Cortes;  Franciscans;  Cabrillo 


21 


preaching  the  Gospel  to  the  savages.  On  May  3d  the  squad- 
ron landed  in  the  bay  where  the  murderers  of  Becerra  had 
been  killed  in  the  preceding  year.  In  honor  of  the  fea.st  of 
the  day,  Invention  of  the  Holy  Cross, 'the  port  was  called 
Santa  Cruz.  It  is  on  the  southeast  coast  of  the  peninsula 
of  Lower  California,  and  generally  supposed  to  be  identical 
with  the  Bahia  de  la  Paz.  When  all  had  assembled  on  the 
shore,  Cortes  took  formal  possession  of  the  country  for  the 
King  of  Spain,  and  he  may  on  that  occasion  have  bestowed 
the  name  California. 

Only  a part  of  the  enlisted  men  had  come  with  Cortes,  but 
as  soon  as  the  necessary  quarters  were  arranged  he  sent  back 
the  ships  for  the  rest  of  the  people  and  supplies.  They  safely 
crossed  the  gulf,  but  only  one  vessel  managed  to  return  to 
Santa  Cruz ; the  others  were  driven  from  their  course  by 
violent  storms  and  ran  aground  on  the  coast  of  Xalisco,  crew 
and  colonists  barely  saving  their  lives.  “Cortes,”  says  Bernal 
Diaz,  “in  the  meantime  was  impatiently  awaiting  the  arrival 
of  these  ships,  particularly  as  all  his  provisions  were  con- 
sumed ; for  the  greater  part  of  the  biscuits  and  salted  meat 
was  on  board  the  vessels  which  had  gone  ashore  off  Xalisco. 
As  the  inhabitants  of  Santa  Cruz  are  perfect  savages,  and 
neither  grow  maize  nor  in  any  way  till  the  ground,  but 
merely  live  on  wild  fruits,  fish,  and  animals,  there  arose  so 
dreadful  a famine  among  Cortes’s  troops,  that  twenty-three 
of  the  men  died  of  hunger  and  disease.  The  greater  part  of 
the  remaining  troops  likewise  suffered  from  ill-health,  and 
cursed  Cortes,  the  island,  the  bay,  and  the  discovery.  Deter- 
mined to  put  an  end  to  their  distress,  if  possible,  Cortes  ran 
out  with  the  vessel,  which  had  arrived,  in  search  of  the  other 
two,  taking  with  him  fifty  men,  two  smiths,  and  several  ship- 
wrights. On  arriving  off  Xalisco  he  found  one  of  the  ships 
lying  on  a sandbank,  quite  deserted,  and  the  other  he  discov- 

12  “Cronica  de  Xalisco,”  164;  Mendieta,  “Hist.  Ecles,  Ind.,”  lib.  v, 
pte.  i,  cap.  XX,  61S;  Bernal  Diaz  has  “clerigos”;  Clavijero  says 
“varios  religiosos”;  Venegas  has  “muchos  clerigos  y religiosos.” 

13  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  200;  “Cronica  de  Xalisco,”  162;  Venegas,  pte. 
ii,  154-155;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  32;  Greenhow,  53. 


22  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


erecl  jammed  between  the  rocks.  By  dint  of  the  utmost  exer- 
tions he  succeeded  in  setting  them  afloat  again ; and,  after 
the  carpenters  had  properly  repaired  them,  he  safely  arrived 
at  Santa  Cruz  with  the  two  vessels  and  their  cargoes.  Those 
of  the  troops  that  had  not  tasted  any  nourishing  food  for  so 
long  a time  ate  so  ravenously  of  the  salted  meat  that  half  of 
them  died  of  over-eating.” 

A whole  year  had  meanwhile  passed  by  without  any  prom- 
ise of  advantage.  Nor  is  it  known  with  what  result  the  mis- 
sionaries labored  among  the  natives,  if  we  except  the  vague 
remark  which  Fr.  Tello  makes,  that  the  Fathers  “produced 
considerable  fruit.”  Missionary  success  could  not  have  been 
considerable,  if  the  four  or  five  witnesses  of  Nuno  Guzman, 
who  testified  under  oath,  told  the  truth ; for  the  Indians  of 
that  part  of  the  peninsula  must,  then,  have  stood  on  the  lowest 
plane  of  humanity,  inasmuch  as  their  manner  of  living  was 
not  above  that  of  brutes.  The  new  country  proved  utterly 
barren,  and,  except  for  a few  pearls  found  on  the  coast,  des- 
titute of  everything  that  could  attract  the  Spaniards.  Men 
and  officers  were  alike  disgusted  and  wanted  Cortes  to  aban- 
don the  supposed  island. 

While  the  Spaniards  were  suffering  on  the  peninsula  of 
California,  a rumor  circulated  in  Mexico  that  the  great  con- 
queror had  died.  In  order  to  obtain  definite  information 
regarding  her  husband,  the  alarmed  wife  despatched  two 
ships  under  the  command  of  Francisco  de  Ulloa  with  a letter 
to  Cortes,  in  which  she  begged  him  to  return,  to  tempt  for- 
tune no  longer,  but  to  be  satisfied  ivith  his  former  deeds  of 
bravery,  which  had  spread  his  fame  throughout  the  world. 
The  new  viceroy,  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  in  a friendly  letter 
likewise  urged  him  to  come  back  to  the  scene  of  his  early 
exploits,  where  he  would  be  needed.  Not  displeased,  proba- 
bly, at  this  opportunity  of  withdrawing  so  honorably  from  a 


14  “Verd.  Historia,”  cap.  200;  Venegas,  tom.  i,  pte.  ii,  155-156; 
“Cronica  de  Xalisco,”  163,  208-210;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  32. 
l5“Hicieron  notable  fruto,”  p.  164. 

16  See  Banc.  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  p.  53,  note  44. 


Cortes;  Franciscans;  Cabrillo 


23 


hopeless  undertaking,  Cortes  turned  the  command  of  the 
ships  and  of  the  colony  over  to  Francisco  de  Ulloa,  and  then 
sailed  for  Acapulco,  which  he  reached  in  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1537.  Ulloa  found  it  impossible  to  maintain  the  people 
in  the  barren  country,  and  therefore  soon  followed  his  master 
back  to  Mexico  with  all  that  had  remained  alive. 

Notwithstanding  these  reverses  Cortes  still  hoped  to  retrieve 
his  shattered  fortunes  and  his  waning  prestige  by  discovering 
and  conquering  some  rich  territory.  He  had  scarcely  rested 
a few  months,  when  he  made  preparations  for  a new  expedi- 
tion under  Francisco  de  Ulloa.  The  little  fleet,  consisting  of  the 
three  ships,  Santa  Agtieda,  Trinidad,  and  Santo  Tomas,  with 
three  friars  whose  names  are  not  known,  sailed  from  Aca- 
pulco on  July  8,  1539.  The  Santo  Tomas  was  soon  lost  on 
the  coast  of  Culiacan.  The  other  two  vessels  continued  up 
the  shore  of  Sonora  until  they  reached  the  head  of  the  gulf, 
where  the  Spaniards  ascertained  the  fact  that  California  was 
not  an  island  as  they  had  imagined.  They -passed  down  the 
eastern  coast  of  the  peninsula,  and  on  the  18th  of  the  same 
month  once  more  ancliored  in  Santa  Cruz  Bay.  Moving 
southward  in  November,  they  rounded  Cape  San  Lucas, 
whence  they  made  their  way  up  the  western  coast  to  an  island 
which  Ulloa  called  Cedros  Island,  but  which  is  known  as 
Cerros  Island.  Allowing  the  Santa  Agueda  to  depart  for 
Mexico,  the  captain  proceeded  northward  until  he  arrived  at 
a cape  about  eighteen  leagues  farther  up,  in  about  thirty 
degrees  north  latitude.  Lack  of  provisions  and  unfavorable 
winds  compelled  Ulloa  to  cease  making  further  efforts  in  that 
direction.  He,  therefore,  sailed  back  to  Mexico  after  apply- 
ing the  name  Cabo  de  Engano,  or  Cape  Disappointment,  to 
the  land  discovered.  Soon  after  his  arrival  in  Xalisco  he  was 
murdered  by  one  of  his  own  soldiers. . “Thus,”  says  Bernal 
Diaz,  “miserably  terminated  the  various  expeditions  which 
Cortes  fitted  out  in  the  South  Sea,  and  I have  frequently  been 

l^Tello,  “Cronica  de  Xalisco,”  163-164;  Venegas,  “Noticia,”  pte. 
ii,  157-158;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  32;  Bernal  Diaz,  “Verd.  Hist.,”  cap.  200. 

18  Bancroft,  “Hist.  Texas,”  vol.  i,  79.  Venegas  and  Clavijero,  fol- 
lowing Gomara,  have  the  year  1537. 


24  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


assured  that  they  cost  him  more  than  300,000  pesos.”  The 
conqueror  of  Mexico  made  no  more  attempts  of  that  kind. 
Finding  the  viceroy  disinclined  to  further  his  plans,  the  dis- 
appointed warrior  returned  to  his  native  land,  Spain,  and 
died  in  1547.’-® 

The  poor  returns  which  Cortes  had  obtained  from  his 
various  costly  enterprises  did  not  deter  Viceroy  Mendoza  from 
making  other  attempts  to  acquire  more  territory  that  would 
yield  the  wealth  which  all  desired.  At  his  request  Fr.  Marcos 
de  Niza,  a Franciscan  friar  of  the  Province  of  the  Holy  Gos- 
pel, Mexico,  set  out  to  explore  the  region  to  the  north  of 
Sonora.  Entirely  unarmed,  and  accompanied  by  Estevanico, 
the  colored  survivor  of  Narvaez’s  expedition  to  Florida,  Fr. 
Marcos  left  Culiacan,  Sinaloa,  on  March  7th,  1539.  He  wan- 
dered into  the  very  heart  of  the  continent,  where,  in  sight  of 
Zuhi,  New  Mexico,  he  planted  the  Cross  and  named  the  coun- 
try “El  Nuevo  Reino  de  San  Francisco.”  Then  he  retraced 
his  steps  through  Arizona,  and  arrived  at  the  capital  of 
Mexico  on  September  2d,  1539.  The  report  of  the  intrepid 
friar,  in  the  following  year,  caused  the  armed  invasion  of  New 
Mexico  under  Vasquez  de  Coronado.  The  latter  was  ac- 
companied by  the  same  Fr.  Marcos  and  three  other  Francis- 
cans, Fr.  Juan  de  Padilla,  Fr.  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  and  Brother 
Luis  de  Escalona,  or  tJbeda.  Fr.  Marcos  soon  returned  to 
Mexico  on  account  of  ill-health,  but  his  three  companions  re- 
mained among  the  Indians,  even  after  Coronado,  disgusted  at 
not  finding  the  gold  expected,  had  abandoned  the  territory  in 
April,  1542.  They  were  all  three  killed  by  the  natives,  for 
whose  sake  they  had  come  to  preach  the  Gospel. 


19  Venegas,  “Noticia,”  pte.  ii,  159-161;  Clavijero,  “Historia,”  lib. 

ii,  32;  Tello,  “Cronica,”  164;  Bernal  Diaz,  “Verd.  Hist.,”  cap.  200, 
204;  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  78-81;  “Hist.  Calif.,”  vol.  i„7. 

20  “14th  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,”  Washing- 
ton; “Pacific  R.  R.  Reports,”  vol.  iii,  chap,  vi;  Bernal  Diaz,  “Verd. 
Hist.,”  capp.  200,  202;  Mendieta,  “Hist.  Ecles.  Ind.,”  lib.  iv,  cap.  xi, 
399-401;  cap.  xlii,  541;  lib.  v,  pte.  i,  cap.  xlv,  674;  lib.  v,  pte.  ii,  cap. 

iii,  742-745;  Mota  Padilla,  “Conquista,”  111-115,  158-171;  Vetancurt, 
“Cronica,”  tract,  v,  cap.  i,  no.  7;  “Cronica  de  Xalisco,”  prol.  xxii- 


Cortes;  Franciscans;  Cabrillo 


25 


In  connection  with  Coronado’s  campaign  the  viceroy  directed 
Francisco  de  Alarcon  to  make  a voyage  of  discovery,  and  to 
bring  supplies  to  Coronado  by  way  of  the  Gulf  of  California. 
Alarcon  sailed  from  Acapulco  on  May  9th,  1540,  with  the 
two  ships,  San  Pedro  and  Santa  Catalina.  At  San  Gabriel 
another  vessel,  the  San  Miguel,  joined  him.  Proceeding  up 
the  coast  of  Sonora,  he  discovered  the  mouth  of  the  Rio 
Colorado  and  gave  it  the  name  “Rio  de  Nuestra  Sehora  de 
Buena  Guia.”  Alarcon  ascended  the  stream  far  enough 
to  convince  himself  that  California  was  not  an  island,  and 
that  there  was  no  means  of  communicating  with  Coronado  by 
water. 

In  the  spring  of  1542  the  two  ships,  San  Salvador  and  Vic- 
toria, were  placed  in  command  of  Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo,  a 
Portuguese  navigator,  with  orders  to  search  the  whole  north- 
w'est  coast  for  rich  countries  and  a passage  to  the  Atlantic 
Ocean.  There  is  no  evidence  that  any  ecclesiastics  joined  this 
expedition  which  sailed  from  Navidad,  Colima,  on  June  27th, 
1542.  Cabrillo  crossed  the  gulf  and  entered  Santa  Cruz  Bay  on 
July  2d.  Proceeding  southward  he  rounded  Cape  San  Lucas 
on  the  6th.  From  there  he  examined  the  coast  carefully,  and 
generally  named  the  points  of  interest,  after  the  old  Spanish 
custom,  for  the  saint  whose  feast  occurred  on  the  day  of  dis- 
covery. This  resulted  in  a nomenclature  far  more  beautiful 
than  the  profane  designations  frequently  employed  by  English- 
speaking  sailors  and  adventurers.  The  list  of  names  applied 
along  the  shore  of  Lower  California  include  Port  San  Lucas, 
Port  Trinidad,  Port  San  Pedro,  Magdalena  Bay,  which  was 


xxiii,  pp.  305-307,  407-441;  C.  F.  Lummis,  “The  Spanish  Pioneers,” 
78-83;  Elliott  Coues,  “On  the  Trail  of  a Spanish  Pioneer,”  152,  367, 
479-487,  505-512,  521,  538;  Venegas,  “Noticia,”  pte.  ii,  167-170;  Green- 
how,  57-61;  Bancroft,  “Hist.  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,”  27-71.  See 
also  “The  Franciscans  in  Arizona,”  chapters  i-ii,  pp.  1-20. 

2t  River  of  Our  Lady  of  Safe  Conduct. 

22  Bernal  Diaz,  “Verd.  Hist.,”  cap.  202;  Venegas,  “Noticia,”  pte.  ii, 
170;  J.  R.  Bartlett,  “Personal  Narrative,”  vol.  ii,  168-170;  “Pacific 
Railroad  Reports,”  vol.  iii,  Indian  Tribes,  chap,  vi,  112-113,  Wash- 
ington, 1856;  Vetancurt,  “Cronica,”  tract,  v,  cap.  i,  no.  7;  Bancroft, 
“Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  90-95. 


26  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


discovered  on  the  19th,  and  where  the  explorers  tarried  a few 
days,  Point  Santa  Catalina,  Port  Santiago,  Santa  Ana  Island, 
Port  San  Pedro  ad  Vincula,  San  Estevan  Island,  Port  Santa 
Clara,  and  San  Bernardo  Island.  On  August  the  20th  Ca- 
brillo  arrived  at  Cabo  del  Engaho,  the  most  northern  point 
reached  by  Francisco  de  Ulloa.  Ten  leagues  beyond  the 
navigator  discovered  a good  port ; he  landed,  took  formal  pos- 
session in  the  name  of  the  king,  and  called  the  place 
Posesion.  It  now  bears  the  name  Las  Virgenes.  He  then 
passed  on  to  Cape  San  Martin,  now  San  Quentin,  and  on 
the  17th  of  September  anchored  in  Todos  Santos  Bay,  which 
he  called  San  Mateo  Bay,  where  he  again  took  possession. 
Finally,  on  September  28th,  the  vigil  of  St.  Michael,  the  Arch- 
angel, fifty  years  after  the  discovery  of  America,  Cabrillo 
entered  a fine,  land-locked  harbor  which  he  christened  San 
Miguel.  It  bore  this  name  until  Vizcaino  sixty  years  later 
changed  it  to  San  Diego. 

Leaving  this  port  on  October  3d,  the  two  vessels  continued 
their  course  through  unknown  waters,  and  on  the  10th  an- 
chored opposite  an  Indian  village  situated  at  or  near  the  site 
of  the  later  Mission  San  Buenaventura.  Here  Cabrillo  landed 
and  took  possession  with  the  usual  formalities.  He  called  the 
cluster  of  Indian  huts  Las  Canoas,  because  the  natives,  who 
were  clothed  in  the  skins  of  animals,  approached  the  ships 
in  canoes  capable  of  holding  a dozen  men.  On  the  13th  the 
vessels  passed  two  uninhabited  islands  and  dropped  their  an- 
chors in  the  channel,  apparently  in  sight  of  what  is  now  Santa 
Barbara.  Indians  came  out  in  canoes  and  offered  fish  for 
barter.  On  the  17th  Cabrillo  arrived  at  a point  of  land  which 
he  named  Cape  Galera ; it  is  now  widely  known  as  Point  Con- 
cepcion. On  account  of  violent  storms  the  two  ships  spent 
a week  in  the  harbor  of  an  island  which  Cabrillo  called 
San  Miguel.  Leaving  this  port  on  Wednesday,  25th,  for  two 
weeks  more  he  vainly  endeavored  to  make  headway  against 
contrary  winds.  During  this  time  the  men  of  the  Victoria 
suffered  exceedingly  for  want  of  a deck.  At  last,  on  the 
11th  of  November,  the  weather  became  so  favorable  that  the 
vessels  were  enabled  to  make  twenty  leagues  along  a lofty 


Cortes;  Franciscans;  Cabrillo 


27 


sierra,  to  which  Cabrillo  gave  the  name  San  Martin,  but  which 
is  now  called  Santa  Lucia.  On  November  17th  he  doubled  a 
pine-covered  point  which  he  called  Punta  de  Pinos,  and  then 
entered  the  harbor  which  in  history  became  famous  as  Mon- 
terey Bay.  Here  the  navigator  anchored  and  attempted  to 
land  in  order  to  take  possession,  but  found  it  impossible  on 
account  of  the  stormy  sea.  Proceeding  up  the  coast,  he 
reached  a point  which  he  named  Cabo  de  Nieve,  on  account 
of  the  snow-covered  mountains.  The  weather  now  grew  so 
rough  that  he  ran  the  ships  back  to  San  Miguel  Island,  where 
he  determined  to  pass  the  winter.  At  this  port  Juan  Rodri- 
guez Cabrillo  died  on  January  3d,  1543.  In  October  he  had 
broken  an  arm  on  this  very  island.  The  unattended  fracture 
and  the  hardships  of  the  northern  trip  had  probably  hastened 
the  untimely  end  of  the  brave  commander.  The  faithful  crew 
interred  his  body  on  San  Miguel  Island,  which  they  changed 
to  Juan  Rodriguez  Island. 

The  dying  navigator  had  ordered  the  pilot,  Bartolome  Fer- 
relo,  to  continue  the  discoveries  at  all  hazards.  Ferrelo  set  sail 
on  February  18th,  and  passed  Point  Pinos  on  Sunday,  the  25th. 
On  the  28th  he  discovered  a prominent  cape  which  he  called 
Cape  Mendocino,  in  honor  of  Viceroy  Mendoza.  In  spite  of 
violent  storms  and  heavy  fogs  the  heroic  Spaniards  continued 
their  course  and  arrived  at  a point  of  land  which  they  named 
Cabo  de  Fortunas,  from  the  dangers  encountered  in  its  vicin- 
ity. On  the  first  of  March  the  ships  were  in  latitude  forty- 
four  degrees  by  solar  observation,  or,  as  Bancroft  would  have 
it,  in  forty-two  degrees  thirty  minutes,  just  beyond  the  present 
boundary  of  California.  Cold  weather,  violent  storms,  and, 
worst  of  all,  the  want  of  provisions,  forced  the  brave  sailors 
tc  discontinue  their  explorations.  On  the  return  voyage  the 
ships  were  driven  apart  near  San  Clemente  Island.  Ferrelo 
ran  the  San  Salvador  into  San  Diego  Bay,  and  waited  six 
days  for  the  Victoria,  but  the  missing  vessel  did  not  rejoin 
the  flagship  until  the  latter  arrived  at  Cedros  Island  on  March 


28  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


26th. Both  finally  reached  Navidad  on  April  14th,  after 
an  absence  of  ten  months. 

The  wise  and  energetic  Mendoza  in  1551  was  transferred  as 
viceroy  to  Peru ; thereafter  for  nearly  fifty  years  the  Span- 
iards made  no  attempts  in  the  direction  of  the  northwest  coast 
of  America.  Meanwhile  a number  of  English  freebooters  took 
advantage  of  Spanish  inactivity  and  inflicted  all  the  damage 
possible  upon  the  trade  and  possessions  of  the  hated  rival  of 
their  nation.  In  this  manner  California  made  the  acquaintance 
of  the  first  Englishmen. 

Foremost  among  the  British  adventurers  was  the  notorious 
Francis  Drake.  He  had  several  times  visited  the  West  Indies 
as  slave-trader,  and  had  been  instrumental  in  the  sacking  of 
various  towns  on  the  coast.  The  Spaniards  had  prevented 
complete  success  of  some  of  his  schemes  and  incurred  his 
hatred,  which  he  deemed  sufficient  justification  for  a life-long 
warfare  on  all  that  was  Spanish.  “Moreover,”  says  Ban- 
croft, “the  Spaniards  were  Catholics,  and  there  was  a preva- 
lent sentiment  in  England  at  this  time  that  the  poor  deluded 
victims  of  popery  might  be  righteously  robbed  and  killed,  if 
not  altogether  submissive  to  the  robbing.”  Drake,  on  the  13th 
of  December,  1577,  sailed  from  Plymouth  with  five  small  ves- 
sels, which  had  been  equipped  ostensibly  for  a voyage  to 
Egypt,  but  in  reality  for  a cruise  of  plunder  in  the  Spanish 
dominions.  The  governments  of  England  and  Spain  were  at 
peace  with  each  other ; but  the  principles  of  general  law  and 
morals  were  not  so  scrupulously  observed  by  the  British  as  to 
prevent  Queen  Elisabeth  from  favoring  Drake’s  enterprise. 


23  Hittell  has  24th. 

24  Venegas,  “Noticia,”  pte.  ii,  180-183;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  33;  Green- 
how,  62-63;  Hittell,  “Hist.  Calif.,”  vol.  i,  73-78;  Bancroft,  “Hist. 
Calif.,”  vol.  i,  69-80;  “Hist.  Texas,”  vol.  i,  133-137;  Shea,  “Hist. 
Cath.  Church,”  vpl.  iv,  329. 

25  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  140-141.  See  also  Greenhow, 
“Hist,  of  Oregon  and  California,”  70-75;  Hittell,  “Hist,  of  Calif.,” 
vol.  i,  90-97. 


Cortes;  Franciscans;  Cabrillo 


29 


with  the  real  object  of  which  she  was  well  acquainted.  The 
daring  navigator  succeeded  in  conducting  one  of  his  five  ships, 
the  Golden  Hind,  of  a hundred  tons’  burden  and  with  about 
sixty  men  on  board,  into  the  Pacific  Ocean  to  prosecute  his 
lawless  plans  against  the  wealth  of  the  Spaniards  on  the  west- 
ern coast  of  South  and  Central  America.  Here  he  plundered 
towns  and  ships  with  little  opposition.  So  deep  and  lasting 
was  the  impression  made  by  the  pirate  that  for  more  than  a 
century  his  name  was  mentioned  only  with  horror  in  those 
countries. 

Having  at  length  completed  his  depredations  and  filled  his 
vessel  with  booty  by  sacking  the  town  of  Guatulco  in  Oaxaca, 
Drake,  in  the  spring  of  1579,  became  anxious  to  return  to 
England.  He  had  reason  to  expect  that  the  Spaniards  would 
intercept  him  on  his  way  through  the  Straits  of  Magellan, 
and  he  therefore  resolved  to  seek  the  much-mooted  north- 
ern passage  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  At  this  period  all  navi- 
gators believed  in  the  existence  of  a northern  strait  between 
the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific.  Hoping  to  escape  with  his 
booty-laden  ship  by  means  of  this  passage,  the  freebooter  left 
the  scene  of  his  robberies  and  for  two  months  sailed  north- 
ward, until  on  June  5th  the  schooner  reached  about  the  forty- 
third  degree  of  latitude,  at  a point  discovered  by  Cabrillo’s 
men  thirty-six  years  before.  Heavy  fogs  and  constant  violent 
winds  made  progress  to  the  north  so  difficult  that  Drake  looked 


26  “There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  his  scheme  was  secretly 
supported  by  the  favor  and  purse  of  Queen  Elisabeth,”  says  Ban- 
croft, loco  citato;  Greenhow,  p.  70,  is  of  the  same  opinion. 

27“Habia  llenado  de  terror  todas  las  costas  del  Mar  del  Sur,” 
says  Venegas,  “Noticia,”  pte.  ii,  183. 

28  “Lorenzo  Ferrer  de  Maldonado  claimed  that  in  1588  he  had 
entered  the  strait  on  the  coast  of  Labrador  and  emerged  at  the 
Pacific  end  in  latitude  sixty.  Juan  de  Fuca  asserted  that  in  1592 
he  entered  the  strait  from  the  Pacific  in  latitude  forty-seven,  and 
that  he  sailed  through  to  the  Atlantic;  but  this  elusive  strait  was 
pushed  farther  and  farther  to  the  northward  until  at  length  it  has 
become  Behring’s  Strait  and  the  northwest  passage.”  (“Sutro  Col- 
lection,” Historical  Society  of  Southern  California,  vol.  ii,  part  i, 
page  10,  note  i.) 


30  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


for  a safe  harbor.  Finding  none  suitable  in  that  latitude,  he 
moved  along  the  shore  to  the  southward,  until  the  17th  of 
June,  when  he  discovered  a bay  in  about  the  thirty-eighth 
degree.  Within  this  bay  the  English  remained  for  thirty-six 
days,  employed  in  refitting  the  ship  and  procuring  supplies  for 
a lengthy  voyage. 

The  natives,  who  appeared  in  large  numbers,  some  naked, 
others  covered  with  the  hides  of  animals,  at  first  showed  signs 
of  hostility ; but  the  English,  aware  of  being  at  the  mercy  of 
the  Indians,  wi.sely  refrained  from  enraging  them.  Having  at 
last  thoroughly  repaired  the  Golden  Hind  and  taken  posses- 
sion for  the  British  crown  of  the  country  which  he  called  New 
Albion,  Drake,  on  July  23d,  sailed  out  of  the  harbor  named 
for  him  Drake’s  Bay.  Abandoning  all  hope  of  finding  the 
northern  passage  to  the  Atlantic,  he  steered  directly  across 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  sailed  through  the  Indian  Ocean,  rounded 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  arrived  in  England  on  September 
26th,  1580,  after  an  absence  of  nearly  three  years.  Four 
months  later  he  was  knighted  and  thereafter  was  known  as 
Sir  Francis  Drake. 

The  success  of  Drake’s  buccaneering  enterprises  encouraged 
another  English  adventurer  to  attempt  similar  expeditions. 
This  was  the  notorious  Thomas  Cavendish,  whose  name  be- 
came almost  as  terrible  to  the  Spanish  colonists  as  that  of 
Drake.  Cavendish  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  July  21st,  1586, 
with  one  hundred  and  twenty-three  men  in  three  ships,  and 
with  two  of  the  vessels  arrived  at  Cape  San  Lucas  on  October 
14th,  1587.  There  he  lay  in  wait  for  the  Spanish  galleon  which 
generally  passed  the  cape  on  its  way  from  the  Philippines  to 
Acapulco  On  November  4th  the  Santa  Ana,  with  a rich 
cargo,  appeared  and  was  captured  by  the  freebooter.  The 
pirates  secured  one  hundred  and  twenty-two  thousand  pesos 
in  gold,  and  transferred  the  most  valuable  part  of  the  freight 
to  their  own  vessel.  The  passengers,  among  whom  were  some 


29  Venegas,  “Noticia,”  pte.  ii,  183;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  33;  Green- 
how,  70-75;  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  140-143;  “Hist. 
Calif.,”  vol.  i,  81-94;  Hittell,  “Hist.  Calif.,”  vol.  i,  85-97. 


Cortes;  Franciscans;  Cabrillo  31 

women,  were  forced  to  land,  and  then  Cavendish  had  fire  set 
to  the  galleon,  which  still  carried  five  hundred  tons  of  mer- 
chandise. He  thereupon  sailed  away  with  the  plunder  and 
reached  England  on  September  9th,  1588.  After  his  return 
he  reported  his  achievements  as  follows : “I  have  navigated 

along  the  coast  of  Chili,  Peru,  and  Nueva  Espana,  where  I 
made  great  spoils.  I burned  and  sunk  nineteen  sail  ships, 
small  and  great.  All  the  villages  and  towns  that  ever  I landed 
at,  I burned  and  spoiled.”  The  unfortunate  Spaniards  would 
have  perished  on  the  barren  coast,  had  they  not  succeeded  in 
extinguishing  the  fire  on  their  ship,  which  the  wind  had  driven 
to  the  shore,  and  saved  the  hull  with  some  of  the  cargo.  After 
repairing  the  vessel  as  well  as  possible,  the  crew  managed  to 
move  the  vessel  across  the  gulf  to  a port  on  the  Mexican 
coast.  It  is  said  that  among  the  survivors  was  Sebastian 
Vizcaino,  who  will  engage  our  attention  in  the  next  chapter. 


30  Torquemada,  “Monarquia  Indiana,”  tom.  i,  lib.  v,  cap.  xli; 
Venegas,  pte.  ii,  184;  pte.  iv,  43-44;  Greenhow,  76,  88;  Hittell, 
“Hist.  Calif.,”  vol.  i,  98-102;  Bancroft,  “Hist.  Mexico,”  vol.  ii,  744- 
750;  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  144. 


CHAPTER  III. 


The  Philippine  Trading  Vessels. — Sebastian  Rodriguez  Cermehon’s 
Voyage. — San  Francisco  Bay. — Sebastian  Vizcaino’s  First  Voy- 
age and  Settlement  in  Lower  California. — The  Franciscans  Ac- 
companying Him. — The  Natives. — Voyage  Up  the  Gulf. — Dis- 
aster.— .Abandoning  the  Enterprise. — Report. 

HE  bold  robberies  of  Drake  and  Cavendish,  and  later  of 


Woodes  Rogers  and  George  Shelvoke,  at  last  roused  the 
Spaniards  to  a sense  of  the  danger  threatening  their  posses- 
sions in  the  South  Sea.  The  risk  appeared  greater  because 
of  the  supposed  existence  of  a northwest  passage  from  the 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific — the  mythical  Strait  of  Anian,  which 
was  said  to  lead  past  the  fabled  city  of  Quivira,  so  prominent 
in  the  history  of  New  Mexico.  If  communication  could  be 
effected  north  of  the  newly-discovered  territory,  as  many  be- 
lieved, then  there  was  nothing  to  prevent  the  English  from 
e.stablishing  themselves  in  the  Pacific  Ocean  over  which  Spain 
claimed  absolute  dominion.  That  would  put  an  end  to  the 
profitable  Philippine  trade  with  its  steady  flow  of  revenue  for 
the  royal  treasury.  “His  Majesty  had  also  been  informed 
that  ships  sailing  from  China  to  Mexico  ran  great  risks,  par- 
ticularly near  Cape  Mendocino,  where  the  storms  are  most 
violent,  and  that  it  would  be  advantageous  .to  have  that  coast 
surveyed  thence  to  Acapulco,  so  that  the  ships,  mostly  belong- 
ing to  his  Majesty,  should  find  places  for  relief  and  refresh- 
ment.” ^ 

The  trading  vessels,  which  annually  came  from  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  with  precious  freight  for  Mexico,  made  their 
way  across  the  ocean,  not  directly,  but  by  taking  a route  far 
to  the  north.  It  had  been  discovered  that  the  prevailing  winds 
and  the  currents  of  the  sea  between  America  and  Asia  favored 
the  ships  that  were  bound  westward,  but  rendered  a much  more 
northerly  route  a matter  of  necessity  for  their  safe  return  to 
the  east.  It  was  for  this  reason  that  the  richly-laden  galleons 
from  the  Philippines  ran  up  beyond  the  tropics,  and,  taking 

I Torquemada,  “Monarq.  Ind.,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xlv,  693. 


Cermenon;  Vizcaino;  The  Natives 


33 


advantage  of  the  ocean  currents,  crossed  the  Pacific  in  about 
the  latitude  of  Cape  Mendocino.  From  there  they  sailed  down 
the  coast  of  California  to  Acapulco.  It  was  along  this  coast 
that  the  English  privateers  had  waylaid  the  merchant  vessels. 
Others,  it  was  thought,  might  likewise  endanger  the  com- 
merce so  established,  and  therefore  Spanish  interests  in  the 
South  Sea  demanded  that  the  coast  be  occupied  and  fortified. 

With  this  end  in  view  the  King  of  Spain,  under  date  of 
January  17th,  1593,  directed  Don  Luis  Velasco,  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,  to  have  the  harbors  surveyed  on  the  route  to  and 
from  the  Philippine  Islands.  Viceroy  Velasco  purchased  the 
ship  San  Pedro,  “in  which  the  exploration  might  be  made  on 
the  return  voyage,”  as  he  reported  to  the  king  under  date  of 
April  6th,  1594,  “and  I ordered  the  navigator,  who  at  present 
sails  in  the  flagship,  who  is  named  Sebastian  Rodriguez  Cer- 
menon, and  who  is  a man  of  experience  in  his  calling,  one 
who  can  be  depended  upon  and  who  has  means  of  his  own, 
although  he  is  a Portuguese,  there  being  no  Spaniard  of  his 
profession  whose  services  are  available,  that  he  should 
make  the  exploration  and  demarcation,  and  I oflfered,  if  he 
would  do  this,  to  give  him  his  compensation  by  allowing  him 
to  take  merchandise  on  board ; and  I wrote  to  the  governor  of 
the  Philippines  that  he  should  allow  him  to  put  aboard  the 
ship  some  tons  of  cloth,  in  order  that  he  might  have  the  bene- 
fit of  the  freight-money ; and  I caused  him  to  be  given  all  that 
might  be  needed  for  the  purpose.”  ^ 

In  obedience  to  the  royal  mandate  Cermenon  in  the  San 
Agustin  took  the  usual  course  from  the  Philippines  north- 
ward in  1595.  While  sailing  down  the  coast  of  California 
he  discovered  a port  which  Drake  had  entered  sixteen  years 
before.  Cermenon  named  it  Puerto  de  San  Francisco,  proba- 
bly from  the  day  of  arrival,  which  might  have  been  September 
17th,  the  feast  of  the  Stigmata  of  St.  Francis,  or  October  4th, 
the  feast  of  St.  Francis.  Fr.  Torquemada  relates  ^ that  the 

2 “Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii,  part  i,  18-19,  Historical  Society  of 
Southern  California,  Los  Angeles,  1891. 

2 Torquemada,  tom.  i,  lib.  v,  cap.  Iv,  717-718;  Venegas,  “Noticia,” 
pte.  ii,  183;  pte.  iv,  111-112. 


34  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


San  Agnstin,  laden  with  silk  and  beeswax,  was  wrecked  in 
this  bay  behind  Point  Reyes,  and  that  the  pilot,  Francisco  de 
Bolahos,  later  joined  Vizcaino;  but  he  does  not  explain  how 
the  pilot  made  his  escape  to  Mexico.  The  royal  officers  at 
Acapulco,  however,  made  the  following  report  to  the  viceroy 
concerning  the  fate  of  the  vessel  and  her  crew : “On  Wednes- 

day, January  31st,  of  this  year,  there  entered  this  harbor  a 
vessel  of  the  kind  called  in  the  Philippines  a viroco,  * having 
on  board  Juan  de  Morgana,  navigating  officer,  four  Spanish 
sailors,  five  Indians,  and  a negro,  who  brought  the  news  that 
the  ship  San  Agustin,  of  the  exploring  expedition,  had  been 
lost  on  a coast  where  she  struck  and  went  to  pieces,  and  that 
a barefooted  friar  ® and  another  person  of  those  on  board  had 
been  drowned,  and  that  of  the  seventy  men  or  more,  who 
embarked  in  this  small  vessel,  only  these  came  in  her,  because 
the  captain  of  said  ship,  Sebastian  Rodriguez  Cermenon,  and 
the  others  went  ashore  at  the  port  of  Navidad,  and,  as  they 
understand,  have  already  arrived  in  the  city  (Mexico).  An 
account  of  the  voyage  and  of  the  loss  of  the  ship,  together 


^ A viroco  was  a small  vessel  without  deck,  having  one  or  two 
square  sails  and  propelled  by  sweeps.  Its  hull  was  formed  from 
a single  tree,  hollowed  out  and  having  the  sides  built  up  with 
planks.  (“Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii,  p.  20.) 

5 He  may  have  been  an  Augustinian  or  a Franciscan.  If  the 
“San  Agustin”  arrived  at  Bay  San  Francisco,  or  rather  Drake’s 
Bay,  on  any  but  the  days  mentioned  above,  it  is  probable  that 
the  friar  was  a Franciscan,  as  there  would  have  been  reason  to 
give  the  name  of  the  vessel  to  the  port  rather  than  that  of  St. 
Francis.  The  first  Augustinians  reached  the  Philippines  in  1565. 
The  first  Franciscans  landed  at  Manila  on  June  24th,  1577.  The 
Augustinians  Fr.  Andres  de  Urdaneta  and  Fr.  Andres  de  Aguirre, 
in  the  “San  Pedro,”  sailed  from  Manila  on  June  1st,  1565,  to  find  a 
practicable  return  route  from  the  islands  to  New  Spain.  The 
course  of  the  “San  Pedro”  was  eastward  to  the  Ladrones,  thence 
northward  to  latitude  thirty-eight  degrees,  and  eastward  to  the 
American  coast,  where  she  made  a landfall  somewhere  to  the 
north  of  what  is  now  Monterey,  whence  the  vessel  sailed  down  to 
Acapulco.  From  this  it  appears  that  the  two  .A,ugustinian  friars 
were  the  first  religious  who  sighted  Upper  California.  See  “Sutro 
Collection,”  vol.  ii,  p.  10. 


Cermenon;  Vizcaino;  The  Natives 


35 


with  the  statement  made  under  oath  by  said  navigating  officer, 
Juan  de  Morgana,  accompany  this.  We  visited  the  vessel  of- 
ficially, finding  that  there  was  no  kind  of  merchandise  on 
board,  and  that  the  men  were  almost  naked.  The  vessel  being 
so  small,  it  seems  miraculous  that  she  should  have  reached 
this  country  with  so  many  people  on  board.”  ® 

While  Cermenon  explored  the  coast  of  California,  King 
Philip  II.,  in  1595,  directed  Don  Caspar  de  Zuniga,  Count  de 
Monterey,  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  ® to  take  the  necessary  steps 
for  the  permanent  occupation  of  the  country  said  to  be  rich 
in  pearls  and  precious  metal,  in  order  to  protect  the  Philippine 
commerce.  Sebastian  Vizcaino,  a man  of  good  judgment,  a 
good  soldier,  and  experienced  in  maritime  affairs,  as  Torque- 
mada  says,  had  already  made  a contract  with  Viceroy  Velasco, 
the  predecessor  of  Monterey,  on  the  strength  of  which  he 
enlisted  a large  force  of  soldiers,  sailors,  and  colonists,  and 
equipped  three  ships  for  a voyage  to  California.  The  Audi- 
encia  ® had  approved  the  agreement.  The  new  viceroy  re- 
solved not  to  interfere,  but  reported  to  the  king,  “I  have 
insisted,  as  far  as  I could  and  ought  to  insist,  that  he  should 
furnish  me  with  a satisfactory  memorandum  concerning  the 
ships  and  lanchas  he  intends  to  take  along,  etc.  . . . He 

has  furnished  this  memorandum.  I had  it  examined  by  per- 
sons understanding  such  matters,  and  what  has  been  provided 
appears  to  them  sufficient ; but,  in  order  that  he  fully  carry 
out  what  he  intends  to  do,  it  is  essential  that  he  take  with  him 
a complete  outfit  of  all  things  necessary,  so  that  the  Franciscan 
friars  who  will  accompany  him  may  undertake  the  conversion 
and  pacification  of  those  countries  with  safety,  and  that  the 
land  be  settled,  so  that  for  absolute  lack  of  food  and  other 


6 Letter  dated  February  1st,  1596.  “Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii, 
18-20. 

7 The  “Sutro  Collection”  invariably  spells  Cermeno. 

* The  Conde  de  Monterey  landed  at  Vera  Cruz  on  Sept.  18th, 
1595,  and  on  October  5th  entered  the  capital  to  assume  charge  of 
the  government. 

® Supreme  Court  with  executive  powers. 

10  Mexico.  February  29th,  1596. 


36  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


things  the' people  may  not  be  driven  to  the  necessity  of  robbing 
and  doing  violence  to  the  natives,”  etc. 

Nevertheless  the  king  did  not  approve  of  Vizcaino’s  appoint- 
ment, as  we  learn  from  a note  made  by  the  Royal  Council  to 
the  viceroy’s  letter.  “This  communication,”  it  says,  “having 
been  considered  on  the  27th  of  May,  1596,  let  it  be  written  to 
the  viceroy  that  he  take  from  Sebastian  Vizcaino  the  right 
to  make  this  conquest  and  discovery,  and  that  he  report  to 
what  other  person  they  can  be  entrusted,  who  may  conduct 
the  same  more  satisfactorily  and  with  the  hope  of  success.” 
Vizcaino  had,  meanwhile,  departed  with  his  fleet,  but  the  vice- 
roy had  taken  the  precaution  to  send  along  a confidential  per- 
son, who  was  to  report  everything  that  took  place,  especially 
concerning  the  treatment  of  the  Indians. 

The  missionaries  who  accompanied  Vizcaino  were  the  Fran- 
ciscan Fathers,  Francisco  de  Baida,  Diego  Perdomo,  Ber- 
nardino de  Zamudio,  Antonio  Tello,  Nicolas  de  Sarabia, 
and  the  lay-brother,  Cristobal  Lopez.  The  fleet,  consisting  of 
the  San  Francisco,  or  La  Capitana,  San  Joseph,  or  La  Almi- 


11  “Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii,  26-32. 

12  “Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii,  28,  32. 

13  “Y  asi  he  enviado  persona  particular  de  confianza  . . . quc 
podra  dar  buena  cuenta  de  lo  que  alH  se  ha  de  hacer,  y de  la  con- 
duccion  de  los  soldados  y castigo  de  los  desordenes  que  hicieren 
en  los  pueblos  de  los  Indios.”  “Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii,  28. 

11  “Fr.  Diego  Perdomo,  Franciscano,  que  de  la  predicacion  de 
la  Florida  habia  vuelto  a su  convento  de  Mexico  donde  profeso 
ano  de  1584,  acompaho  a Sebastian  Vizcaino  en  la  Jornada,  que 
hizo  a la  California,  porque  el  deseo  de  estender  la  religion  Catolica 
no  dejaba  sosegar  su  fervor.”  Cardenas,  “Ensayo  Cronologico,” 
ano  1596,  p.  169. 

15  Icazbalceta,  “Coleccion  de  Documentos,”  tom.  ii,  48-49,  writes 
“Arabia.”  He  gives  the  names  as  above.  Tello,  he  says,  was  a 
native  of  Guadalajara,  and  member  of  the  Xalisco  Franciscan  prov- 
ince, and  the  information  was  taken  from  an  ancient  Franciscan 
Chronicle.  See  “Introd.  Bibliogr.”  to  the  “Cronica  de  Xalisco,” 
p.  xix;  Torquemada,  “Monarq.  Ind.,”  tom.  i,  lib.  v,  cap.  xli,  p.  682; 
“Constitucion  y Leyes  Municipales”  de  esta  Provincia  del  Santo 
Evangelio,  May  7,  1667;  Vetancurt,  “Cronica  de  la  Prov.  de  Santo 
Evangelio,”  tratado  v,  cap.  i,  no.  8. 


I 


Till-:  FRAXXISCAXS  I-'OUXniXG  TIHGR  MISSION 


Cermenon;  Vizcaino;  The  Natives 


37 


ranta,  and  the  lancha  Tres  Reyes,  sailed  from  Acapulco  for 
Zalagua,  where  fresh  water  and  provisions  were  taken  aboard. 
When  the  port  of  Mazatlan  had  been  entered  for  more  sup- 
plies, more  than  fifty  soldiers  deserted.  Fr.  Baida,  the  com- 
missary, on  account  of  illness,  decided  to  discontinue  the  voy- 
age, after  naming  Fr.  Diego  Perdomo  his  successor.  As  Fr. 
Diego  resigned  soon  after,  the  friars  held  an  election  at  the 
first  landing-place  on  the  other  side  of  the  gulf.  This  was 
the  first  election  in  California,  and  resulted  in  the  choice  of 
Fr.  Bernardino  de  Zamudio. 

Vizcaino  came  in  sight  of  land  probably  near  Cape  San 
Lucas.  Sailing  northward  for  two  days,  “I  made  a landfall,” 
he  writes  to  the  king,  “in  a very  large  bay,  which  to  the  sea- 
ward is  shut  in  by  two  very  large  islands.  The  bay  is  of 
capacity  sufficient  for  a great  number  of  ships,  as  the  harbor 
is  free  from  obstructions.  At  this  place  there  came  a great 
number  of  Indians,  who  received  me  peacefully,  and  remained 
at  the  place  while  I was  there.  What  happened  there  is  this : 
The  clergy  being  desirous  of  celebrating  Mass,  and  an  altar 
having  been  erected  on  shore,  I had  the  image  of  Our  Lady 
taken  from  the  ship  for  the  purpose  of  placing  it  upon  the 
altar,  and  it  was  borne  in  procession  from  the  beach  to  the 
place  where  the  altar  was.  At  this  time  there  appeared  an 
Indian  chief,  followed  by  more  than  eight  hundred  Indians, 
armed  with  bows  and  arrows.  I went  forth  to  meet  them, 
and  they  came  to  me  in  peace.  Going  to  where  the  image  of 
Our  Lady  was,  I fell  upon  my  knees,  kissing  its  feet,  as  did 
the  friar  who  held  it.  Seeing  this,  the  said  Indian  threw 
aside  the  bow  and  arrow  he  was  holding,  and  humbled  himself 
before  that  image,  kissing  its  feet ; looking  towards  the  sky 
and  the  sun,  he  asked  by  gestures  whether  that  image  had  come 
thence.  He  shouted  to  the  other  Indians,  who  drew  near  in 
order  to  do  as  this  Indian  had  done.  While  the  image  was 
borne  in  procession  to  place  it  on  the  altar,  the  Indian  chief 

16  “Porque  era  hombre  muy  metido  en  carnes,  grueso  y con  los 
colores  y circumstancias  de  la  mar  adolecio,  y no  pudo  pasar  ade- 
lante.”  Torquemada,  tom.  i,  cap.  xli,  682. 

17  Torquemada,  Vetancurt,  Tello,  locis  citatis. 


38  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


always  went  before,  dancing  after  the  manner  of  this  people. 
At  this  place  I took  quiet  and  peaceful  possession  of  the  land 
in  the  presence  of  these  Indians.  I named  the  province  Nueva 
Andalucia ; the  port,  San  Felipe ; the  two  islands,  one  San 
Francisco  and  the  other  San  Sebastian.” 

The  fleet  left  this  first  landing-place  on  the  same  day,  be- 
cause the  locality  was  unsuitable  for  a colony.  Farther  north 
Vizcaino  arrived  at  a harbor,  which  he  called  San  Sebastian. 
He  took  possession  by  hoisting  the  Spanish  flag  and  firing 
some  pieces  of  artillery,  which  created  great  amazement  among 
the  savages.  He  then  sent  out  thirty  soldiers  with  a Francis- 
can to  explore  the  interior.  The  Indians  everywhere  mani- 
fested friendliness,  but  showed  displeasure  when  the  strangers 
attempted  to  enter  the  native  huts.  After  wandering  about 
for  three  days  the  little  company  returned  to  the  camp.  The 
surrounding  country  had  meanwhile  been  examined  and  found 
lacking  the  necessary  water.  All  therefore  embarked  to 
search  for  a more  favorable  location.  “I  went  to  another 
place,”  Vizcaino  writes,  “some  fifteen  leagues  farther  to  the 
northwest,  where  there  is  a great  bay  with  many  shoals.  On 
entering  there  the  wind  died  away;  and,  as  the  currents  are 
many  and  the  ship  (San  Francisco  or  Capitana)  of  more  than 
six  hundred  tons  burthen,  I was  carried  upon  a shoal  where 
the  vessel  remained  aground  for  four  days,  in  consequence  of 
which  it  was  necessary  to  lighten  her,  to  cut  away  the  masts, 
and  to  carry  the  provisions  ashore  on  planks  and  the  like,  so 
that  a great  part  of  them  was  wetted  and  lost.  After  four 
days  had  passed  . . . the  same  current  carried  me  away  from 
the  shoal  and  I entered  the  bay,  which  I named  La  Paz.” 
This  name,  as  Torquemada  observes,  was  suggested  by  the 
peaceful  disposition  of  the  natives.  Some  of  the  Indians 


18  It  is  impossible  to  say  which  islands  are  meant,  unless  Viz- 
caino refers  to  those  opposite  the  next  camping-place. 

18  “Y  tambien  con  ayuda  de  la  ‘Almiranta,’  ” Fr.  Torquemada 
explains.  Vizcaino  seems  to  dislike  giving  credit  to  others.  The 
editor  of  the  “Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii,  73,  even  asserts  that  “Viz- 
caino’s letters,  generally,  are  full  of  exaggerated  statements.” 


Cermenon;  Vizcaino;  The  Natives 


39 


brought  pearls,  others  oflfered  roasted  fish,  pitahayas  plums, 
and  another  kind  of  fruit  unknown  to  the  Spaniards,  but  very 
agreeable  to  the  taste.  The  Almiranta  (San  Jose)  had  arrived 
three  days  ahead  of  the  Capitana.  As  soon  as  all  had  landed, 
brushwood  huts  were  constructed  and  guarded  by  a stockade 
against  an  Indian  attack.  A small  church  and  dwellings  for 
the  missionaries  were  likewise  erected.  Formal  possession 
was  taken  in  the  usual  manner,  and  thus  the  first  colony  of 
white  people  in  California  was  established  at  La  Paz  in  the 
summer  of  1596. 

The  friars  began  missionary  work  by  inducing  the  Indians 
to  send  their  boys  for  religious  instruction.  As  neither  party 
understood  the  language  of  the  other,  the  Fathers  made  use 
of  signs  and  by  this  means  contrived  to  give  the  little  ones 
an  idea  of  the  true  God  and  Creator  of  all.  The  boys  com- 
municated the  lessons  which  they  had  heard  to  their  parents 
and  relatives.  In  this  manner  old  and  young  gradually  learnt 
the  rudiments  of  Christianity  to  a certain  extent.  All  were, 
moreover,  taught  to  bless  themselves  and  to  recite  the  four 
most  common  prayers.  Further  than  this  the  messengers  of 
the  Gospel  could  not  proceed  during  their  two  months’  stay 
in  the  country.  Their  humble  and  affectionate  manner  dis- 
armed the  suspicion  of  the  grown  people,  induced  the  chil- 
dren to  learn  the  lessons,  and  attracted  universal  love  and 
respect ; but  their  appearance  at  the  altar  in  the  sacerdotal 
robes,  says  Torquemada,  caused  the  natives  to  look  upon  the 
missionaries  as  children  of  the  sun,  to  which  they  had  offered 
a certain  kind  of  worship.  On  the  other  hand,  the  soldiers 
were  detested  on  account  of  their  greed  and  insolence.  The 
rudeness  of  the  soldiers  towards  the  native  women  was  such 
that  the  Indians  would  not  allow  their  wives  and  daughters  to 
go  unaccompanied  to  the  camp  of  the  white  men.  At  this 


20  The  fruit  of  the  prickly-pear,  of  which  the  Indians  and  Mexi- 
cans in  California  are  very  fond. 

21  “Que  esto  ha  sido  plaga  de  soldados  en  todos  estos  descubri- 
mientos.  . . . Persuadian  a los  religiosos,  que  se  quedasen  alii 
con  ellos,  y que  los  soldados  se  fuesen,  que  no  eran  buena  gente, 
por  que  los  trataban  mal,  y les  tomaban  todo  lo  que  traian.  . . . 


40  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


port  of  La  Paz  several  pieces  of  iron  were  found,  which 
Cortes  may  have  left  there.  The  Indians,  in  fact,  told  the 
Spaniards  that  other  white  people  had  been  there  before. 

In  the  meantime,  “desirous  of  exploring  the  whole  gulf,” 
Vizcaino  reports  to  the  king,  “I  determined  to  enter  it  with 
the  small  ship  and  the  lancha  for  the  purpose  of  discovery, 
leaving  at  this  place  the  flagship  and  the  people  who  were 
married  and  most  burdensome,  and  taking  with  me  eighty 
men.  This  I did,  leaving  Captain  Rodrigo  de  Figueroa  as 
my  lieutenant  at  this  place.  I left  the  port,  which  is  in  a little 
less  than  twenty-five  degrees  of  latitude,  on  the  3d  of  October. 
While  I was  navigating  said  gulf,  I encountered  a storm  from 
the  north  which  lasted  four  days,  at  the  end  of  which  time  we 
were  struck  by  a hurricane  from  the  south.  . . . This  storm 
lasted  two  days,  and  on  its  cessation  I found  myself  at  a point 
in  latitude  twenty-seven,  and  in  the  midst  of  six  islands  and 
many  shoals,  from  which  it  pleased  God  in  His  mercy  to  deliver 
me.  At  daybreak  there  came  from  the  land  five  canoes  full  of 
Indians,  making  signs  that  we  should  go  ashore,  and  promis- 
ing things  to  eat  and  water,  of  which  there  was  lack.  So  I 
came  to  a place  which  the  Indians  showed  me  and  went  ashore 
with  forty-five  men.  There  a great  number  of  Indians  met  me, 
giving  me  fish  and  fruits  and  manifesting  great  content  in 
seeing  us.” 

“At  this  place  one  of  my  soldiers,  unseen  by  me,  inconsid- 
erately struck  one  of  the  Indians  in  the  breast  with  the  butt 
of  his  arquebus,  at  which  the  Indians  were  angered  and  dis- 
charged some  arrows  at  us.  . . . Seeing  this  boldness  of 

Y quando  venian  las  mujeres  al  real,  estaban  sienipre  cercadas  dc 
los  Indies,  por  defenderlas  de  los  soldados,  que  no  las  hiciesen 
alguna  ofensa.”  Torquemada,  “Monarq.  Ind.,”  tom.  i,  684.  Thus 
early  the  work  of  the  missionaries  was  hampered  and  often  nulli- 
fied by  the  adventurers  in  Spanish  uniform;  and  this  state  of  things 
we  shall  frequently  encounter  all  through  mission  history.  More 
often  the  presence  of  the  soldiery  was  a curse  than  a blessing. 
The  wonder  is  not  that  the  religious  were  successful  in  converting 
savages,  but  that  they  made  any  headway  at  all,  when  the  conduct 
of  military  attendants  provided  the  sensual  pagan  mind  with  argu- 
ments for  not  embracing  Christianity. 


Cermenon;  Vizcaino;  The  Natives  41 

the  Indians,  I ordered  four  arquebuses  to  be  discharged  into 
the  air,  in  order  to  frighten  without  injuring  them.  At  the 
noise  of  the  discharge  they  all  fell  to  the  ground ; but  when 
the  smoke  had  cleared  away  they  arose,  and,  seeing  that 
no  harm  had  been  done  to  them,  with  greater  earnestness  they 
fell  to  shooting  arrows  again.  On  this  I ordered  my  people 
to  fire  low,  and  at  the  first  discharge  there  fell  I do  not  know 
how  many  of  them,  upon  which  the  rest  of  them  began  to 
run  away  up  the  slopes  of  the  mountain.  Seeing  that  nothing 
could  be  accomplished  here,  I set  about  embarking  in  order 
to  pursue  the  journey;  but,  the  long-boat  which  I had  being 
small,  all  could  not  embark  at  once.  So  I left  the  major  with 
half  of  the  people  on  shore,  and  sent  the  long-boat  back  for 
them  at  once.  Among  these  soldiers  presently  there  arose 
differences  concerning  who  had  borne  himself  the  better  in  the 
fray,  so  that  they  did  not  embark  without  some  delay;  but 
seeing  that  the  punishment  of  the  disobedient  was  determined 
upon,  they  embarked.  While  the  boat  was  making  for  the 
ship,  and  already  at  some  distance  from  the  shore,  there  came 
upon  the  scene  a great  number  of  Indians  shooting  arrows 
and  aiming  high.  One  of  these  hit  one  of  the  oarsmen  on 
the  nose,  who  ceased  rowing  when  he  felt  himself  w'ounded. 
The  man  on  the  other  side  continued  his  work,  the  long-boat 
took  a sheer,  and  in  consequence  the  soldiers  on  board  were 
thrown  into  disorder.  They  attempted  to  regain  their  positions, 
but,  as  they  were  fully  armed  their  defensive  weapons  being 
of  leather  and  boards,  they  went  under,  and  out  of  twenty-five 
but  six  escaped  by  swimming  and  being  rescued.” 

“In  view  of  the  misfortune  which  befell  us  at  this  place, 
and  as  we  were  without  a long-boat,  or  any  means  of  going 
ashore,  or  of  obtaining  water  ...  all  being  in  accord,  I 
turned  back  for  the  port  of  La  Paz.  . . . Having  reached 

the  said  port,  and  what  had  occurred  being  learned  by  the  oth- 
ers . . . many  of  them  lost  heart  ...  So  they  re- 

quested me  to  take  them  back  to  New  Spain,  since  it  was 
impossible  to  go  on  . . . because  of  the  lack  of  food  in 

the  land,  and  of  the  great  mountainous  wilds  which  it  was 
impossible  to  penetrate.  The  stock  of  provisions  we  had 


42  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


brought  was  very  greatly  reduced  by  the  disaster  to  the  ship 
San  Francisco,  as  well  as  by  the  amount  consumed,  so  that 
there  remained  not  enough  for  wintering  there.  That  we 
might  not  perish,  I gave  them  permission  to  return  to  New 
Spain  in  the  ship  San  Francisco  and  the  lancha,  while  I and 
forty  men  stayed  behind  with  the  ship  San  Jose,  in  order 
to  push  on  into  said  gulf  for  the  purpose  of  exploring  the 
whole  of  it.  We  left  this  place  on  October  28th,  1596,  I for 
the  discovery  of  said  gulf,  and  the  others  for  New  Spain. 

Following  my  route  I encountered  many  storms  and  contrary 
winds  from  the  north  and  northwest.  So  contrary  were  they 
that,  during  the  sixty-six  days  I remained  in  the  gulf,  I could 
not  ascend  it  farther  than  latitude  twenty-nine  degrees,  and 
this  only  by  dint  of  driving  the  ship  in  such  a manner  that  the 
rudder-irons  broke.  This  taking  place,  and  the  winter  having 
set  in,  and  as  we  were  unable  to  make  farther  progress  with 
the  ship,  I sailed,  in  accordance  with  the  request  of  all,  for 
the  port  of  the  isles  of  Mazatlan,  steering  by  means  of  the  i 

sheets  of  the  sails,  God  in  pity  conducting  us.”  { 

Vetancurt  gives  an  additional  reason  for  the  precipitate  , 

departure  of  the  Spaniards  from  the  peninsula.  According  to 
him,  one  of  the  soldiers  was  so  infatuated  with  a pearl  which  , 

an  Indian  girl,  the  daughter  of  a chief,  wore  suspended  from 
her  neck,  that  he  one  day  tore  it  from  her.  This  incensed  the 
natives  to  such  a degree  that  it  was  found  expedient  to  give  up 
the  conquest  of  California ; “and  thus,”  he  remarks,  “on  ac-  ^ 

count  of  one  pearl  the  whole  treasure  was  lost.”  The  , 

Franciscan  friars,  willing  to  subject  themselves  to  all  manner  ' 

of  hardships  for  the  sake  of  the  Indians,  desired  to  remain  J 

in  the  country ; but  Vizcaino  would  not  permit  it.  He  prom-  . 


22  Torquemada  says  the  provisions  were  so  nearly  exhausted  that 
each  member  of  the  colony  received  each  day  but  one  ration,  con- 
sisting of  a small  'dish  of  corn. 

23  Torquemada  says  they  proceeded  about  one  hundred  leagues. 

24  Letter  of  Vizcaino,  Febr.  27th,  1597,  in  “Sutro  Collection,”  vol. 
ii,  35-47. 

25  “Y  por  una  perla  se  perdio  el  tcsoro.”  Vetancurt,  “Cronica,” 
trat.  V,  cap.  i,  no.  11. 


I 


Cermenon;  Vizcaino;  The  Natives 


43 


ised  that  they  should  soon  return,  and  then  directed  them  to 
embark  with  the  rest. 

At  the  close  of  his  report  to  the  king  Vizcaino  offered  him- 
self for  another  voyage,  provided  he  were  granted  certain 
privileges.  “It  seems  advisable,”  he  writes,  “that  the  work 
be  continued  and  that  this  exploration  be  undertaken  anew  for 
many  reasons.  Of  these  the  principal  one  is  the  great  service 
which  will  be  rendered  unto  God,  our  Lord,  by  the  conversion 
of  the  many  souls  in  that  land,  who  so  willingly  gave  proofs 
of  a desire  to  receive  the  holy  Gospel.  ...  So  I also  note 
that  pearls  are  abundant  and  of  excellent  quality.  The  Indians 
told  me  by  signs  that,  letting  the  winter  pass  so  that  the  sea 
should  be  smooth,  they  would  enter  the  water  and  bring  out 
a great  quantity.  As  a token  that  this  is  the  truth,  I send  two 
of  the  pearls  which  the  Indians  gave  me,  that  Your  Majesty 
may  see  them.  ...  I also  note,  further,  that  in  the  sea 
there  is  a greater  quantity  of  fish  of  all  kinds  than  there  is  in 
any  sea  discovered.  I also  note  that  in  those  waters  there 
is  a great  number  of  salt  deposits,  so  abundantly  supplied  by 
nature  that  a thousand  fleets  can  be  laden.”  ^7 


26  “Los  religiosos,  que  se  sujetaban  a padecer  cualquier  penuria 
por  no  desamparar  la  tierra,  quisieron  quedarse;  pero  no  se  lo  per- 
mitio  el  general,  prometiendoles  que  en  breve  darian  la  vuelta,  y 
asi  partieron  con  la  esperanza  de  volver;  pero  no  se  lo  concedio 
Dios.”  Icazbalceta,  in  "Coleccion  de  documentos  para  la  historia 
de  Mexico,”  tomo  ii,  pp.  xlviii-xlix;  Zarate  Salmeron,  “Relaciones,” 
nos.  13-14. 

27  Sebastian  Vizcaino,  “Relacion.”  Vizcaino  announced  his  re- 
turn from  the  expedition  in  a letter  to  the  king,  dated  Mexico, 
February  27th,  1597,  and  it  may  have  accompanied  his  “Relacion.” 
For  the  original  and  translation  see  “Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii, 
33-52.  Compare  also  Torquemada,  “Monarquia  Indiana,”  tom.  i, 
lib.  V,  cap.  xli-xlii,  682-686;  Vetancurt,  “Cronica,”  trat.  v,  cap.  i, 
nos.  9-11;  Tello,  “Cronica  de  Xalisco,”  Introduccion  Bibliografica, 
xix;  Venegas,  “Noticia,”  tom.  i,  pte.  ii,  184-189;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii, 
33-34. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Sebastian  Vizcaino’s  Voyage. — The  Carmelite  Fathers. — First 
Corpus  Christi  Procession. — San  Bernabe  to  San  Diego. — The 
Natives. — San  Diego  to  Monterey. — First  Holy  Mass  at  Mon- 
terey.— Return  of  the  Santo  Tomas. — Monterey  to  Cape  Men- 
docino.— Dreadful  Hardships. — The  Return. — The  Tres  Reyes. 

Despite  the  unfortunate  outcome  of  the  enterprise  in 
charge  of  Sebastian  Vizcaino,  Viceroy  Monterey  in  a 
letter  to  the  king  dated  July  28th,  1597,  ^ supported  Vizcaino’s 
petition,  “since  he  has  been  at  expense  in  the  expedition,  and 
has  acted  with  all  the  skill  and  judgment  to  be  looked  for, 
although  with  poor  success  and  loss  of  prestige.’’  Again  in 
a letter  of  November  26th,  1597,  Monterey  urged  the  king 
to  entrust  another  fleet  to  the  same  commander,  because  “the 
unfortunate  ending  of  the  voyage  was  not  due  to  incapacity 
on  the  part  of  Vizcaino,  who,  on  the  contrary,  gave  evidence 
of  some  ability  and  greater  spirit  than  could  have  been  ex- 
pected.” 2 

The  decision  of  the  royal  council  approved  by  the  king  was 
favorable,  but  included  a rebuke.  It  read  as  follows:  “Let 

him  be  answered  that,  from  what  he  says  here,  and  as  he  is 
inclined  to  comply  with  the  agreement  made  with  Sebastian 
Vizcaino,  and  as  he  approves  his  sufficiency  and  his  person, 
it  appears  to  be  fitting  that  he  go  on  with  the  work  of  the 
expedition  which  he  has  begun  in  execution  of  his  contract 
which  is  confirmed,  ^ that  he  do  this  with  all  possible  speed, 
and  that  he  be  aided  in  accordance  with  what  he  asks  in  the 
second  memorial  presented  by  him,  or,  at  least,  with  so  much 
of  his  demand  as  may  be  agreed  upon  and  made  operative ; 
that  there  be  sent  with  him  some  religious  of  well  approved 
character,  and  as  many  of  them  as  possible,  as  well  as  some 

1-  “Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii,  pp.  52-53. 

2 “Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii,  pp.  55-60. 

2 Refers  to  the  contract  made  between  Viceroy  Velasco  and 
Vizcaino  after  September  18th,  1595.  “Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii, 
pp.  24-25. 


Vizcaino’s  Voyage 


45 


judicious  persons  of  satisfactory  reputation  to  assist  him,  and 
that  he  be  admonished  to  regard  them  as  examples  of  the  pru- 
dence and  consideration  he  should  observe  and  the  tact  with 
which  he  should  proceed ; that  he  be  reproved  for  the  lack 
of  prudence  shown  on  his  last  voyage,  particularly  in  having 
killed  the  Indians,  as  he  relates  in  his  report,  and  in  having 
allowed  the  soldier  who  struck  the  Indian  with  the  butt  of 
his  arquebus  to  go  unpunished,  and  that  he  treat  the  Indians 
with  great  love  and  tenderness,  making  gifts  to  them  in  order 
to  attract  them  in  good  will  to  the  holy  Gospel,  and  not  per- 
mitting injury  to  be  done  them ; * that  he  report  what  he 
may  do  and  what  the  result  of  the  expedition  may  be ; that 
His  Majesty  be  consulted  in  the  matter,  the  main  end  he  is 
to  accomplish  being  the  conversion  of  the  Indians.  ^ Let  that 
which  is  said  concerning  the  ship  of  light  burthen,  which 
could  be  sent  from  Acapulco  to  explore  the  coast,  be  done ; . . . 
and  let  this  enterprise  be  undertaken  at  once  with  the  circum- 
spection that  is  proper.”  ® 

The  death  of  King  Philip  II.  delayed  action ; but  one  of  the 
first  decrees  issued  by  his  son  and  successor.  King  Philip  III., 
and  dated  September  27th,  1599,  related  to  the  expedition  which 
was  to  make  the  survey  of  the  northwest  coast.  No  expense 
was  to  be  spared  in  equipping  the  ships,  and  more  than  ordi- 
nary care  was  to  be  exercised  in  the  selection  of  men  and 
vessels,  in  order  that  the  undertaking  might  succeed.  The 
fleet  consisted  of  the  San  Diego,  which  in  Torquemada’s  nar- 
rative is  generally  called  La  Capitana,  because  it  was  com- 
manded by  Sebastian  Mzcaino,  who  bore  the  title  captain- 
general  of  the  expedition;  the  Santo  Tomas,  which  with  Tor- 
quemada  figures  as  La  Almiranta  for  the  reason  that  her 
commander,  Toribio  Gomez,  had  the  title  almirante;  and  the 
Tres  Reyes,  in  charge  of  Ensign  Martin  Aguilar  and  Pilot 


4 This  solicitude  of  the  kings  of  Spain  for  the  Indians  runs 
through  all  the  royal  decrees;  unfortunately  subordinates  suited 
themselves. 

5 This  explicit  declaration  likewise  gives  the  mind  of  all  the 
Spanish  kings. 

®“Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii,  pp.  56-57,  61-63. 


46  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Antonio  Flores.  A long-boat  was  also  taken  along  for  the 
purpose  of  exploring  shallow  waters  and  narrow  passages. 
The  force  was  composed  of  nearly  two  hundred  picked  men 
under  Captain  Alonso  Estevan  Peguero,  Captain  Caspar  de 
Alarcon,  Ensign  Juan  Francisco  Suriano,  and  Sergeant  Miguel 
de  Legar.  Three  barefooted  friars  of  the  Order  of  Our  Lady 
of  Mount  Carmel  accompanied  the  explorers  as  chaplains. 
They  were  Fr.  Andres  de  la  Asumpcion,  as  superior,  Fr.  An- 
tonio de  la  Ascension,  and  Fr.  Tomas  de  Aquino.  Fr.  An- 
tonio de  la  Ascension  was  directed  to  keep  the  journal,  and 


Captain  Geronimo  Martin  Palacios  acted  as  cosmographer 
and  surveyor.  The  officers  and  men  on  board  the  three  vessels, 
according  to  Torquemada,  formed  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
corps  ever  raised  in  New  Spain  for  such  a purpose.  ® 


7 “Dos  navios,  una  lancha,  y un  ‘barco-Iuengo,’  ” are  the  vessels 
that  Vizcaino  reports  to  the  king.  The  navio  had  a deck  and  three 
masts;  the  lancha  (the  fragata  of  Torquemada)  was  a small  vessel 
having  no  deck  and  but  one  mast;  its  movement  was  aided  by 
sweeps;  the  barco-Iuengo  was  a long  boat  having  one  or  two  masts 
and  a bluff  bow.  “Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii,  p.  64. 

8 Torquemada,  tom.  lib.  v,  cap.  xlv,  694;  cap.  xlvi,  694-695;  Vene- 
gas, pte.  ii,  190;  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  153-154. 


Navio,  ok  Ship. 


Vizcaino’s  Voyage 


47 


Before  their  departure  from  the  capital  Viceroy  Monterey 
in  a speech  impressed  upon  men  and  officers  the  importance  of 
the  work  which  they  were  about  to  undertake.  He  urged 
them  to  preserve  peace  among  themselves,  to  obey  the  officers, 
and  to  pay  special  respect  to  the  religious  whose  co-operation, 
he  hoped,  would  greatly  contribute  to  the  success  of  the  enter- 
prise. They  set  out  from  the  city  of  Mexico  on  March  7th, 
1602,  and  reach  the  port  of  Acapulco  on  the  20th  of  the  same 
month.  Here  men  and  officers  received  the  sacraments  of 
penance  and  Holy  Eucharist,  ® and  on  Sunday,  May  5th,  at 
five  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  they  sailed  out  of  the  harbor, 
“in  the  name  of  God  and  His  Blessed  Mother  and  of  Your 
Majesty,”  as  Vizcaino  wrote  to  the  king  from  Acapulco  just 
before  sailing. 

On  May  19th  the  ships  reached  the  port  of  Navidad  and 
remained  for  repairs  until  the  22d.  After  touching  at  one 
of  the  islands  of  Mazatlan  on  Sunday,  June  2d,  Vizcaino 
steered  across  the  giilf.  On  Sunday  afternoon,  June  9th, 
land  was  sighted,  but  a heavy  fog  prevented  him  from  going 
ashore  until  the  11th,  when  the  fleet  anchored  in  a small  bay 
which,  on  account  of  the  feast,  was  called  San  Bernabe.  It 
is  situated  immediately  east  of  Cape  San  Lucas,  the  southern 
extremity  of  Lower  California,  and  is  now  known  as  Port 
San  Jose.  The  expedition  was  detained  until  July  5th.  The 
country  seemed  well  inhabited  by  Indians.  Profiting  by  the 
lessons  of  his  former  visit,  and  remembering  the  rebuke  from 
the  royal  council,  the  commander  published  an  order  impos- 
ing the  death  penalty  upon  any  soldier  or  sailor  who  should 
cause  disturbance  among  the  natives.  Had  this  measure 
been  adopted  by  all  conquerors,  Englishmen  and  Americans, 


9 “Habiendo  los  religiosos  administrado  los  sacramentos  de  la 
Confesion  y Comunion  a todos  los  que  iban  al  Descubrimiento.” 
Torquemada,  p.  695. 

10  “Hoy  Domingo  cinco  de  Mayo  a 'as  cinco  (Torquemada  has 
‘a  las  quatro’)  me  hago  a la  vela  en  el  nombre  de  Dios  y de  Su 
Bendita  Madre  y de  Vuestra  Magestad.’’  “Carta”  de  Vizcaino, 
“Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii,  63. 

11  Hittell,  “Hist,  of  Calif.,”  vol.  i,  138. 


48  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


as  well  as  Spaniards,  would  not  have  covered  themselves  with 
so  much  infamy  while  dealing  with  the  aborigines  of  Amer- 
ica. No  sooner  had  the  Spaniards  landed,  when  the  Indians 
withdrew  to  a hill;  but  Fr.  Antonio  de  la  Ascension,  armed 
only  with  the  blessing  of  the  superior,  went  towards  them 
and  sought  by  means  of  signs  to  allay  their  apprehensions. 

He  embraced  each  one  affectionately,  and  by  degrees  dis- 
pelled their  fear  and  distrust. 

While  awaiting  a favorable  opportunity  to  continue  the 
voyage,  the  commander  and  his  followers  gave  vent  to  their 
Christian  faith  in  a manner  which  must  have  amazed  the 
natives.  Having  e.stablished  friendly  relations  with  the  In- 
dians, “the  general,”  says  Torquemada,  “commanded  that  a 
large  tent  be  erected,  in  order  that  an  altar  be  placed 
therein,  and  that  the  religious  celebrate  Mass  during  the 
days  they  were  detained  there,  as  they  have  always  done. 

On  the  octave  of  Corpus  Christ!  the  religious  celebrated  the 
feast,  and  a solemn  procession  was  held  with  the  Most  Holy  1 

Sacrament  and  with  a statute  of  Our  Lady  of  Carmel,  which, 
for  the  consolation  of  all,  the  religious  had  brought  along.  , 

On  this  day,  too,  all  the  members  of  the  expedition  confessed  ' 

and  received  holy  Communion,  and  there  was  High  Mass  I 

with  a sermon,  which  was  a great  consolation  to  all.”  After  i 

this  the  Indians,  who  generally  went  naked,  would  come  to  , ■ 

the  camp,  or  to  the  tent  where  holy  Mass  was  celebrated,  ( 

bringing  skins  of  deer,  mountain  lions,  tigers,  etc. 

12  Tienda.  Enramada  is  the  term  invariably  used  when  the  J 

structure  was  made  of  boughs.  i 

12  “En  la  Bahia  de  San  Bernabe,  etc.,  mando  el  general,  que  ] 

luego  se  armase  una  grande  tienda,  para  que  alii  se  hiciera  altar,  1 

y los  religiosos  dixeran  Misa  los  dias  que  alii  se  detuviesen,  como  5 

lo  hicieron  siempre,  y el  dia  de  la  Octava  de  el  Corpus  los  religi-  j 

osos  celebraron  alii  la  Fiesta,  y se  hizo  una  Solemne  Procesion 
con  el  Santisimo  Sacramento,  y con  una  Imagen  de  bulto  de  ; 

Nuestra  Senora  del  Carmen,  que  los  religiosos  llevaban,  para  con-  ! 

suelo  de  todos;  y este  dia  se  confeso  y comulgo  toda  la  gente  de 
la  Armada,  y hubo  Misa  Cantada,  y sermon,  que  para  todos  fue 
de  mucho  consuelo.”  Torquemada,  tom.  i,  lib.  v,  cap.  xlviii,  698. 

II  Torquemada,  “Monarq.  Ind.,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xlvii,  695;  cap.  xlviii, 

696-699;  Greenhow,  “Oregon  and  California,”  89. 


A 


Vizcaino’s  Voyage 


49 


On  the  fifth  of  July  the  fleet  sailed  around  the  cape  and 
began  to  survey  the  west  coast  in  the  face  of  trying  difficulties. 
The  scurvy  broke  out  among  the  crew  and  the  northwest 
wind  allowed  the  ships  to  proceed  but  slowly.  On  the  third 
day  a violent  storm  separated  the  Tres  Reyes  from  the  other 
two  vessels.  Finally  such  a calm  set  in  that  the  Capitana 
and  the  Almiranta  made  only  one  league  from  the  8th  to  the 
16th.  From  this  circumstance  the  range  of  mountains  at 
the  foot  of  which  the  Spaniards  had  landed,  was  called  Sierra 
de  Enfado.  On  the  last  of  these  days,  the  titular  feast 
of  the  Carmelite  Order,  the  friars  placed  the  statue  of  Our 
Lady  of  Mount  Carmel  on  an  altar,  where  all  appealed  for 
relief  to  the  patroness  of  the  expedition.  While  they  were 
yet  praying,  a favorable  wind  arose  and  on  July  20th  brought 
the  ships  to  Port  Santa  Maria  Magdalena.  Before  reach- 
ing the  bay,  the  Santo  Tomas  lost  sight  of  the  Capitana, 
and  continued  on  her  way  to  the  north.  On  the  22d,  the 
feast  of  St.  Mary  Magdalene,  Vizcaino  went  ashore  with 
the  crew  and  erected  an  altar.  Fathers  Andres  de  la  Asump- 
cion  and  Tomas  de  Aquino  celebrated  holy  Mass  and  men 
and  officers  received  holy  Communion.  Here  the  Tres  Reyes 
rejoined  the  flagship. 

In  the  meantime  the  Almiranta,  or  Santo  Tomas,  sailed  on 
and  reached  Isla  de  la  Asuncion  on  August  5th.  The  next 
day,  the  feast  of  the  Transfiguration  of  Christ,  some  of  the 
crew  received  holy  Communion  during  the  holy  Mass,  which 
was  celebrated  by  Fr.  Antonio  de  la  Ascension.  The  Almi- 
ranta then  moved  onward  and  on  the  19th  dropped  her  anchor 
at  Cerros  Island  to  wait  for  the  Capitana.  The  latter  ar- 
rived at  the  Isla  de  la  Asumpcion  on  the  15th,  and  anchored 
two  leagues  farther  up  at  an  island  which  was  named  San 
Roque,  for  the  saint  of  the  next  day.  On  the  19th  the  Cap- 
itana, or  San  Diego,  arrived  at  the  Isla  de  la  Natividad  de 
Nuestra  Senora  with  the  Tres  Reyes,  and  on  the  24th  they 
entered  the  port  of  San  Bartolonie.  Finally,  on  the  last  day 


15  Sierra  of  Vexation. 

16  Torquemada,  tom.  i,  cap.  xlviii,  699-700;  Greenhow,  89. 


50  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


of  August,  the  Capitana  came  up  with  the  long-lost  Almiranta 
at  Cerros  Island.  Here,  on  September  8th,  the  whole  fleet 
celebrated  the  birthday  of  the  Mother  of  God  with  as  much 
pomp  as  possible.  There  was  a High  Mass  and  sermon, 
followed  by  a procession  with  the  statue  of  the  Blessed  Vir- 
gin. Nearly  all  received  holy  Communion.  Wood  and  fresh 
water  were  taken  aboard,  and  on  the  next  day  the  voyage  was 
resumed.  Various  stops  were  made  and  names  applied  to 
the  places  discovered,  but  on  this  point  Torquemada’s  narra- 
tive is  so  confused  that  it  is  impossible  to  identify  them  all. 
Storms  again  drove  the  Almiranta  away  from  the  other  ships, 
but  on  October  3d,  the  eve  of  the  feast  of  St.  Francis,  the 
Capitana  and  the  Tres  Reyes  entered  a bay  which  lies  at  the 
foot  and  southeast  of  the  Mesas  de  San  Juan  Gomez,  and 
which  was  given  the  name  of  San  Francisco  Bay.  Here  all 
observed  the  feast  in  true  Catholic  fashion  by  receiving  the 
sacraments  of  penance  and  Holy  Eucharist,  and  by  assisting 
at  the  holy  Mas.ses  of  Fr.  Andres  de  la  Asumpeion  and  Fr. 
Tomas  de  Aquino.  Many  Indians  were  seen,  and  Tor- 
quemada  notes  that  the  women  were  properly  covered  with 
the  skins  of  animals. 

On  October  24th  the  Almiranta  rejoined  the  other  two  ships, 
and  on  the  28th,  the  feast  of  the  Apostles  Saints  Simon  and 
Jude,  the  fleet  anchored  in  a large  bay  which  was  named 
Bahia  de  San  Simon  y San  Judas.  Here  for  the  first  time 
the  savages  showed  themselves  openly  hostile  by  shooting 
arrows  at  the  sailors  who  had  gone  ashore  for  fresh  water. 
The  Spaniards  in  self-defense  used  their  guns  and  killed  sev- 
eral of  the  two  hundred  aggressors,  whereupon  they  were 
allowed  to  sail  away.  At  intervals  along  the  coast  they  saw 


17  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  157. 

18  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  navigators,  officers  and  men,  fre- 
quently received  the  sacraments.  This  fact  shows  that  the  mem- 
bers of  the  expedition  were  a select  class,  and  not  like  most  of 
those  that  subsequently  came  to  California  as  soldiers  and  sailors. 

19  Las  mujeres  andaban  muy  honestas  y cubiertas  con  pieles  de 
animales;  y son  fecundisimas,  porque  cada  una  traia  consign  dos 
ninos  a los  pechos.”  Torquemada,  tom.  i,  cap.  li,  708. 


Vizcaino’s  Voyage 


SI 

fires  and  heard  the  shouts  of  the  natives,  but  they  sailed  on 
and  came  to  four  islands  situated  about  six  leagues  from 
the  shore.  These  were  called  Islas  de  los  Coronados  for  the 
four  martyrs  whose  feast  is  celebrated  on  November  8th. 

“To  the  north  of  these  islands,”  says  Torquemada,  “on 
the  mainland,  is  the  famous  port  called  San  Diego,  which 
the  expedition  entered  on  November  10th,  the  eve  of  St.  Mar- 
tin’s day,  at  about  seven  o’clock  in  the  evening.  On  the 
morning  after  the  day  of  the  glorious  St.  Martin,  the  gen- 
eral ordered  some  men  to  go  and  examine  a mountain  which 
protected  this  harbor  from  the  northwest  wind ; these  were 
Ensign  Alarcon,  Captain  Alonso  Peguero,  Fr.  Antonio  de  la 
Ascension,  and  eight  archers.  They  found  much  live-oak  tim- 
ber and  other  trees,  such  as  the  rock-rose  and  others  resem- 
bling the  rosemary,  besides  some  very  odoriferous  and  whole- 
some plants.  From  the  top  of  the  mountain  the  port  ap- 
peared to  be  very  fine,  spacious,  and  convenient,  because  it 
was  sheltered  against  all  storms.  The  mountain,  which  pro- 
tects the  port  on  the  northwest  side,  may  be  three  leagues  in 
length  and  half  a league  in  width.  On  the  other  side  to 
the  northwest  is  another  good  port.” 

“When  they  had  returned  with  this  report,  the  general 
commanded  that  a suitable  tent  be  pitched  to  serve  as  a 
church,  in  order  that  the  religious  might  celebrate  Mass ; 
that  the  ships  should  be  cleaned  and  tarred ; that  some  men 
should  procure  firewood  and  others  stand  guard.  This  was 
done  on  a sandbank,  or  island  of  sand,  where  they  dug  wells 
and  trenches.  When  the  sea  was  high,  the  pools  contained 
sweet  and  good  water;  but  when  the  tide  went  out  it  was 
salty.  One  day  a sentinel  gave  notice  that  many  Indians 

20  So  named  by  Vizcaino,  probably  for  the  saint  of  the  day  on 
whose  feast,  November  12th,  a landing  was  effected.  Cabrillo, 
sixty  years  before,  had  given  it  the  name  San  Miguel. 

21  “Entro  esta  Armada  la  vispera  de  San  Martin,  que  fue  a 10 
de  Noviembre,  a las  siete  de  la  noche.”  Torquemada,  tom.  i,  lib. 
V,  cap.  lii,  710. 

22  This  is  known  as  “False  Bay.” 

23  “Quando  la  mar  era  creciente,  tenian  los  pozos  el  agua  dulce 
y buena;  y siendo  menguante,  salobre.” 


52 


Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


were  coming  along  the  beach,  all  armed  with  bows  and 
arrows,  but  naked  and  besmeared  with  black  and  white  paint. 
The  general  requested  Fr.  Antonio  to  go  and  receive  them  in 
peace;  Ensign  Juan  Francisco  and  six  archers  went  with  him. 
When  they  had  come  up  to  the  Indians,  and  had  made  signs 
of  peace  with  a strip  of  white  cloth  and  by  throwing  up  earth 
with  their  hands,  the  first  thing  the  Indians  did  was  to  turn 
the  bows  and  arrows  over  to  the  soldiers.  Fr.  Antonio  em- 
braced the  savages  and  gave  them  some  beads  on  strings, 
which  they  put  on  their  necks  for  display.  Thereupon  they 
went  towards  the  place  where  the  general  was ; but  when 
they  saw  the  multitude  of  Spaniards,  they  did  not  dare  ap- 
proach, and  so  withdrew  to  a hill,  whence  they  sent  two  very 
old,  wrinkled  women.  When  they  arrived  at  the  tent,  the 
general,  the  religious,  and  some  of  the  soldiers,  gave  them 
strings  of  glass  beads  and  some  biscuits,  and  with  these  sent 
them  to  tell  what  treatment  they  had  received  at  the  hands  of 
the  people  who  had  recently  arrived  in  their  country.  The 
women  related  their  impressions,  whereupon  all  immediately 
came  to  see  the  Spaniards.  Most  of  them  came  painted  black 
and  white,  and  wearing  many  feathers  on  their  heads.  Viz- 
caino and  the  others  received  them  with  much  pleasure,  and, 
besides  other  things,  gave  them  many  fish  which  had  been 
caught  in  their  presence  with  a net.  Quite  transported  with 
the  good  treatment  accorded  them  on  this  occasion,  the  In- 
dians came  every  third  day  for  biscuits  and  fish,  in  turn 
bringing  skins  of  martens,  wild  cats,  and  other  animals,  to- 
gether with  the  traps  in  which  they  caught  them.”  They 
also  informed  Vizcaino  that  in  the  interior  were  people  who 
had  beards  and  wore  clothes  like  the  Spaniards.  He  could 
learn  nothing  more,  but  concluded  that  they  were  the  people 
who  had  recently  settled  in  New  Mexico. 

After  the  commander  had  surveyed  the  port  he  gave  orders 
to  resume  the  voyage,  although  many  of  the  soldiers  were 
suffering  from  scurvy,  and  some  of  the  ablest  men  had  already 
died.  On  Wednesday,  November  20th,  all  received  holy  Com- 
munion and  then  continued  on  their  course,  generally  sailing 
against  a northwest  wind.  On  the  25th  the  explorers  came 


Vizcaino’s  Voyage 


53 


in  sight  of  a large  island  which  they  named  Santa  Catalina 
Island,  for  the  saint  of  the  day,  St.  Catherine,  Virgin  and 
Martyr.  They  landed  on  the  28th,  and  on  the  next  morning 
they  assisted  at  tfle  holy  Masses  offered  up  by  Fathers  An- 
dres and  Antonio.  Fr.  Tomas  was  too  ill  to  celebrate  Mass. 
A large  number  of  Indians  witnessed  the  solemn  scene.  Here 
for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  California  the  Spaniards 
encountered  a place  of  idol  worship.  It  was  nothing  more 
than  a circle  within  which  stood  a gaudily  painted  figure  sup- 
posed to  represent  a demon.  On  one  side  was  the  picture 
of  the  sun,  and  on  the  other  that  of  the  moon.  The  sacri- 
fices offered  to  this  idol  consisted  of  birds,  whose  feathers 
were  used  to  ornament  the  circle.  While  the  soldiers  were 
approaching,  two  crows  flew  from  the  spot  and  perched  on 
some  rocks  near  by.  The  natives  seemed  to  dread  these 
birds ; for  this  reason,  probably,  and  on  account  of  their*  ex- 
traordinary size,  the  Spaniards  shot  and  killed  them.  This 
caused  their  Indian  guide  to  utter  the  most  woeful  lamenta- 
tions. The  inhabitants  of  the  island  communicated  with  the 
Indians  on  the  mainland  by  means  of  canoes,  some  of  which 
were  capable  of  carrying  as  many  as  twenty  men.  Though 
very  friendly,  the  islanders  also  proved  quite  skillful  as  thieves. 

After  leaving  the  island,  probably  on  December  2d,  the 
little  fleet  soon  ran  into  the  channel  to  which  they  gave  the 
name  of  the  virgin  and  martyr  Santa  Barbara.  Near  the 
first  island,  probably  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  later  Mission 
San  Buenaventura,  a canoe  containing  five  Indians  left  the 
mainland  and  moved  directly  for  the  Capitana.  One  of  the 
savages  boarded  the  vessel  and  in  his  own  language  made  a 
long  speech,  of  which  Vizcaino  and  his  men  naturally  under- 
stood nothing.  By  means  of  signs  the  Indian  invited  the 
explorers  to  visit  his  rancherias,  where  they  would  be  sup- 
plied with  everything.  When  he  noticed  that  there  were  no 
women  on  board,  he  inquired  for  them.  Vizcaino  replied 
that  they  brought  none  along  and  had  no  need  of  them.  The 


24  Torquemada  followed  by  Venegas  has  25th,  which  is  of  course 
a misprint. 


54  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


surprised  Indian  then  promised  that,  if  they  would  go  ashore, 
he  would  provide  each  man  with  ten  women.  This  singular 
proposition  provoked  great  mirth  among  the  explorers,  but 
was  not  accepted. 

Soon  after  the  departure  of  the  Indian,  at  seven  in  the 
evening  of  December  3d,  the  eve  of  St.  Barbara’s  day,  a 
favorable  wind  arose  and  continued  until  the  next  morning, 
when  the  Spaniards  found  themselves  near  the  last  island  of 
the  channel.  They  saw  much  timber  along  the  coast,  and 
the  native  rancherias  were  numerous.  On  December  14th 
the  expedition  arrived  opposite  a lofty  range  of  mountains, 
which  was  called  Sierra  de  Santa  Lucia,  probably  because  it 
was  first  sighted  on  December  13th,  the  feast  of  the  saint. 
Four  leagpies  beyond  a river  was  discovered  and  named  Rio 
del  Carmelo.  “Two  leagues  farther  on,”  Torquemada  writes, 
“is  a famous  port  between  which  and  said  river  is  a pine- 
covered  mountain  two  leagues  wide,  and  the  land  forms  a 
point,  which  is  called  Punta  de  Pinos,  for  the  entrance  to 
the  port.  Into  this  port  the  fleet  entered  in  order  to  pre- 
pare the  despatches  for  New  Spain;  it  was  the  16th  of  De- 
cember.” 

This  harbor,  which  received  the  weary  explorers  on  the 
evening  of  the  16th  of  December,  was  named  Monte-Rey,  in 
honor  of  the  viceroy.  On  the  following  morning  Vizcaino 
ordered  everjlhing  necessary  to  be  taken  ashore,  so  that  the 
Carmelite  Fathers  might  celebrate  holy  Mass  while  the  ships 
lay  at  anchor  in  the  bay.  “The  chapel,”  as  Fr.  Torquemada 
relates,  “was  placed  in  the  shadow  of  a large  oak-tree,  some 
of  whose  branches  reached  the  water ; and  near  it,  in  a small 


25  “Como  no  viese  muger  alguna  en  el  navio,  pregunto  por  cllas 
por  senas.  ...  El  general  le  dixo,  que  no  las  llevaban,  ni  las 
habian  menester.  Entonces  el  Indio  importuno  al  general  con 
mas  eficacia,  se  fuera  a su  tierra  con  la  gente  que  traia,  que  el  le 
promctia  de  dar  a cada  uno  de  todos,  que  en  el  navio  iban,  diez 
mugeres,  de  lo  qual  se  rio  toda  la  gente  mucho.”  Torquemada, 
tom.  i,  cap.  liii,  714. 

26  Torquemada,  p.  715. 


Vizcaino’s  Voyage 


55 


ravine,  at  about  twenty  paces,  were  some  pools  containing 
very  good  and  sweet  water.”  ^7 

After  assisting  at  a holy  Mass  in  honor  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
Vizcaino  and  his  officers  held  a council  to  deliberate  how 
they  could  best  inform  the  viceroy  about  the  results  of  the 
expedition  and  relieve  the  afflicted  crew.  Very  few  of  the 
men  had  escaped  the  scurvy;  the  pilot  of  the  Almiranta  and 
his  assistant  were  unable  to  leave  their  beds ; the  sailing- 
master  of  the  Capitana  and  his  assistant  could  scarcely  remain 
on  their  feet ; and  sixteen  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors  had  died. 
It  was  decided  to  send  back  the  Santo  Tomas,  or  Almiranta, 
in  charge  of  her  commander,  Toribio  Gomez  de  Corvan,  with 
all  the  sick  and  disabled,  including  Fr.  Tomas  de  Aquino.  Ac- 
cordingly, after  all  had  confessed  and  received  holy  Com- 
munion, the  scurvy-stricken  men  were  borne  to  the  ship. 
The  vessel,  manned  by  a sufficient  number  of  able-bodied 
sailors,  departed  for  Acapulco  on  December  29th,  1602,  but 
the  voyage  was  one  of  intense  pain  for  the  sufferers.  Twen- 
ty-five of  them  died  on  the  way  or  soon  after  reaching  the 
port ; only  nine,  among  whom  were  Admiral  Corvan  and 
Fr.  Tomas,  survived. 

Having  rested  his  men  and  obtained  a supply  of  wood 
and  water,  the  San  Diego  and  the  Tres  Reyes  set  out  from 
Monterey  Bay,  on  January  3d,  1603,  in  search  of  Cape  Men- 
docino. A favorable  wind  carried  them  north  until  the  sev- 
enth, when  a storm  separated  the  Tres  Reyes  from  the  flag- 
ship. The  latter  turned  back  and  sought  shelter  in  the  har- 
bor which  Cermenon  in  1595  had  named  San  Francisco  Bay, 
and  which  is  now  called  Drake’s  Bay.  Here  Vizcaino,  while 
waiting  for  the  lancha  to  reappear,  looked  in  vain  for  remains 
of  the  San  Agustin,  which  had  been  wrecked  in  this  harbor 
in  1595,  when  a friar  lost  his  life,  as  we  have  stated  in  Chap- 
ter II.  28 

27“Hizose  la  iglesia  a la  sombra  de  una  grande  encipa,  que  con 
algunas  de  sus  ramas  llegaba  a la  mar,  y cerca  de  ella,  en  una  bar- 
ranquilla,  a veinte  pasos,  habia  unos  pozos,  en  quc  habia  agua 
muy  buena  y duke.” 

28  Torquemada,  tom.  i,  cap.  liv,  715-717. 


56  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

The  general  named  the  point  of  land  above  Drake’s  Bay 
Punta  de  los  Reyes,  in  honor  of  the  Three  Magi  whose  octave 
was  then  celebrated.  He  did  not  land,  but  sailed  out  of  the 
harbor  on  January  8th.  On  Sunday,  the  12th,  he  came  in 
sight  of  a high  mountain  range.  Fourteen  leagues  farther 
onward  he  discerned  a cape  in  the  neighborhood  of  snow- 
capped sierras,  in  about  forty-one  and  a half  degrees  latitude. 
The  pilots  believed  this  point  of  land  to  be  Cape  Mendocino. 
On  the  following  day  the  Capitana  encountered  a cold  and 
furious  rainstorm  which  every  moment  threatened  to  destroy 
the  vessel.  What  made  the  situation  on  board  more  terrible 
was  the  condition  of  the  crew ; for  “when  the  ship  Capitana,” 
says  Torquemada,  “arrived  at  this  place  of  Cape  Mendocino, 
there  were  no  more  than  six  persons  who  had  health  and 
walked  about.  All  the  soldiers,  sailors,  servants,  and  cabin- 
boys,  afflicted  with  the  disease  which  we  mentioned  (scurvy), 
had  dropped  into  their  bunks ; and  not  only  the  men,  but 
likewise  the  religious  and  the  officers  on  duty  had  become 
so  ill,  that  the  Fr.  Comisario  could  scarcely  go  to  hear  their 
confessions  and  annoint  those  that  were  about  to  die;  Fr. 
Antonio  could  not  rise  from  bed.  As  the  men  still  able  to 
manage  the  ship  were  few,  there  existed  among  all  great 
distress,  caused  by  fear  in  seeing  themselves  at  such  a place 
without  a remedy ; and  had  the  storm  been  more  fierce,  I 
hold  for  certain  the  destruction  of  all,  because  the  soldiers 
and  sailors,  in  their  weak  state,  could  by  no  means  have 
controlled  the  ship  on  account  of  their  inability  to  set  the  sails.” 

In  this  predicament  \’izcaino  with  his  officers  decided  to 
return  to  La  Paz ; but  another  storm  drove  the  vessel  onward 
until,  in  the  afternoon  of  January  19th,  the  Spaniards  found 
themselves  in  sight  of  a white  point  of  land  near  a high  snow- 
capped mountain  in  latitude  forty-two  degrees.  As  it  hap- 
pened to  be  the  eve  of  St.  Sebastian,  the  patron  saint  of  the 
commander,  this  point  was  called  Cabo  Blanco  de  San  Sebas- 
tian. The  cold  now  was  intense  and  the  provisions  were 
almost  exhausted.  Vizcaino,  therefore,  began  the  return  voy- 
age on  January  20th.  On  reaching  Santa  Barbara  Channel 
only  three  soldiers  were  able  to  be  on  their  feet.  The  suffer- 


Vizcaino’s  Voyage 


57 


ings  and  loss  of  life  were  terrible.  Though  ill  himself,  Fr. 
Andres  dragged  himself  to  every  bed,  in  order  to  afford  the 
dying  the  consolation  of  at  least  making  their  confession  and 
receiving  extreme  unction.  “To  see  so  many  dead,  to  hear 
so  many  lamentations  and  cries  of  pain,”  Torquemada  de- 
clares, “would  have  moved  the  very  stones  to  pity  and  grief; 
but  all  died  like  faithful  Christians.”  29  The  Capitana  made 
no  stop  until  she  reached  Cerros  Island  on  February  7th. 
Here  water  and  wood  were  taken  aboard,  and  on  Sunday,  the 
9th,  she  sailed  directly  for  Mazatlan,  where  she  arrived  on 
Monday  night,  February  17th.  On  March  19th,  after  a 
month’s  rest,  the  ship  resumed  the  voyage,  and  entered  the 
harbor  of  Acapulco  on  March  21st,  1603. 20 

Meanwhile  the  Tres  Reyes  under  Martin  de  Aguilar,  after 
losing  sight  of  the  San  Diego  at  San  Francisco,  or  Drake’s 
Bay,  was  driven  northward  until  January  19th,  when  she 
arrived  in  latitude  forty-three  degrees  at  a point  of  land  which 
was  given  the  name  Cabo  Blanco.  Seeing  that  they  had 
gone  farther  than  ordered  by  the  viceroy,  that  the  Capitana 
did  not  appear,  and  that  many  of  the  crew  had  fallen  sick 
with  scurvy,  Aguilar  and  Pilot  Antonio  Flores  agreed  to 
make  their  way  back  to  Mexico.  Both,  however,  fell  vic- 
tims to  the  dreaded  disease  and  died  before  reaching  their 
destination.  Estevan  Lopez,  the  pilot  in  charge,  brought  the 
vessel  to  the  port  of  Navidad.  He  and  four  soldiers  alone 
survived  to  relate  the  terrible  hardships  of  the  voyage.  21 

From  the  city  of  Mexico  Sebastian  Vizcaino,  under  date 
of  May  23d,  1603,  reported  the  results  of  the  expedition  to 
the  King  of  Spain.  “Eleven  months,”  he  writes,  “were  spent 
on  the  voyage,  during  which  noteworthy  hardships  were  suf- 
fered ; and,  notwithstanding  the  unhappy  experience  of  my 
men,  who  were  all  sick  and  of  whom  forty-two  died  before 

29“Ver  tantos  muertos,  tantos  gritos,  y tantas  lamentaciones, 
moveria  a compasion  y lastima  a las  piedras.  Todos  murieron 
como  fieles  Christianos,  y por  lo  menos  confesados  y oleados.” 

20  Torquemada,  “Monarquia  Indiana,”  tom.  i,  cap.  Iv,  719;  cap. 
Ivi,  719-720. 

21  Torquemada,  tom.  i,  cap.  Iv,  719;  cap.  Iviii. 


58  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


our  return  to  the  port  of  Acapulco,  I again  offer  to  serve 
Your  Majesty  in  continuing  the  exploration  ...  in  which 
1 have  spent  the  greater  part  of  my  fortune  and  of  my 
health.”  His  offer  was  not  accepted,  for  the  attention  of 
the  Spanish  government  at  that  time  was  diverted  to  the  far 
West.  Ten  years  later,  on  December  26th,  1613,  Vizcaino 
once  more  saw  Cape  Mendocino  on  his  way  from  Japan 
as  a passenger  on  board  the  San  Francisco. 


32  “Sutro  Collection,”  vol.  ii,  70-73. 

33  Torquemada,  tom.  i,  cap.  Iv,  717-718.  Torquemada  is  the 
standard  author  for  the  voyage  of  Vizcaino.  See  also  Venegas, 
“Noticia,”  tom.  i,  pte.  ii,  183-202;  tom.  iii,  pte.  iv,  88-97;  Bancroft, 
“Hist,  of  Calif.,”  vol.  i,  105;  “Hist,  of  Texas,  vol.  i,  157;  Greenhow, 
“Oregon  and  California,”  92,  who  claims  that  Vizcaino  died  in 
1608;  Shea,  “Catholic  Missions,”  88-89. 


PART  II. 

THE  JESUIT  PERIOD. 


(1679-1767) 


> 4 


CHAPTER  I. 


Efforts  to  Colonize  the  Peninsula. — The  First  Secular  Priest  in 
California. — The  First  Jesuits. — Isidro  Otondo’s  Expedition. — 
The  Jesuits  Kino  and  Gogni  and  Fray  Jose  Guijosa. — Indian 
Mission  and  Colony  Established. — Troubles  with  the  Indians. — 
Mission  System. — Success  of  the  Missionaries. — Spaniards  Dis- 
satisfied.— Abandoning  the  Peninsula. 

OR  more  than  .a  century  and  a half  after  Vizcahio’s  death 


no  attempt  was  made  by  the  Spaniards  to  secure  a foot- 
hold on  the  west  coast  of  California.  The  Gulf  of  California 
itself  became  the  principal  resort  of  Dutch  freebooters,  who, 
under  the  name  of  Pichilingues,  kept  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Mexican  coast  in  constant  anxiety.  Greed,  however,  induced 
adventurers  to  cross  the  gulf  secretly  in  search  of  gold  or 
pearls.  Many  grew  wealthy  through  pearl-fishing.  In  1615 
Captain  Juan  Iturbi  obtained  the  requisite  government  license 
for  an  expedition  to  the  peninsula.  One  of  his  two  ships 
was  captured  by  the  Pichilingues ; with  the  other  he  sailed 
up  the  gulf,  collecting  pearls  from  the  savages  at  various 
places,  until  he  reached  latitude  thirty  degrees,  where  the 
eastern  and  western  shores  seemed  to  unite  in  the  distance. 
Northwest  winds  and  lack  of  provisions  then  forced  the  ship 
back  to  Sinaloa.  The  large  number  of  beautiful  pearls  which 
Iturbi  had  obtained  aroused  the  cupidity  of  many  other  ad- 
venturers. ^ 

Francisco  de  Ortega  received  permission  to  proceed  to  the 
land  of  the  coveted  pearls,  on  condition  that  he  pay  his  own 
expenses  and  treat  the  natives  kindly.  He  sailed  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Rio  de  San  Pedro  on  March  20th,  1632,  accom- 
panied by  the  Rev.  Diego  de  la  Nava,  whom  the  bishop  of 
Guadalajara  had  appointed  vicar  of  California.  ^ Ortega’s 


1 Venegas,  “Noticia,”  pte.  ii,  202-204;  Clavijero,  “Historia,”  lib. 
ii,  35. 

2“Hizose  este  a la  vela  . . . accompanado  del  Licenciado  Diego 
de  la  Nava,  presbitero,  a quien  el  obispo  de  Guadalajara  nombro 
vicario  de  la  California.”  Venegas,  pte.  ii,  205.  According  to  this 


62  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


ship,  the  Madre  Luisa,  made  the  port  of  San  Bernabe  on  the 
2d  of  May.  He  examined  the  coast  northward,  procured 
pearls  from  the  Indians,  and  entered  the  port  of  La  Paz. 
From  there  he  proceeded  northward  to  the  27th  degree,  and 
on  June  24th  he  returned  to  Sinaloa.  On  September  8th, 
1633,  he  again  set  out  for  La  Paz,  and  arrived  there  on  Octo- 
ber 7th.  Believing  that  the  natives  could  easily  be  con- 
verted, he  took  along  the  Rev.  Juan  de  Zuniga,  another  secu- 
lar priest.  The  Indians  proved  very  docile  and  the  pearls 
were  plentiful.  Ortega  and  Rev.  de  la  Nava,  with  a part  of  the 
men,  made  an  excursion  northward  along  the  coast  and  re- 
* turned  to  La  Paz  a month  later.  Meanwhile  Rev.  Juan  Zuniga 
had  found  the  natives  so  well  disposed  towards  Christianity 
that  he  baptized  one  hundred  of  them.  This  hasty  and  whole- 
sale baptizing,  without  sufficient  instruction  or  time  for  pro- 
bation, did  not  receive  the  approval  of  either  Rev.  D.  Nava 
or  Don  Ortega,  especially  since  it  was  not  certain  that  the 
colony  would  be  permanent.  A fort  was,  indeed,  erected 
and  arrangements  were  made  for  a settlement,  but  nothing  is 
on  record,  except  that  the  La  Paz  Indians  had  two  bloody 
fights  with  the  Guaicuros  on  the  southwestern  shore,  and 
that  the  place  was  abandoned  by  the  Spaniards,  probably  for 
want  of  provisions.  ^ 

Ortega  had  the  Madre  Luisa  prepared  for  another  voyage, 
and  then  sailed  from  Santa  Catalina,  Sinaloa,  on  January 
11th,  1636,  in  company  with  the  Jesuit,  Rev.  Roque  de  Vega, 
and  a force  of  about  a dozen  men.  ^ Three  days  later  the 
vessel  anchored  in  a bay  four  leagues  below  La  Paz.  A ter- 
rible storm  lasting  eleven  days  drove  the  ship  ashore  a corn- 


statement  Rev.  D.  Nava  was  the  first  vicar-general  or  representa- 
tive of  a bishop  in  California,  and  the  first  secular  priest  who 
reached  the  peninsula. 

3 Venegas,  “Noticia,”  tom.  i,  pte.  ii,  205-207;  Clavijero,  “His- 
toria,”  lib.  ii,  35;  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas  and  the  Northwestern 
States,”  vol.  i,  170-175. 

< Vega  was  the  first  Jesuit  to  enter  the  peninsula;  neither  Ve- 
negas nor  Clavijero,  both  Jesuits,  mention  him.  Bancroft,  “Hist, 
of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  174-175. 


The  Jesuits  Come  to  California 


63 


plete  wreck.  The  crew  escaped,  and  Father  Vega  managed 
to  save  the  vestments  and  altar  vessels,  so  that  he  could  offer 
up  the  holy  Sacrifice  while  on  the  peninsula.  The  Spaniards 
constructed  a boat  out  of  the  wreckage  and  reached  La  Paz 
on  February  27th.  Here  the  fort,  church,  and  other  things 
were  found  just  as  they  had  been  left.  The  Indians,  more- 
over, wanted  the  strangers  to  remain;  but  after  baptizing  a 
few  dying  natives,  the  Spaniards  sailed  along  the  coast  in 
their  frail  vessel  as  far  as  the  thirty-sixth  degree  of  latitude, 
and  on  May  15th  re-entered  Santa  Catalina.  ® 

Recognizing  the  importance  of  the  enterprise  so  often  un- 
dertaken in  vain  by  private  parties.  Viceroy  Diego  Lopez 
Pacheco,  resolved  to  make  an  attempt  at  the  expense  of  the 
royal  treasury.  He  ordered  Luis  Cestin  de  Canas,  governor 
of  Sinaloa,  to  cross  the  Gulf  of  California  in  order  to  explore 
the  peninsula.  Canas  begged  the  provincial  of  the  Jesuits 
to  allow  a Father  of  the  Society  to  join  the  expedition.  The 
request  was  granted,  and  Rev.  Jacinto  Cortes  became  chap- 
lain. Caiias  sailed  away  from  Babachilato,  Sinaloa,  in  July, 
1642,  and  landed  at  the  port  of  San  Jose,  where  the  Indians 
received  the  Spaniards  in  a friendly  manner.  From  here  the 
coast  was  examined  for  forty  leagues  to  La  Paz.  The  na- 
tives were  found  so  well  disposed,  that  Father  Cortes  asked 
to  be  assigned  to  that  mission  permanently  in  case  a colony 
were  established  there.  He  confirmed  the  former  accounts 
of  the  poverty  of  the  people  and  the  barrenness  of  the  soil, 
though  he  said  that  some  pearls  might  be  obtained.® 

Pedro  Portel  in  1648  made  a voyage  to  the  peninsula  in 
the  company  of  the  Jesuits  Jacinto  Cortes  and  Andres  Baez ; 
but,  after  vainly  searching  for  a place  suitable  to  maintain  a 
colony,  he  abandoned  the  project. 

In  1664  Bernardo  Bernal  de  Pinadero  undertook  the  reduc- 
tion of  California  by  order  of  King  Philip  IV.,  but  by  ill- 

5 Venegas,  tom.  i,  pte.  ii,  207;  Bancroft,  loc.  cit. 

® Venegas,  210-211;  Alegre,  “Hist,  de  la  Comp.,”  tom.  ii,  236-237; 
Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  35;  Banc.,  “Hist.  Texas,”  vol.  i,  181. 

■^Venegas,  212-216;  Alegre,  tom.  ii,  328-330;  Clavijero,  35-36; 
Banc.,  “Hist.  Texas,”  vol.  i,  181-184. 


64  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


treating  the  natives,  and  forcing  them  to  dive  into  the  gpjlf 
for  pearls,  he  only  aroused  the  hatred  of  the  Indians.  Though 
not  well  received  at  the  viceroyal  court,  he  was  directed  to 
make  a second  attempt  in  1667,  which  resulted  like  the  first. 
Apparently  no  ecclesiastic  had  joined  either  expedition.  * 

No  better  success  attended  the  expedition  of  Captain  Fran- 
cisco Luzenilla,  likewise  undertaken  with  the  approval  of 
the  government.  His  two  ships,  having  on  board  the  Fran- 
ciscans Fr.  Juan  Caballero  Carranco  and  Fr.  Juan  Bautista 
Ramirez,  sailed  from  Chacala  on  May  1st,  1668.  They  crossed 
the  gulf  and  in  a few  days  touched  at  Cape  San  Lucas,  whence 
they  followed  the  coast  to  La  Paz.  Here  the  friars  exer- 
cised their  zeal  in  behalf  of  the  natives ; but,  either  on  account 
of  the  avarice  of  the  Spaniards,  as  Alegre  remarks,  or  on 
account  of  the  cruelty  suffered  at  the  hands  of  Pinadero,  the 
Indians  were  in  no  mood  to  listen  to  the  messengers  of  peace. 
This  circumstance,  and  the  impossibility  of  raising  provisions 
sufficient  to  maintain  the  men,  compelled  Luzenilla  to  aban- 
don the  undertaking.  ® 

In  1678  the  Spanish  government,  through  Admiral  Isidro 
Otondo  y Antilion,  made  a determined  effort  to  establish  a 
permanent  settlement,  but  the  ships  and  men  were  not  ready 
until  the  beginning  of  1683.  The  spiritual  affairs  of  the  pro- 
posed colony  and  future  mission,  by  royal  decree  of  December 
29th,  1679,  were  entrusted  to  the  Society  of  Jesus.  The  pro- 
vincial, Rev.  Bernardo  Prato,  directed  Fathers  Eusebio  Fran- 
cisco Kino,  Juan  Bautista  Copart,  and  Pedro  Matias  Gogni,  or 
Goni,  to  accompany  the  expedition.  According  to  Alegre, 
Fr.  Jose  Guijosa  of  the  Order  of  St.  John  of  God  crossed 
over  on  this  voyage  instead  of  Copart.  Rev.  Eusebio  Kino 
was  appointed  cosmographer.  The  ships  Limpia  Concepcion 
and  San  Jose  y San  Francisco  Xavier  sailed  from  the  port  of 


8 Venegas,  216-217;  Alegre,  tom.  ii,  437-438;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  36. 

9 Venegas,  pte.  ii,  217-218;  Vetancurt,  “Cronica,”  trat.  v,  cap.  i, 
nos.  12-13;  Alegre,  tom.  ii,  449-450;  Clavijero,  36. 

19  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  43,  gives  the  names  in  the  text  from  the 
official  document. 


The  Jesuits  Come  to  California 


65 


Chacala  on  January  1/th;  but  on  account  of  contrary  winds 
they  were  detained  for  months  along  the  coast  of  Sinaloa. 
At  last,  on  March  18th,  1683,  the  expedition  set  out  with  one 
hundred  well-armed  men  and  abundant  provisions.  On 
March  30th  Otondo  entered  the  bay  of  La  Paz,  where  all 
landed  on  April  2d  and  gave  thanks  to  God  for  their  safe 
arrival.  A cross  constructed  from  a palmetto  tree  was  planted 
on  a hill  about  a gunshot  from  the  shore.  The  admiral  then 
took  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the  King  of 
Spain,  and  called  it  Provincia  de  la  Santisima  Trinidad  de  las 
Californias.  Thereupon  the  banner  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  los 
Remedios  was  placed  under  a palm-tree,  and  the  locality 
named  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Paz.  A record  of  the  proceed- 
ings was  drawn  up  by  the  notary,  Diego  de  Salas,  and  signed 
on  the  same  day,  April  5th,  by  Otondo,  Fathers  Kino,  Gogni, 
and  Guijosa,  four  officers,  and  the  official  notary. 

During  all  these  five  days  no  Indians  showed  themselves, 
so  deep  was  the  aversion  created  by  former  visitors.  At  last 
a few  armed  and  painted  savages  appeared;  but  when  they 
saw  the  large  number  of  white  men,  they  withdrew  to  a hill, 
whence  by  signs  and  shouts  they  made  known  their  desire 
that  the  Spaniards  should  depart.  The  kindness  of  the  mis- 
sionaries soon  dissipated  their  fear  and  aversion,  so  that  the 
natives  would  freely  approach  and  accept  gifts  or  eatables. 
A chapel  and  some  brushwood  cabins  were  constructed,  where- 
upon the  Fathers  tried  to  learn  the  Indian  language.  In  the 
meantime  Otondo  had  two  armed  parties  examine  the  coun- 
try. One  of  these,  accompanied  by  Father  Gogni,  went  to 
the  eastward,  where  in  a mountain  valley  they  discovered  the 
Coras.  The  other  expedition,  composed  of  twenty-five  sol- 
diers under  Captain  Francisco  Pareda,  and  accompanied  by 
Fathers  Kino  and  Guijosa,  marched  towards  the  southwest 
into  the  territory  of  the  hostile  Guaicuros.  These  Indians 
demanded  that  the  Spaniards  leave  the  country.  On  June 
6th  they  appeared  armed  before  the  Spanish  settlement  with 
the  avowed  intention  of  driving  the  strangers  out;  but  a ruse 


Alegre,  tom.  iii,  41-45;  Venegas,  219-220;  Clavijero,  36. 


66  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


of  the  commander  prevented  bloodshed  and  scattered  the 
enemy.  Soon  after  a mulatto  boy  disappeared  from  the  fort. 
The  Coras  accused  the  Guaicuros  of  having  done  away  with 
the  lad.  Otondo  imprisoned  the  hostile  chief,  in  spite  of  the 
entreaties  and  threats  of  his  tribesmen.  In  revenge  they 
planned  the  destruction  of  the  white  invaders,  and  invited  the 
Coras  to  join  them.  Warned  by  the  Coras  the  Spaniards 
on  July  1st  received  the  Guaicuros  with  a volley  from  a small 
cannon.  This  killed  ten  or  twelve  of  the  savages  and  caused 
the  others  to  retreat. 

On  this  occasion  the  soldiers  manifested  such  cowardice 
that  evidently  they  could  not  be  depended  upon  in  case  of 
another  attack.  Furthermore,  they  tearfully  begged  Otondo 
to  remove  them  from  a country  where  they  must  either  starve 
or  die  at  the  hands  of  savages.  To  add  to  the  difficulty,  the 
Concepcion,  which  had  long  before  sailed  to  the  Yaqui  River 
for  supplies,  failed  to  return  in  time,  so  that  provisions  were 
running  low.  The  commander,  therefore,  broke  camp,  and 
on  July  14th  departed  with  the  missionaries  for  Sinaloa  to 
enlist  new  men  and  to  procure  supplies.  He  then  recrossed 
the  gulf,  accompanied  by  Fathers  Kino  and  Gogni,  and 
on  October  6th,  1683,  he  landed  with  his  two  ships  in  a bay 
far  to  the  north  of  La  Paz.  This  port,  situated  in  twenty-six 
degrees  and  a half,  was  called  San  Bruno,  for  the  saint  of 
the  day.  Otondo  and  the  missionaries  selected  a site  for  the 
new  colony  in  the  neighborhood  of  a spring  less  than  a league 
from  the  shore.  Within  two  hours  the  Indians  began  to 
approach  in  a most  friendly  manner.  Aided  by  the  natives 
the  Spaniards  built  a chapel  and  huts  of  brushwood,  and 
occupied  them  before  the  close  of  the  same  month.  Otondo 
took  formal  possession  of  the  land  in  the  name  of  the  king. 
Ten  days  after  the  arrival,  the  San  Jose  sailed  away  with 
despatches  asking  the  viceroy  for  more  men  and  money.  The 


12  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  46-47;  Venegas,  pte.  ii,  155,  220-228;  Clavijero, 
36-37;  Bancroft,  “Hist.  Texas,”  vol.  i,  188-189. 

13  Venegas  has  “three”  Fathers,  but  in  the  course  of  the  narra- 
tive only  these  two  are  mentioned. 


The  Jesuits  Come  to  California 


67 


request  was  granted.  Four  days  later  the  Concepcion  crossed 
the  gulf  to  the  Yaqui  for  supplies,  and  returned  on  Novem- 
ber 20th  with  all  kinds  of  provisions,  many  goats,  mules,  and 
horses. 

In  the  meantime  more  Indians  came  to  the  settlement,  at- 
tracted by  the  gifts  of  corn,  blankets,  hats,  and  pieces  of 
cloth,  which  the  admiral  distributed  in  the  name  of  the  king, 
generally  through  the  missionaries.  To  these  he  added,  at 
his  own  expense,  beads  and  other  trinkets  coveted  by  the 
childlike  people.  Many  Indians  made  their  home  with  the 
Fathers,  and  from  them  the  missionaries  endeavored  to  learn 
the  two  languages  spoken  by  their  neophytes;  for  members 
of  two  different  tribes,  the  Edues  and  the  Didius,  applied  for 
instruction  in  Christianity.  The  Fathers  experienced  much 
difficulty  in  pronouncing  the  words,  but  after  some  time  they 
learned  enough  to  attempt  a catechism  in  the  idiom  of  their 
willing  pupils. 

Like  experienced  men,  and  true  to  the  practice  of  all  Cath- 
olic missionaries,  these  early  apostles  of  California  had  re- 
course to  material  means  to  illustrate  sublime  truths  the  better. 
On  one  occasion  when  the  Indians  had  assembled  in  the  little 
church,  a life-sized  image  of  Christ  Crucified  was  exposed  to 
the  view  of  all.  The  missionaries  watched  the  effect  with 
some  anxiety.  Amazement  and  fear  were  depicted  upon  the 
face  of  every  one  at  sight  of  the  strange  object.  They  dared 
not  gaze  at  it,  nor  would  they  speak  to  the  Spaniards  about 
it.  Gradually  they  whispered  to  one  another:  “Who  is  this? 

Who  killed  him?  When?  Where?  Perhaps  he  was  one  of 
the  enemies  whom  they  killed  in  war?  It  must  be  a cruel 
people  that  treats  others  in  this  way.”  The  missionaries  then 
explained  to  their  wondering  neophytes  that  this  Man  had 
come  down  from  heaven  and  had  died  for  them ; that  He  was 
not  an  enemy  of  the  Spaniards,  but  their  Master  and  the 
Father  of  all ; that  He  was  now  in  heaven ; and  that  they 
all  should  be  with  him.”  In  this  manner  the  Jesuits  instilled 


Alegre,  tom.  iii,  46;  Vetancurt,  “Cronica,”  trat.  v,  cap.  i,  no. 
14;  Venegas,  tom.  i,  pte.  ii,  229-230;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  37. 


68  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


the  maxims  and  mysteries  of  the  Gospel,  though  with  much 
difficulty;  for  at  every  step  they  encountered  new  obstacles 
for  want  of  suitable  words  in  the  Indian  language  to  express 
the  sublime  truths  of  Christianity.  For  a long  time  the  Fath- 
ers could  not  make  the  catechumens  understand  the  dogma  of 
the  Resurrection.  The  zeal  of  the  restless  Kino  at  last  hit 
upon  an  ingenious  means  to  help  the  Indians  form  some  con- 
ception of  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  so  that  a correct  ex- 
pression might  be  secured.  In  the  presence  of  the  natives  he 
one  day  put  several  flies  into  the  water  until  they  were  to 
all  appearance  dead.  Then  he  took  them  out,  covered  them 
with  ashes,  and  placed  them  in  the  sun.  The  solar  rays  soon 
caused  the  insects  to  revive  and  fly  away.  Amazed  at  the 
sight,  the  Indians  exclaimed,  “Ihimuhueite ! Ibimuhueite!” 
The  missionaries  had  at  last  secured  a word  by  means  of 
which,  for  want  of  a better  expression,  they  explained  the 
eleventh  article  of  the  Creed. 

In  two  years  the  Jesuits  succeeded  in  gathering  as  many  as 
four  hundred  native  catechumens,  who  were  more  or  less 
advanced  in  Christian  doctrine,  and  ready  for  baptism  under 
ordinary  circumstances but,  fearing  the  discontinuance  of 
the  mission,  they  baptized  only  thirteen  who  were  in  danger 
of  death.  Ten  of  these  passed  away,  whilst  three  recovered 
and  with  the  consent  of  their  relatives  were  placed  in  charge 
of  the  bishop  of  Guadalajara. 

Whilst  the  missionaries  loved  their  work,  and  were  satis- 
fied with  the  progress  made  by  the  Indians,  though  they  suf- 
fered not  a little  from  the  fickle-mindedness  of  their  neophytes, 
Otondo  and  his  men  were  heartily  displeased  with  the  coun- 
try. They  had  searched  it  many  times  in  every  direction  to 
find  a locality  more  serviceable  for  a colony  than  the  sterile 
plot  occupied  by  the  mission ; but  none  was  discovered.  The 
peninsula  appeared  so  barren,  that  supplies  would  always  have 


15  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  47;  Venegas,  tom.  i,  231-232. 

16  Vetancurt,  “Cronica,”  no.  14,  says  all  but  two  were  children. 

17  Venegas,  pte.  ii,  233-234;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  54-56;  Clavijero,  lib. 
ii,  37-38. 


The  Jesuits  Come  to  California  69 

to  be  purchased  in  Sinaloa.  The  men  and  missionaries  in 
fact  suffered  for  want  of  food  until  the  San  Jose  arrived  on 
August  10th,  1685.  She  brought  the  Rev.  Juan  Bautista 
Copart,  S.  J.,  twenty  soldiers,  fresh  supplies,  and  eleven 
months’  pay  for  the  whole  force.  Father  Kino,  too,  was  made 
happy  by  being  permitted  to  pronounce  the  final  vows  in  the 
presence  of  Father  Copart  on  the  feast  of  the  Assumption, 
August  15th.  He  was  called  to  Sonora,  however,  and  on  the 
29th  passed  over  to  the  Yaqui  missions,  accompanied  by  a 
Didius  Indian.  He  also  took  along  some  maps  of  the  coun- 
try which  he  had  prepared.  Only  Fathers  Copart  and  Gogni 
remained  on  the  peninsula.  Meanwhile  the  Spaniards  grew 
more  disgusted  with  a land  that  offered  neither  fortune  nor 
pleasure,  and  was  rendered  more  desolate  by  a drought  lasting 
eighteen  months.  Otondo  made  one  more  effort  to  find  a 
favorable  district.  For  that  purpo.se  he  sent  the  Concepcion 
up  the  coast.  He  himself  on  the  San  Jose  removed  the  sick 
to  Sinaloa  and  then  went  in  search  of  pearl-beds.  Before 
departing  he  held  a council  at  which  the  question  of  remain- 
ing at  San  Bruno  was  discussed.  The  missionaries,  having 
in  view  the  salvation  of  souls,  pleaded  for  a continuance  of 
the  work  that  promised  so  well.  As  to  the  country,  they  held 
that  no  just  opinion  could  be  formed  from  the  sojourn  of  a 
season  or  two.  The  Spaniards,  on  the  other  hand,  claimed 
that  there  was  no  hope  of  material  gain,  and  that  they  felt 
as  though  they  were  banished  among  savages,  since  they  were 
cut  off  from  all  outside  communication  and  deprived  of  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  cities,  churches,  friends,  and  relatives. 
“Accustomed  to  discuss  objects  of  self-interest  only,”  Alegre 
remarks,  “the  soldiers  could  not  comprehend  how  it  was  pos- 
sible for  the  Fathers  to  offer  to  stay  among  such  barbarians 
all  their  life,  and  by  means  of  begging  to  procure  for  them 
every  kind  of  relief,  to  treat  them  with  affection,  to  suffer 
their  rudeness,  and  to  enter  the  rancherias  without  a sign  of 
fear.  The  truth  is,  no  earthly  reasons,  not  the  most  flatter- 
ing prospects,  can  ever  offer  an  equivalent  for  the  privations 


.-Megre,  tom.  iii,  56. 


70  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


inseparable  from  enterprises  of  this  nature.  Only  the  fire 
of  charity,  zeal  for  the  honor  of  God,  contempt  for  the  world, 
and  other  supernatural  motives  will  animate  and  sustain  apos- 
tolic men  in  establishing  and  maintaining  new  missions.” 
Admiral  Otondo  had  both  views  taken  down  in  writing  and 
transmitted  to  the  viceroy  for  action.  The  viceroy  placed 
the  matter  before  the  council.  This  decided  that,  if  possible, 
the  San  Bruno  establishment  should  be  continued,  but  that 
no  other  settlements  should  be  attempted  on  the  coast  of 
California.  Otondo  received  the  viceroy’s  reply  in  Septem- 
ber, 1685,  while  at  San  Ignacio,  Sonora.  The  Concepcion, 
meanwhile,  had  discovered  no  better  place ; the  admiral’s 
search  for  precious  stones  had  also  been  unsuccessful ; and 
the  provisions  were  again  almost  exhausted.  He,  therefore, 
directed  that  San  Bruno  should  be  abandoned,  and  com- 
manded all  to  embark.  In  vain  did  the  Jesuits  plead  for  per- 
mission to  stay  with  their  four  hundred  Indian  catchumens, 
for  whom  they  had  labored  two  years  and  a half.  Promising 
their  disconsolate  neophytes  to  return  at  a later  date,  the 
Fathers  entered  the  ship.  The  undertaking  had  cost  the  gov- 
ernment an  expenditure  of  $225,400.  The  viceroyal  council 
thereupon  resolved  that  California  could  not  be  colonized  by 
the  means  employed.  Captain  Francisco  de  Itamarra,  it  is 
true,  obtained  the  license  to  enter  the  peninsula  at  his  own 
expense ; but  the  attempt  proved  as  fruitless  as  all  previous 
ventures.  He  brought  the  news  that  the  Indians  fervently 
begged  the  missionaries  to  keep  their  promise,  and  come  back 
to  them,  but  many  years  passed  by  before  their  desires  could 
be  satisfied. 


19  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  56;  Venegas,  tom.  i,  pte.  ii,  235-236;  Clavijero, 
lib.  ii,  38. 

20  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  56-57,  81;  Venegas,  tom.  i,  235-239;  tom.  ii, 
p.  3;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  38-39;  Vetancurt,  “Cronica,”  trat.  v,  no.  14. 


CHAPTER  II. 


Efforts  of  the  Government. — The  Jesuits  Accept. — The  Beginnings 
of  the  Pious  Fund. — Temporal  and  Spiritual  Affairs  in  the 
Hands  of  the  Missionaries. — Rev.  Juan  Maria  Salvatierra,  S.  J. 
— He  Crosses  the  Gulf. — Establishes  Mission  Loreto. — Difficul- 
ties.— Insolence  of  the  Pagans.-^Battle. — Rev.  Francisco  Pic- 
colo, S.  J. — Conspiracy. — The  Soldiers. — Hardships. — Founding 
of  San  Francisco  Xavier. 

E have  seen  that,  for  two  centuries  after  the  discovery 


of  New  Spain,  Spanish  kings,  viceroys,  and  private 
parties  in  vain  sent  out  expeditions  to  conquer  and  occupy 
California.  It  had  become  evident  that  the  country  could 
not  be  settled  by  military  force.  Almighty  God,  V'enegas 
remarks,  seems  to  have  waited  until  human  power  recognized 
its  own  inability  to  cope  with  the  difficulties.  Probably,  too, 
the  Lord  would  not  assist  an  undertaking  in  which  religion 
held  second  place,  and  whose  main  object  was  worldly  gain. 
At  all  events,  the  Cross  borne  by  unarmed  men  now  triumphed 
where  the  sword  had  failed. 

The  Jesuit  missionaries  had  not  forgotten  their  promise  to 
the  Indians  of  San  Bruno;  they  were  anxious  to  reap  the 
harvest  of  souls  across  the  gulf.  Rev.  Eusebio  Francisco 
Kino,  especially,  longed  to  complete  the  work  begun  on  the 
peninsula.  While  professor  at  the  university  of  Ingolstadt, 
Bavaria,  he  had  made  a vow  to  devote  his  life  to  the  con- 
version of  the  Indians  in  America,  if  through  the  intercession 
of  St.  Francis  Xavier  he  should  recover  from  a mortal  disease. 
Restored  to  health,  he  came  to  America,  and  was  assigned  to 
the  missions  of  Sonora.  From  there  he  accompanied  Admiral 
Otondo  to  California,  where  he  labored  successfully  for  seven- 
teen months  until  recalled  in  August,  1684,  and  replaced  by 
Rev.  Copart  of  the  Society  of  Jesus.  ^ 

When  the  viceroy  learned  that  the  poor  missionaries  at  San 
Bruno  had  with  less  expense  effected  more  than  any  armed 

1 Venegas,  “Noticia,”  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  1-4;  tom.  i,  pte.  ii,  235; 
Alegre,  tom.  iii,  56. 


72  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


body  of  men  that  ever  visited  the  peninsula,  he  summoned 
a council,  and  on  April  11th,  1686,  resolved  to  entrust  the 
spiritual  and  temporal  reduction  of  that  country  to  the  Society 
of  Jesus,  and  to  offer  the  missionaries  an  annual  subsidy  of 
$40,000.  The  proposition  was  made  to  Rev.  Daniel  Angelo 
Marras,  who,  in  the  absence  of  the  provincial,  governed  the 
Jesuit  province.  After  consulting  with  the  councilors,  the 
offer  was  declined  on  the  ground  that  the  care  of  the  tem- 
poralities of  the  mission  would  involve  the  gravest  difficul- 
ties. The  Society  would,  however,  furnish  missionaries  for 
purely  spiritual  work,  as  it  had  done  before.  The  Jesuits 
were  urged  a second  time,  but  again  refused,  because  they 
would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  temporal  affairs  of  mis- 
sions in  California.  ^ 

This  decision  of  the  superiors  grieved  Father  Kino  exceed- 
ingly, and  he  strained  every  nerve  to  have  it  reversed.  He 
again  applied  for  the  Sonora  missions  in  the  hope  of  being 
permitted  later  on  to  pass  over  to  the  peninsula.  When  the 
request  had  been  granted  he  left  Mexico  on  October  20th, 
1686,  and  on  the  whole  way  endeavored  to  rouse  interest  for 
California  in  the  hearts  of  his  brethren.  Yet  Kino  was  not 
the  man  destined  by  Almighty  God  to  establish  the  missions ; 
this  work  was  reserved  for  Rev.  Juan  Maria  Salvatierra,  who 
besides  being  a religious  of  tried  virtue  and  robust  health, 
burned  with  zeal  for  the  salvation  of  souls.  Having  been 
appointed  visitor-general  ® for  the  Jesuits  in  Sonora  and  Sin- 
aloa, he  selected  Father  Kino  to  accompany  him  on  his  way 
through  the  missions.  Kino  eagerly  seized  the  opportunity 
of  gaining  his  superior’s  good  will  in  behalf  of  his  cherished 
plan.  “Of  this,’’  says  Venegas,  “they  spoke  on  the  road,  about 
this  they  conversed  in  their  lodgings,  and  this  was  the  subject 
of  all  their  conversations.’’  The  result  was.  Kino  himself 
writes,  that  “the  holy  zeal  of  Father  Juan  Maria  Salvatierra 


2 Venegas,  tom.  i,  pte.  ii,  236-238;  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  160-161;  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  60. 

3 A priest  appointed  at  stated  intervals  to  visit  and  inspect  the 
different  religious  houses  as  to  the  observance  of  the  Rules. 


Jesuits  Founding  Missions 


73 


was  moved  to  such  a degree,  on  hearing  of  the  ripeness  of  so 
great- a harvest  of  souls,  that  from  this  time  on  he  determined 
by  all  means  possible  to  hasten  the  establishment  of  missions 
in  California.”  * 

The  Society  of  Jesus,  however,  opposed  the  undertaking, 
and  permission  was  refused  by  three  provincials  in  succession, 
who,  whilst  praising  the  zeal,  considered  the  project,  humanly 
speaking,  impossible.  Salvatierra  then  appealed  to  the  Audi- 
encia  ^ of  Guadalajara,  to  the  viceroy,  and  lastly,  to  the  King 
of  Spain ; but  he  received  no  encouragement  anywhere.  The 
whole  world  seemed  to  have  conspired  against  Fathers  Kino 
and  Salvatierra,  says  Venegas,  and  they  had  to  content  them- 
selves with  their  respective  field  of  labor,  the  one  among  the 
fierce  savages  of  the  Pimerias,  ® the  other  at  Guadalajara. 
After  ten  years  of  fruitless  efforts  they  resolved  to  make  one 
more  attempt  at  the  capital.  Both  arrived  there  early  in  Jan- 
uary, 1696,  but  again  failed  to  move  the  authorities  in  behalf 
of  their  pious  projects.  Disheartened,  Kino  returned  to  So- 
nora, and  Salvatierra  went  back  to  instruct  the  novices  of 
the  Society  at  Tepotzatlan.  Seeing  that  nothing  could  be  ex- 
pected through  human  aid,  Salvatierra  recommended  the  mat- 
ter to  his  novices,  “for  the  prayers  of  these  angelic  youths,” 
he  declared,  “move  with  powerful  hands ; and  then  the  Virgin 
does  not  want  this  conversion  to  be  the  fruit  of  cupidity,  but 
of  prayers.” 

About  this  time  a new  Superior-General  had  been  elected 
in  the  person  of  the  Most  Rev.  Tyrso  Gonzales  de  Santa  Ella, 
who  himself  had  labored  as  a missionary  among  the  Moors, 
and,  like  Father  Salvatierra,  was  filled  with  ardor  for  the 


* Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  4-6;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  39;  Alegre,  tom. 
iii,  81. 

5 Supreme  Court  composed  of  officials  who  represented  the  king 
in  the  administration  of  justice;  it  also  decided  everything  con- 
cerning the  nomination,  election,  etc.,  of  representatives  and  other 
officers,  etc. 

® Northern  Sonora  and  Southern  Arizona. 

Venegas,  “Noticia,”  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  7;  Alegre,  “Historia,”  tom. 
iii,  89-90;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  39. 


74  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


conversion  of  infidels.  To  this  man,  capable  of  sympathizing 
with  missionary  zeal  and  of  understanding  the  situation  among 
the  poor  Californians,  Salvatierra  resolved  to  make  a final 
appeal.  Nor  was  he  disappointed.  The  Father  General 
agreed  to  relieve  him  of  every  office,  if  in  Mexico  the  pro- 
posed mission  were  considered  practicable.  After  many  ob- 
jections the  immediate  superiors  at  length  allowed  the  persist- 
ent petitioner  to  take  the  necessary  steps.  The  Audiencia  of 
Guadalajara,  urged  by  its  fiscal,  * Don  Joseph  de  Miranda 
Villaizan,  on  July  17th,  1696,  also  declared  in  favor  of  the 
project,  and  even  petitioned  the  viceroy  to  authorize  the  under- 
taking. The  good  Father  then  began  to  solicit  alms  for  the 
work  which  immense  sums  of  money  from  the  royal  treasury 
had  failed  to  accomplish  during  two  centuries.  At  the  capital 
Salvatierra  met  the  Rev.  Juan  de  Ugarte,  professor  of  phil- 
osophy in  the  Jesuit  college,  who  at  once  consented  to  act  as 
procurator  for  the  new  mission.  They  succeeded  in  arousing 
the  interest  of  a number  of  wealthy  people.  Don  Alonso 
Davalos,  Conde  de  Miravalles,  and  Don  Matheo  Fernandez 
de  la  Cruz,  Marquis  de  Buena  Vista,  each  promised  one  thou- 
sand dollars.  This  example  was  followed  by  others,  so  that 
$15,000  were  soon  assured.  Don  Pedro  Gil  de  la  Sierpe, 
treasurer  of  Acapulco,  donated  a launch,  and  promised  the 
loan  of  a ship  for  the  transportation  of  men  and  goods. 

All  this  was  not  sufficient  to  insure  the  continuance  of 
missions  once  established.  Ten  thousand  dollars,  it  was 
thought,  would  be  required  to  furnish  a revenue  of  $500  for 
maintaining  one  missionary  in  a country  where  nothing  could 
be  raised  or  obtained.  On  hearing  this,  the  Confraternity 
of  Our  Lady  of  Sorrows,  attached  to  the  College  of  Saints 
Peter  and  Paul  in  Mexico,  donated  $10,000  for  one  mission- 
ary, and  the  Rev.  Juan  Cavallero  y Ozio,  a wealthy  priest 
of  Queretaro,  gave  $20,000  for  two  other  missions.  He, 
moreover,  promised  to  pay  all  drafts  upon  him  that  bore  the 
signature  of  Father  Juan  Maria  Salvatierra.  These  generous 


8 Attorney  for  the  royal  treasury. 


Jesuits  Founding  Missions 


75 


contributions  formed  the  beginning  of  the  famous  Pious  Fund 
of  California.  ® 

The  provincial,  Rev.  Juan  de  Palacios,  now  endeavored 
to  secure  the  necessary  royal  license  to  enter  California.  This 
was  granted  on  February  5th,  1697.  It  empowered  Fathers 
Salvatierra  and  Kino  to  found  missions  on  the  peninsula,  on 
condition  that  the  royal  treasury  should  not  be  expected  to 
pay  any  of  their  expenses  without  an  express  order  of  the 
king,  and  that  possession  be  taken  of  the  country  in  the  name 
of  his  Majesty.  On  the  other  hand,  they  were  to  have  the 
right  to  enlist  guards  at  their  own  expense ; to  select  and 
remove  the  officers  on  giving  an  account  to  the  viceroy;  their 
soldiers  were  to  enjoy  the  same  rights  as  those  in  the  regular 
army,  and  should  be  considered  as  serving  during  time  of 
war ; and  finally,  in  order  to  preserve  peace  among  the  people, 
the  missionaries  were  authorized  to  appoint  suitable  men  for 
the  administration  of  justice  on  the  penihsula. 

“Thus  the  boon  so  long  and  patiently  sought  was  obtained — 
permission  to  enter  at  their  own  risk  and  cost  a poor  and 
unattractive  country  for  the  purpose  of  converting  the 
heathen ; and  no  conqueror  ever  craved  more  persistently  leave 
to  invade  and  plunder  a rich  province.  It  has  been  the  fash- 
ion to  see  sinister  and  selfish  designs  in  all  Jesuit  under- 
takings; but  no  just  person  will  suspect  that  the  founders  of 
the  California  missions  were  actuated  by  any  but  the  purest 
motives.” 

The  happy  Salvatierra  would  not  allow  himself  to  be  de- 
tained, but,  leaving  the  funds  collected  in  charge  of  Rev. 
Juan  Ugarte  with  authority  to  obtain  more,  he  departed  for 
Sinaloa  on  February  7th  to  notify  Father  Kino.  He  reached 
the  Yaqui,  where  Sierpe’s  vessel  was  getting  ready,  in  the 


9 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  10-13;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  90-91,  94-95; 
Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  39-40;  Baegert,  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  iii,  sec.  i. 

10  See  the  entire  document  in  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  40-41. 

11  Particularly  of  Bancroft  himself  from  whom  the  paragraph  is 
taken.  He  rarely  misses  an  opportunity  to  impute  unworthy  mo- 
tives, or  to  make  Catholic  missionaries  and  practices  appear  ridic- 
ulous. Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  280-281. 


y6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

latter  part  of  August,  1697,  and  for  two  months  looked  in 
vain  for  the  appearance  of  his  friend.  Kino  had  made  prep- 
arations to  join  Salvatierra,  but  on  account  of  an  Indian  revolt 
the  Rev.  Visitor,  Horacio  Police,  and  Governor  Domingo 
Gironza  Petris  de  Cruzat  of  Sonora,  would  not  permit  him  to 
leave.  Both  deemed  his  presence  necessary  to  quell  the  rebel- 
lion. The  governor  declared  that  Kino  was  worth  an  army 
of  soldiers  by  reason  of  the  esteem  which  this  heroic  mis- 
sionary enjoyed  among  the  savages.  Rev.  Francisco  Maria 
Piccolo  was  substituted  for  Kino  to  accompany  Salvatierra ; 
but  the  latter  fearing  further  delay  embarked  for  California 
on  October  10th,  1697,  without  waiting  for  his  companion. 
The  whole  force  consisted  of  five  soldiers,  including  Captain 
Luis  de  Torres  y Tortolero,  and  three  Indians.  Some  time 
was  spent  in  fruitless  search  for  the  two  California  Indians 
brought  over  by  Otondo  in  1686,  who  would  have  been  very 
useful  as  interpreters ; but  it  seems  their  master  concealed 
them  lest  he  lose  their  services. 

The  fervent  missionary  sailed  from  the  port  of  the  Yaqui 
^ River  under  the  patronage  of  Our  Lady  of  Loreto,  with 
whose  assistance  he  confidently  expected  to  convert  the  Cali- 
fornians to  the  faith  of  Christ.  After  braving  a heavy  storm, 
he  sighted  the  land  of  his  desire  on  the  third  day,  but  the 
long-boat  had  disappeared.  It  carried  the  donation  of  the 
Yaqui  Jesuits,  consisting  of  thirty  cattle,  one  horse,  ten  sheep, 
and  four  pigs,  in  charge  of  six  sailors.  He  first  made  Con-* 
cepcion  Bay,  where  he  offered  up  the  first  holy  Mass  on  Octo- 
ber 15th.  The  next  day  he  reached  San  Bruno,  the  scene 
of  missionary  activity  twelve  years  before,  but  the  place 
proved  so  unsuitable  that  Captain  Romero  de  la  Sierpe,  owner 
and  commander  of  the  ship,  brought  Salvatierra  and  the 
disappointed  guards  to  San  Dionisio  Bay,  a few  leagues  farther 
to  the  south,  where  the  shore  appeared  covered  with  timber 


12  “Valia  Kino  solo  por  muchos  presidios  de  soldados,”  Venegas 
says;  “valia  mas  que  mil  soldados,”  Clavijero  tells  us. 

13  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  13-18;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  40-42;  .\legre, 
tom.  iii,  95-96. 


Jesuits  Founding  Missions 


77 


and  verdure.  Here  they  all  landed  on  Saturday,  October  19th, 
very  well  received  by  more  than  fifty  Indians  from  the  neigh- 
boring rancheria  and  from  San  Bruno.  The  natives  had  not 
entirely  forgotten  the  lessons  taught  by  Fathers  Kino,  Copart, 
and  Gogni ; for  all  knelt  to  kiss  the  crucifix.  A favorable 
location  for  a settlement  was  discovered  near  a spring  about 
a league  and  a half  from  the  shore.  A tent,  the  gift  of  a 
pious  Mexican,  was  erected  to  serve  for  a temporary  chapel, 
and  in  front  of  it  a large  cross  was  planted  and  adorned  with 
flowers.  When  everything  had  been  prepared,  the  statue  of 
Our  Lady  of  Loreto  was  borne  in  procession  from  the  ship 
to  the  chapel.  Thereupon  possession  was  taken  of  the  coun- 
try for  the  king  after  the  usual  manner.  Such  was  the  be- 
ginning of  the  fir.st  permanent  Jesuit  mission  in  Lower  Cali- 
fornia. The  colony  was  called  Loreto,  which  name  it  has 
borne  ever  since. 

No  sooner  had  the  necessary  dwellings  been  constructed 
than  Salvatierra,  like  the  true  missionary  that  he  was,  began 
to  learn  the  language  of  the  people.  He  had  brought  along 
the  catechism  and  vocabulary  composed  by  Father  Copart  in 
the  dialect  of  the  San  Bruno  natives.  At  the  time  allotted 
for  instructions,  he  read  from  these  manuscripts  to  those  that 
were  willing  to  be  taught,  and  then,  pen  in  hand,  he  listened 
to  their  pronunciation  of  the  same  words.  The  Indians  were 
at  first  very  much  amused,  and  the  elder  ones  sometimes  ridi- 
culed the  poor  Father’s  efforts  at  pronouncing;  but  he  took 
their  banter  kindly  and  made  rapid  progress.  After  each 
lesson  the  venerable  man  would  distribute  to  all  that  attended 
the  exercises  a dish  of  boiled  corn,  called  pozole,  which  was 
a great  attraction  to  the  hungry  creatures.  Meanwhile  Sal- 
vatierra had  also  to  attend  to  the  needs  of  the  soldiers  and 
Indian  servants,  so  that  he  was  kept  busy  day  and  night  as 
governor,  chaplain,  ordinary  laborer,  cook,  or  sentinel. 

“These  things  may  seem  mere  trifles  and  unworthy  of  our 
attention,”  Venegas  remarks,  and  what  he  says  applies  to  all 


!■*  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  18-20;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  96;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii, 
42;  Forbes,  “California.”  16. 


78  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


the  California  missionaries,  “but  I beg  the  reader  to  weigh 
them  in  the  balance  of  the  supernatural,  in  order  to  give  them 
the  value  they  deserve.  Let  him  reflect  what  an  agreeable 
sight  to  the  eyes  of  God  must  be  a man,  who  could  have 
made  a great  fortune  in  the  world,  who  within  the  Order, 
which  he  had  chosen,  might  have  lived  quietly  and  esteemed, 
who  voluntarily  banished  himself  from  his  mother  country 
and  relatives,  in  order  to  pass  over  to  America,  and  who  even 
there  gave  up  his  offices  of  honor,  his  friends,  his  tranquillity, 
and  suffered  contradictions  and  fatigfues,  that  he  might  live 
alone  among  savages,  amidst  hardships  and  dangers  of  death, 
for  no  other  purpose  or  interest  than  to  occupy  himself  with 
those  small  and  insignificant  things  in  order  to  gain  the  souls 
of  Indians.  At  least,  let  every  one  ask  himself  whether  there 
be  any  temporal  interest  capable  of  engaging  him  with  equal 
determination.  By  this  means  he  may  see  plainly  how  noble 
must  be  the  purpose  which  imparts  to  these  actions,  of  so  little 
value  in  our  eyes,  the  dignity  of  their  motive.” 

The  kindly  Salvatierra  very  soon  learned  how  little  the 
Indian  appreciated  his  unselfish  liberality.  From  the  begin- 
ning they  demanded  more  than  the  usual  almud^^  of  pozole, 
which  he  dealt  out  each  day  to  all  that  listened  to  the  cate- 
chetical instructions,  in  order  to  insure  their  attendance.  There 
were  others  who  insolently  called  for  the  same  rations  al- 
though they  had  not  taken  part  in  the  religious  lessons ; and 
when  their  request  was  refused  they  loudly  complained,  or 
stole  from  the  corn  sacks  what  they  would  not  earn  by  simply 
being  present.  The  missionary  then  excluded  them  from  the 
little  stockade  which  surrounded  the  buildings,  whereupon 
they  resolved  to  kill  both  the  priest  and  the  soldiers.  Unfor- 
tunately, the  savages  quickly  noticed  that  the  number  of 
guards  was  smaller,  after  the  ship  had  departed  on  October 
26th  to  fetch  over  Father  Piccolo  with  more  men  and  sup- 


15  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  20-21;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  96;  Clavijero, 
lib.  ii,  42;  Forbes,  “California,”  25. 

16  An  almucl  is  the  twelfth  part  of  a “fanega”  or  Spanish  bushel 
which  averages  a hundred-weight. 


Jesuits  Founding  Missions 


79 


plies.  A number  of  converts,  however,  among  whom  was  a 
sick  chief,  remained  faithful  and  warned  the  missionary.  On 
the  night  of  October  31st  the  conspirators  approached  and 
would  have  received  a deserved  lesson,  but,  just  as  the  attack 
was  to  begin,  a musket  shot  was  heard  in  the  direction  of 
the  bay.  It  was  answered  by  a gunshot  from  the  camp.  Then 
a cannon  was  fired  in  the  bay  and  replied  to  with  the  only 
small  field-piece  in  the  settlement.  Frightened  at  this  unex- 
pected discharge  of  firearms,  the  hostile  natives  withdrew. 
Next  morning  it  was  learned  that  the  timely  aid  had  come 
from  the  packet-boat,  which  on  account  of  contrary  winds 
had  been  unable  to  cross  the  gulf.  The  vessel  now  tried  again 
and  reached  the  Yaqui  soon  after.  When  the  ship  had  dis- 
appeared the  savages  renewed  their  hostilities,  and  one  night 
stole  the  only  horse  in  the  colony.  Two  soldiers  offered  to 
follow  the  trail  alone.  According  to  Venegas  they  knew  that 
they  need  have  no  fear  of  the  enemies,  as  an  Indian  is  always 
afraid  when  he  comes  face  to  face  with  fearlessness  and 
bravery;  but  he  considers  himself  the  victor  when  he  notices 
any  sign  of  cowardice.  A number  of  neophytes,  however, 
armed  with  bows  and  arrows  were  sent  along.  After  walking 
two  leagues,  they  surprised  the  robbers  just  as  they  were 
about  to  skin  the  animal  which  they  had  killed  for  food.  They 
were  allowed  to  escape  and  the  flesh  of  the  horse  was  left  to 
the  friendly  Indians. 

The  savages  soon  after  approached  the  mission  in  larger 
numbers  and  demanded  pozole.  Father  Salvatierra  sought  to 
avoid  trouble,  but  their  insolence  would  not  be  satisfied.  One 
of  them  even  threatened  to  kill  the  missionary  if  he  did  not 
turn  over  a sack  of  corn.  It  was  only  by  means  of  a strata- 
gem that  the  Father  succeeded  in  getting  behind  the  stockade. 
Next  day  the  same  Indians  returned  for  more  pozole  as 
though  nothing  had  happened.  Constant  watching  began  to 
wear  out  the  little  force  of  soldiers  and  three  Mexican  In- 
dians, so  that  Salvatierra  himself  acted  as  sentinel  in  order 
that  the  men  might  rest.  To  make  matters  worse,  provisions 
were  running  low.  The  temporary  buildings,  too,  had  been 
erected  under  the  mistaken  impression,  due  to  the  drought  at 


8o  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Otondo’s  time,  that  it  never  rained  in  California.  The  copious 
rainfall,  therefore,  which  occurred  at  this  period  added  to  the 
misery  of  the  little  colony. 

On  November  12th,  Chief  Ibo,  who  on  account  of  his  fer- 
vent demand  and  serious  illness  had  been  baptized  and  had 
received  the  name  Dionisio  the  preceding  day,  gave  warning 
of  another  attack.  Salvatierra  redoubled  his  acts  of  kindness 
and  patience  in  order  to  win  the  savages,  but  they  grew  more 
insolent  from  day  to  day.  The  live-stock  was  then  driven  in, 
and  every  one  prepared  to  defend  himself  and  the  mission. 
On  the  13th  the  enemy  to  the  number  of  five  hundred  sur- 
rounded the  little  fort,  and  for  two  hours  assailed  it  with 
arrows,  stones  and  dirt  without  doing  much  damage.  After 
a short  intermission  the  assault  was  renewed.  The  soldiers 
would  have  fired  upon  their  assailants,  if  Salvatierra  had  not 
forbidden  it.  He  directed  that  they  should  kill  none  of  the 
savages  unless  it  were  necessary  to  save  their  own  lives,  lest 
any  of  the  souls,  for  whom  the  Lord  gave  His  life,  suffer  eter- 
nal perdition.  When  the  enemy  saw  that  the  musket  shots 
were  not  intended  to  kill,  they  grew  bolder  and  pressed  closer 
to  the  flimsy  structures.  The.  good  Father  then  reluctantly 
gave  permission  to  discharge  the  small  cannon  at  the  yelling 
hundreds  of  aggressors.  This  piece  of  ordnance  stood  in  the 
gateway,  and  on  this  occasion  was  probably  overloaded ; for 
it  burst  into  pieces,  knocking  down  the  gunner  and  scattering 
the  fragments  about  the  camp.  When  the  Indians  saw  that 
none  of  their  number  was  hurt,  they  rushed  forward  shouting 
to  one  another  that  if  the  big  gun  could  not  kill,  they  need 
not  fear  the  small  ones.  The  officer  in  command  now  ordered 
his  men  to  use  their  muskets  in  earnest.  Once  more  the  good 
missionary,  who  could  not  bear  to  see  any  of  the  deluded 
creatures  die  without  baptism,  interfered.  At  the  peril  of  his 
own  life  he  stepped  to  the  front  and  begged  the  mob  to  desist. 


17  “El  Padre  Salvatierra  no  pudiendo  sufrir  la  pcrdicion  de  aquel- 
las  almas,  que  habia  conquistado  para  Jesu  Christo,  dio  orden  a 
los  soldados  de  que  no  los  matasen  sino  en  el  caso  de  no  poder 
de  otra  suerte  libertar  su  propia  vida.”  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  43. 


REV.  JII.-KX  S.ALV.^TIERR.A,  S.  J. 


1 


Jesuits  Founding  Missions 


8i 


lest  any  of  them  suffer  death.  The  reply  were  three  arrows, 
which  fortunately  did  not  wound  him.  Salvatierra  then  re- 
tired and  allowed  the  soldiers  to  do  their  duty  for  the  defense 
of  the  colony.  The  firing  began,  but  when  the  savages  saw 
that  three  of  their  tribesmen  were  killed  and  many  more 
wounded,  they  retreated  terror-stricken  to  their  distant  ran- 
cherias. 

As  a result  of  this  lesson,  messengers  soon  arrived  to  de- 
clare the  repentance  of  the  offenders  and  to  sue  for  peace. 
Some  sent  their  women  and  children,  who  sat  down  at  the 
gate  of  the  fort  and  with  tears  promised  amendment  in  the 
name  of  the  men.  As  an  earnest  of  their  good  will,  the 
women  offered  their  children  as  hostages.  Father  Salvatierra 
listened  to  them  kindly  and  assured  them  that  everything 
should  be  forgotten.  He  distributed  little  presents  among 
the  women,  and,  keeping  one  of  the  children  lest  he  appear 
to  disbelieve  them,  the  Father  dismissed  them.  At  night  he 
directed  that  solemn  thanks  be  given  to  the  Mother  of  God 
and  to  St.  Stanislaus,  the  saint  of  the  day;  for  all  felt  that 
it  did  not  seem  possible  for  ten  men  to  resist  and  defeat  five 
hundred  armed  savages  without  aid  from  above.  During  the 
night  Salvatierra  himself  stood  watch  that  the  little  garrison 
might  rest.  The  next  morning,  just  as  he  was  about  to  cele- 
brate holy  Mass  in  thanksgiving,  a soldier  announced  the  ap- 
pearance of  a ship  in  the  harbor.  It  proved  to  be  the  miss- 
ing lancha  or  long-boat  with  supplies  for  the  mission.  On 
November  23d  the  packet-boat  returned  bringing  Rev.  Fran- 
cisco Maria  Piccolo,  some  soldiers  and  more  provisions.  As 
the  time  for  which  the  ship  had  been  loaned  now  expired, 
the  vessel  was  returned  to  her  owner,  and  Father  Salvatierra 
reported  the  founding  and  the  state  of  the  mission  to  the 
various  benefactors  in  Mexico. 

The  garrison,  composed  of  sixteen  men  besides  the  two 
missionaries,  now  began  to  erect  more  substantial  buildings 

Piccolo,  “Memorial,”  February  10th,  1702,  in  Cartas  Edifi- 
cantes  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus,  Madrid,  1753,  tom.  iii,  112-113; 
Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  22-38;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  97-98;  Clavijero, 
lib.  ii,  43-44. 


82  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


and  defenses.  Aided  by  the  Indians,  who  in  return  received 
their  favorite  food,  pozole,  they  enclosed  a piece  of  land  with 
a stockade  of  stakes  and  thorns.  Within  this  enclosure  arose 
a chapel  constructed  of  stone  and  clay  with  a thatched  roof. 
About  Christmas  time  the  dwelling  of  the  Fathers  and  the 
barracks  for  the  military  with  a warehouse  were  also  finished. 
The  chapel  was  blessed  in  honor  of  Our  Lady  of  Loreto  on 
the  feast  of  the  Nativity  of  Christ,  when  each  missionary 
offered  up  the  three  holy  Masses  peculiar  to  the  day.  Both 
devoted  all  their  time  to  learning  the  language  and  to  teach- 
ing the  rudiments  of  religion.  Father  Piccolo  to  the  little  ones 
in  the  chapel  or  the  yard,  and  Father  Salvatierra  to  the  adults 
outside  the  fortifications.  Only  five  Indians  had  thus  far 
been  admitted  to  baptism.  The  first  was  the  chief  already 
mentioned,  who  suffered  from  a horrible  cancer  and  died  a 
few  days  after  his  reception  in  November.  A little  while 
later  his  four-year-old  son  was  baptized.  The  father  received 
the  name  Manuel  Bernardo  and  the  child  was  called  Bernardo 
Manuel.  The  names  were  applied  in  obedience  to  the  viceroy, 
who  had  directed  that  the  first  two  converts  should  be  so 
called.  Two  other  converts  were  the  boys  Juan  and  Pedro, 
so  named  in  gratitude  to  the  noble  benefactors  Rev.  Juan 
Caballero  y Ozio  and  Captain  Pedro  Sierpe.  The  fifth  was 
a savage  Indian  who  had  fallen  mortally  wounded  in  the 
assault  on  the  camp.  After  receiving  what  instruction  could 
be  imparted,  he  was  baptized  and  died  during  the  following 
night. 

When  the  natives  saw  that  the  Spaniards  had  not  come  for 
tlie  sake  of  collecting  pearls,  and  that  the  priests  cared  noth- 
ing for  precious  stones,  they  approached  in  larger  numbers 
to  hear  the  Fathers  speak  on  the  truths  of  salvation.  Alarmed 
at  the  progress  of  Christianity  among  their  tribesmen,  the 
sorcerers  and  medicine-men  used  every  means  to  incite  the 
people  against  the  whites.  With  telling  effect  among  the 
friends  and  relatives,  they  used  the  unfortunate  circumstance 


19  Venegas  and  Clavijero.  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,’’  vol.  i, 
290,  says  the  chapel  was  built  of  wood. 


Jesuits  Founding  Missions 


83 


that  Father  Salvatierra  had  not  brought  back  the  two  Indian 
boys,  whom  Otondo  eleven  years  before  had  taken  along  from 
San  Bruno.  While  many  remained  faithful,  many  others 
ceased  to  attend  the  catechism,  and  the  exercises  of  Holy 
Week  were  celebrated  with  fewer  worshipers.  Not  satisfied 
with  this  result,  the  conspirators  only  awaited  a favorable  op- 
portunity to  destroy  the  mission. 

Soon  after  Easter  1698  the  lancha  was  sent  over  to  Sonora 
for  supplies.  This  was  the  time  deemed  opportune  by  the 
savages.  In  order  to  have  a pretext  for  a rupture,  one  day 
in  April  several  Indians  tried  to  steal  a small  boat  from  the 
beach.  The  two  soldiers  on  guard  at  once  sounded  the  alarm. 
The  brave  Tortolero  with  his  men  hurried  to  the  scene,  and 
in  the  fierce  struggle  several  of  the  savages  were  killed,  many 
others  were  wounded,  and  the  rest  took  to  flight.  Two  soldiers 
received  only  slight  wounds.  This  fight  taught  the  natives 
that  it  was  hopeless  to  cope  with  bow  and  arrows  against  the 
firearms  of  the  white  men.  A few  days  later  the  culprits 
came  to  ask  pardon.  Salvatierra  readily  forgave  the  treach- 
ery, though  Captain  Tortolero  wanted  to  make  an  example 
of  the  ringleaders.  The  instructions  thereafter  were  well  at- 
tended. A number  of  the  catechumens  appeared  so  well  pre- 
pared that  they  could  have  been  admitted  to  baptism  in  ordi- 
nary circumstances ; but  the  missionaries  knowing  the  fickle 
character  of  the  Indians,  and  fearing  lest  the  mission  should 
again  be  abandoned,  wisely  refrained  from  baptizing  any  one 
unless  he  was  in  danger  of  death. 

The  month  of  June  arrived  and  with  it  the  season  of  the 
pitahayas,  when  the  fruit  of  the  prickly-pear  is  ripe,  a time 
of  feasting  with  the  natives  of  that  latitude.  Not  even  the 
pozole  of  the  missionaries  could  keep  them  at  the  mission,  or 
stop  them  from  participating.  Day  after  day  old  and  young 
disappeared,  until  the  Fathers  to  their  sorrow  found  them- 
selves almost  alone.  In  a manner  this  was  fortunate  for 

20  The  Indian  missionary  of  every  clime  and  latitude  has  been 
subjected  to  the  same  annoyance.  Even  in  the  far  north,  and 
among  tribes  that  were  Christian  for  generations,  the  missionary 
will  notice  absentees  at  certain  periods.  Now  it  is  maple  sugar. 


84  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

the  mission,  because  the  packet-boat  had  been  absent  for  more 
than  two  months,  and  provisions  had  dwindled  down  to  three 
sacks  of  poor  flour  and  as  many  of  wormy  corn.  For  once 
the  stout  heart  of  Salvatierra  failed  him.  Writing  to  a friend 
he  says,  “I  begin  to  write  this  narrative  without  knowing 
whether  I shall  finish  it,  because  at  present  we  find  ourselves 
in  great  need  here  for  want  of  provisions,  which  are  growing 
daily  more  scarce ; and  as  I am  the  oldest  of  all  in  the  camp 
of  Our  Lady  of  Loreto,  I shall  be  the  first  to  pay  the  com- 
mon tribute  to  nature.” 

In  the  midst  of  these  afflictions  the  soldiers  were  a source 
of  much  consolation  to  the  poor  missionaries.  That  the 
Fathers  should  have  succeeded  in  keeping  orderly  a garrison 
of  twenty-two  men  of  different  nationalities,  and  belonging 
to  a profession  not  conducive  to  strict  ideas  of  morality,  so 
that  no  quarrels,  no  swearing  and  no  cursing  was  heard 
among  them,  strikes  the  historians  Venegas  and  Clavijero  as 
most  remarkable.  The  principal  reason,  however,  was  that 
the  missionaries  were  at  liberty  to  choose  the  members  of 
their  military  support,  whereas  in  later  times  politicians  and 
others,  who  took  no  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  Indians, 
sent  whomsoever  they  found  serviceable  for  their  own 
schemes.  At  Loreto  the  soldiers  punctually  assisted  at  the 
daily  devotions  and  performed  their  religious  duties.  An 
incident  shows  the  spirit  of  the  military  stationed  at  the  mis- 
sion in  the  beginning  of  its  history.  One  day  one  of  the 
Fathers  preached  on  cursing  and  swearing,  a vice  common 
among  soldiers  and  sailors.  In  the  course  of  the  address  he 
related  that  in  some  town  of  Germany  the  blasphemer  was 
condemned  to  pay  a fine.  After  the  services,  on  their  own 
account,  the  members  of  the  garrison  resolved  to  impose  a 
fine  on  any  one  -who  was  caught  swearing  or  cursing.  In 

then  it  is  wild  rice,  or  berry-picking,  or  hunting,  etc.,  which  will 
engage  the  whole  family  for  weeks,  and  even  months.  To  reason 
with  them  is  useless. 

21  See  Bancroft’s  flippant  account  in  “Hist,  of  Texas,’’  vol.  i, 
293.  He  claims  that  Salvatierra  imposed  the  fine  to  obtain  money 
to  pay  debts. 


Jesuits  Founding  Missions 


85 


their  distress  all  joined  in  a novena  in  honor  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  to  obtain  relief  from  God.  The  devotion  closed  on 
June  21st  and  with  it  the  last  sack  of  flour  was  used  up;  but 
before  nightfall  the  new  ship  San  Jose  appeared  in  the  bay 
with  supplies  sent  by  Father  Ugarte.  The  vessel  also 
brought  seven  volunteer  soldiers  for  the  garrison.  Needless 
to  say,  she  was  received  with  rejoicings  and  with  thanks- 
giving to  Our  Lady  and  St.  Aloysius,  the  saint  of  the  day. 

As  the  mission  long-boat  was  considered  lost,  Salvatierra 
desired  to  purchase  the  new  ship  San  JosL  The  owner, 
knowing  her  unseaworthy  condition,  readily  agreed  to  part 
with  the  vessel  for  $12,000  to  be  paid  in  Mexico  by  Father 
Ugarte.  The  fraud  was  discovered  on  the  first  trip,  when 
the  whole  cargo  of  supplies  was  spoiled.  It  cost  $6,000  to 
repair  the  leaky  vessel,  and  even  then  it  remained  in  such  a 
bad  condition  that  it  strande'd  at  Acapulco,  and  only  $500 
were  realized  from  the  sale  of  the  wreck.  Don  Pedro  Gil 
de  la  Sierpe  again  came  to  the  relief  of  the  missionaries  by 
donating  the  bark  San  Fermin  and  a smaller  vessel,  the  San 
Xavier.  Don  Agustin  de  Encinas  also  gladdened  the  hearts 
of  the  Fathers  by  making  gifts  of  horses,  cattle  and  other 
animals. 

After  two  years  Fathers  Salvatierra  and  Piccolo  had  at 
length  acquired  the  Monqiu  language  spoken  in  the  district 
of  Loreto,  and  being  in  possession  of  horses  they  resolved 
to  enlarge  their  missionary  territory  in  order  to  reach  other 
tribes.  In  the  beginning  of  1699  22  Salvatierra,  accompanied 
by  a few  guards,  set  out  upon  his  first  apostolic  tour.  Nine 
leagues  to  the  north  he  reached  a rancheria  consisting  of 
only  a few  huts.  The  inhabitants  had  fled  at  the  approach 
of  the  soldiers,  although  they  had  several  times  been  notified 
of  the  friendly  nature  of  the  visit.  After  waiting  two  days 
in  the  hope  of  meeting  the  people,  the  disappointed  Father 
returned  to  Loreto.  Later  in  the  spring  he  gained  their  full 
confidence  at  another  visit  lasting  four  days,  when  he  dis- 
tributed presents,  gave  instructions,  and  baptized  about  thirty 

22  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  294,  claiming  to  follow  Sal- 
vatierra’s  narrative,  has  November  1st,  1698. 


86  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


children.  The  place  in  Indian  was  called  Londo;  Father  Sal- 
vager ra  christened  it  San  Juan  Bautista. 

Some  Indians  from  a district  called  Vigge-Biaundo,  in  the 
western  part  of  the  peninsula,  paid  a visit  to  the  white  settle- 
ment, and  manifested  such  gentleness  and  such  a good  dis- 
position toward  Christianity,  that,  contrary  to  their  custom 
of  baptizing  only  those  in  danger  of  death,  the  missionaries 
admitted  one  of  the  visitors,  a bright  and  innocent  youth,  to 
baptism,  giving  him  the  name  San  Francisco  Xavier.  Father 
Piccolo,  moreover,  on  May  10th,  ^3  accompanied  them  back 
to  their  homes.  After  wandering  through  almost  impassable 
regions,  and  attended  by  only  a few  Loreto  Indians,  the  fear- 
less Jesuit  arrived  at  Vigge-Biaundo  and  was  well  received. 
He  remained  four  days  instructing  the  people  with  the  aid 
of  the  delighted  and  intelligent  Francisco  Xavier.  The  locality 
seemed  well  adapted  for  a mission,  as  the  soil  was  good  and 
water  was  sufficient  to  irrigate  it.  With  the  assistance  of  the 
soldiers  the  natives  soon  opened  a road  between  Loreto  and 
V'igge-Biaundo,  and  had  it  ready  for  travel  in  the  month  of 
June.  In  October  soldiers  and  Indians  together  erected  a 
small  chapel  and  a few  huts  of  adobe,  or  sun-dried  brick,  with 
tb.atched  roof.  The  chapel  was  blessed  by  Father  Salvatierra 
on  November  1st,  1699.  This  was  the  beginning  of  San 
Francisco  Xavier,  the  second  Jesuit  mission  in  Lower  Cali- 
fornia. 

Meanwhile  a new  temporary  chapel  was  begun  at  Loreto, 
and  about  one  hundred  paces  from  the  presidio  the  founda- 
tions were  laid  for  a spacious  church  and  for  a suitable  dwell- 
ing. The  chapel  was  finished  and  blessed  in  the  fall  of  1700, 
but  the  church  did  not  reach  completion  until  the  year  1704. 
In  the  spiritual  order  great  progress  is  indicated  by  the  bap- 
tism of  about  two  hundred  children,  not  counting  the  baptisms 
administered  to  the  dying,  and  by  the  satisfactory  conduct  of 
about  six  hundred  Indians  under  instruction. 

23  Clavijero  has  March  10th. 

24  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  38-56;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  98-99,  104-107; 
Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  44-47;  Piccolo,  “Memorial,”  February  10th,  1702, 
pp.  114-115. 


CHAPTER  III. 


Gloomy  Outlook. — Fruitless  Petitions. — The  Officials  in  Mexico. — 
Pearl-fishing. — Calumnies. — Captain  Mendoza’s  Report. — Salva- 
tierra. — Kino. — Trip  to  Sonora. — California  an  Island? — Rev. 
Juan  de  Ugarte. — Captain  Estevan  Rodriguez. — Mission  Work. 

HE  year  1700  found  seventy  colonists  at  Loreto,  including 


Spaniards,  Mestizos,  and  Indians  from  Mexico,  who  all 
depended  upon  Father  Salvatierra  for  their  means  of  subsis- 
tence. As  the  land  produced  nothing,  great  quantities  of  sup- 
plies had  to  be  procured  from  Sonora.  The  outlook  appeared 
gloomy,  and  the  good  religious  had  need  of  his  great  confi- 
dence in  the  heavenly  Patroness  of  the  mission,  lest  he  grow 
disheartened  amid  the  flood  of  tribulations  which  threatened 
to  overwhelm  the  colony  during  this  and  the  following  year. 
A great  amount  of  money  had  already  been  lost  when  the 
San  Jose  was  wrecked;  but  when  in  the  spring  of  1700  the 
San  Fermin  suffered  the  same  fate  at  Ahome  on  the  Sonora 
coast,  the  loss  was  felt  so  heavily  that  Salvatierra  hastened 
across  the  gulf  in  the  San  Xavier,  the  only  remaining  launch, 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  means  to  meet  his  obligations.  It 
appears  that  he  effected  nothing,  beyond  having  the  San 
Xavier  repaired  and  filled  with  supplies  with  which  he  arrived 
at  Loreto  on  June  21st. 

During  the  years  1698-1699,  Salvatierra  had  in  vain  ap- 
pealed to  the  royal  council  in  Mexico  for  some  assistance.  On 
the  first  of  March,  1700,  he  drew  up  a memorial  signed  by 
himself.  Father  Piccolo,  and  thirty-five  men  of  the  colony,  in 
which  he  related  the  founding  and  the  state  of  the  missions, 
the  immense  expenses  incurred,  and  the  impossibility  of  pay- 
ing the  soldiers  from  the  alms  which,  besides  coming  late, 
were  uncertain  and  limited ; he  implored  the  favor  of  the  king, 
and  pleaded  that,  lest  the  fruit  of  so  many  labors  and  hard- 
ships be  lost,  the  soldiers  be  paid  from  the  royal  treasury,  as 
was  done  at  the  numerous  other  military  posts  which  the  gov- 
ernment maintained  on  the  borders  of  savage  territories ; he 
described  the  evils  that  must  inevitably  result  from  the  with- 


88  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


drawal  of  the  troops,  and  concluded  by  declaring  that  he  and 
his  companion  had  firmly  resolved  to  remain  alone  at  the  mis- 
sion, even  though  they  should  be  exposed  to  violence  at  the 
hands  of  the  savages.  From  Sinaloa,  Salvatierra  addressed 
another  memorial  to  the  viceroy  in  which  he  showed  that  the 
colony  was  in  danger  of  perishing  from  hunger,  because  they 
had  only  the  unseaworthy  little  San  Xavier  to  transport  the 
supplies,  wherefore  he  begged  that  another  ship  be  assigned 
to  the  mission. 

All  these  urgent  petitions  failed  to  produce  the  desired 
effect,  despite  the  personal  efforts  of  Father  Juan  de  Ugarte. 
The  viceroy,  indeed,  offered  the  sum  of  $1,000,  but  Ugarte 
respectfully  declined  to  accept  it,  because  this  amount  was 
too  small  for  the  needs  of  the  colonists,  and  would  neverthe- 
less cause  benefactors  to  discontinue  further  assistance.  The 
solicitor  for  the  treasury  now  declared  in  reply  that  Father 
Salvatierra  in  1697  had  bound  himself  to  carry  on  the  work 
without  expense  to  the  royal  treasury,  and  therefore  must 
abide  by  his  word.  It  was  true,  Ugarte  rejoined,  that  he  had 
obtained  permission  to  enter  California  on  condition  that  no 
expense  be  caused  to  the  treasury ; the  condition  had  been 
observed  by  planting  the  first  colony  and  maintaining  it  for 
three  years  at  much  personal  cost,  and  solely  with  the  aid  of 
benefactors ; but  there  was  a difference  between  creating  a 
colony  and  continuing  the  same  permanently ; and  even  though 
he  had  obliged  himself  to  do  so,  now  that,  through  no  fault 
of  his  own,  the  missionary  found  himself  in  such  straits,  the 
interests  of  Religion  and  of  the  State  demanded  that  he 
should  be  aided  and  protected.  This  reasoning,  eminently 
satisfactory  during  the  time  of  Spanish  chivalry  and  warm 
faith,  made  no  impression  upon  the  politicians  at  the  period 
of  incipient  Mexican-Spanish  degeneracy  and  religious  in- 
difference. At  all  events,  the  viceroy  seems  to  have  deferred 
to  the  opinion  of  the  solicitor ; for  he  took  no  further  steps  to 
relieve  the  mission  and  colony,  except  that  he  reported  the 
matter  to  the  King  of  Spain.  The  death  of  Carlos  II.  delayed 
action;  but  his  successor,  Philip  V.,  on  July  17th,  1701,  issued 
three  decrees  in  favor  of  California  which  were  very  flattering 


Troubles;  Calumnies;  Father  Kino  89 


to  the  Society  of  Jesus.  In  the  first  he  directed  that  under 
no  circumstances  should  the  missions  be  abandoned.  More- 
over, he  thanked  the  missionaries  and  ordered  that  $6,000 
should  be  paid  to  the  mission  annually.  Unfortunately,  at 
this  period  heavy  demands  were  made  upon  the  royal  treasury 
in  order  to  secure  Texas  and  Florida  for  the  crown  of  Spain, 
so  that  California  was  again  overlooked. 

Spain  had  indeed  manifested  interest  and  good  will ; but 
this  cannot  be  said  of  her  sons  in  Mexico.  The  principal  rea- 
son for  inactivity  here  was  Mexican-Spanish  jealousy  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus.  Envy  was  especially  strong  among  the  ad- 
venturers who  were  seeking  permission  to  occupy  or  visit  the 
peninsula,  with  or  without  government  aid,  for  the  purpose 
of  enriching  themselves,  regardless  of  the  welfare  or  the  lives 
of  the  natives.  The  California  gulf  coast  abounded  in  rich 
pearl-beds.  “It  was  to  these  pearl-fisheries,”  says  Venegas,  ^ 
“that  many  flocked  from  the  continent  of  New  Spain,  from 
the  coast  of  New  Galicia,  Culiacan,  Sinaloa  and  Sonora;  and 
the  cruelties  into  which  greed  precipitated  many  had  caused 
mutual  complaints  which  will  continue  whilst  this  prolific  root 
of  all  evils  in  the  world  exists.”  This  state  of  things  ceased 
with  the  advent  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries;  “and  nothing,”  the 
English  Protestant  Alexander  Forbes  writes,  ^ “can  show  more 
strongly  the  pure  and  disinterested  motives  of  the  Jesuits  than 
the  law  which  they  had  obtained,  after  much  trouble,  from 
the  Mexican  government,  namely,  that  all  the  inhabitants  of 
California,  including  the  soldiers,  sailors  and  others  under 
their  command,  should  be  prohibited  not  only  from  diving  for 
pearls,  but  from  trafficking  in  them.  This  law  was  the  cause 
of  great  and  frequent  discontent  among  the  military  servants 
of  the  Fathers,  and  even  threatened  the  loss  of  the  conquest; 
but  it  was  nevertheless  rigidly  enforced  by  them  during  the 
whole  period  of  their  rule.  Fishing  for  pearls  was  not,  in- 
deed, prohibited  in  the  gulf  and  along  the  shores  of  California, 


1 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  59. 

2 Forbes,  “California,”  p.  24. 


90  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


but  it  was  carried  on  by  divers  brought  from  the  opposite 
shores  by  adventurers  engaged  in  it.” 

Venegas  and  Clavijero  find  another  source  of  unfriendli- 
ness towards  the  Jesuits  in  the  envy  of  others,  who  could  not 
bear  to  see  that  a penniless  religious  should  have  made  a suc- 
cess of  an  undertaking  in  which  numbers  of  the  bravest  and 
richest,  even  the  government,  had  failed,  despite  the  lavish 
expenditures  of  immense  sums  of  money  for  ships,  arms,  and 
soldiers.  Nor  would  they  comprehend,  a fact  which  speaks 
badly  for  their  own  good  faith  and  religious  education,  how 
a man  of  good  family,  bright  talent,  and  brilliant  education, 
could  desire  to  deprive  himself  of  the  society  of  relatives  and 
friends,  the  comforts  of  life,  and  worldly  honors,  in  order  to 
go  to  distant  and  wild  countries,  and  lead  a life  of  hardship 
among  savages,  unless  he  had  been  moved  by  the  hope  of 
enriching  himself.  California  had  become  famous  for  the 
abundance  of  her  pearls,  in  fishing  for  which  not  a few  had 
grown  wealthy.  Though  it  was  evident  that  the  missionaries 
set  no  value  upon  these  fisheries,  and  neither  fished  for  pearls 
nor  trafficked  with  them,  nor  permitted  any  one  in  the  colony 
to  deal  in  pearls,  the  enemies  tried  to  persuade  the  people  and 
the  government,  that  it  was  this  source  of  wealth  which  had 
attracted  the  Jesuits  to  the  peninsula.  For  these  reasons, 
Venegas  remarks,  those  that  had  not  the  courage  to  envy  the 
missionaries  on  account  of  the  hardships  and  perils  insepara- 
ble from  missionary  life,  begrudged  them  the  very  contribu- 
tions of  kind  benefactors  on  account  of  the  wealth  hidden  in 
the  waters  of  the  gfulf.  ® 

All  the  calumnies  that  were  so  eagerly  spread  in  Mexico 
would  have  done  little  mischief,  had  not  an  enemy  arisen  in 
the  colony  itself.  This  was  Antonio  Garcia  de  Mendoza,  the 
new  commander  of  the  troops.  The  soldiers  had  shown  them- 
selves contented  and  willing  in  their  subordination  to  the  mis- 
sionaries, by  whom  they  were  paid,  until  the  fall  of  1699, 
when  Captain  Luis  Torres  y Tortolero  was  forced  to  retire 


3 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  56-69;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  47-48;  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  114-117,  123-124. 


Troubles;  Calumnies;  Father  Kino  91 

on  account  of  an  inflammation  of  the  eyes.  The  Fathers  had 
found  him  an  energetic  and  trustworthy  officer  who  took  deep 
interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  mission.  It  was  with  much  sor- 
row that  they  saw  him  depart.  They  had  to  permit  the  pro- 
motion of  Garcia  de  Mendoza,  an  old  soldier  of  Fuenterrabia, 
who  proved  anything  but  fit  for  the  position.  He  soon  chafed 
under  the  restraint  of  the  mission  regulations,  since  his  tem- 
per could  ill  endure  the  treachery  and  indolence  of  the  natives, 
and  he  would  have  dealt  summarily  with  them  if  Father  Sal- 
vatierra  had  permitted.  The  prohibition  of  fishing  for  pearls 
was  another  grievance  in  the  eyes  of  the  trooper,  and  in  this 
by  degrees  he  gained  the  sympathy  of  his  men.  He  demanded 
that,  instead  of  doing  work  for  the  improvement  of  the  mis- 
sion, he  and  the  soldiers  should  be  allowed  to  fish  for  pearls 
to  benefit  themselves ; and  when  his  demands  were  refused 
he  gave  vent  to  his  spleen  in  letters  to  his  friends  and  to  the 
viceroy  himself. 

The  tenor  of  his  reports  may  be  judged  from  a letter  ad- 
dressed to  Viceroy  Moctezuma  on  October  22d,  1700.  After 
saying  that  Fathers  Salvatierra  and  Piccolo  were  saintly  men, 
apostles,  and  cherubim,  and  after  praising  them  for  their  zeal, 
their  labors,  and  their  contempt  for  worldly  things,  Mendoza 
bitterly  complains  that  the  soldiers  were  employed  in  construct- 
ing roads,  erecting  houses,  and  in  other  work,  and  then  con- 
cludes with  these  words : “I  find  no  other  remedy  to  curb 

such  temerity  than  to  let  the  Very  Rev.  Father  Provincial  of 
the  holy  Society  of  Jesus  know  this,  and  to  beg  him  to  with- 
draw these  religious  from  California,  and  to  place  them 
where  they  should  be  chastised  with  the  punishment  which 
they  deserve ; and  that  I,  too,  be  placed  in  a tower  with  a 
heavy  chain  in  order  that  I might  serve  as  a warning  to  my 
successors."  * 

The  enemies  of  the  missionaries  did  not  fail  to  spread  copies 
of  this  report  everywhere.  Though  unworthy  of  notice,  the 
statements,  coming  from  an  officer,  made  impression  upon 


* Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  53,  69-70;  Clavijero,  48;  .'Megre,  tom. 
Hi,  114,  116-117. 


92  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

some  high  government  officials  and  upon  all  those  who  in  the 
subordination  of  the  soldiers  to  the  missionaries  saw  nothing 
but  an  inordinate  desire  of  the  Jesuits  for  absolute  independ- 
ence. They  pretended  to  believe  such  subjection  unworthy  of 
a royal  soldier,  even  if  his  salary  was  paid  from  the  alms 
given  to  the  missionaries. 

The  calumnies  industriously  circulated  by  men  of  standing 
caused  many  benefactors  to  discontinue  their  contributions  to 
the  mission,  so  that  Salvatierra  through  want  of  means  found 
himself  compelled  to  reduce  the  garrison  of  Loreto  to  twelve 
men  who  declined  to  forsake  the  priests.  The  result  was  that 
the  savages  became  unruly  and  insolent ; visits  to  the  interior 
had  to  cease ; and  the  baptism  of  adults  was  postponed  in- 
definitely ; in  a word,  says  Venegas,  the  mission  was  afflicted 
in  so  many  ways  that  it  appeared  that  God  wanted  to  establish 
the  spiritual  conquest  of  -California  upon  contradictions  and 
sufTerings.  How  dispirited  the  two  Fathers  must  have  felt 
may  be  seen  from  a letter  which  Salvatierra  on  October  3d, 
1700,  addressed  to  his  friend,  the  fiscal,  or  solicitor,  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Guadalajara.  After  relating  that  he  had 
already  discharged  eighteen  soldiers,  he  writes ; “I  am  only 
ivaiting,  before  dismissing  the  rest  of  the  men,  for  the  last 
resolution  of  the  government  of  Mexico,  whither  I have  al- 
ready sent  my  final  protest.  When  all  are  sent  away,  we  shall 
think  of  paying  the  debts  that  remain ; and  if  before  that  the 
Californians,  our  beloved  sons  in  Christ,  for  want  of  military 
protection,  should  order  us  to  give  an  account  to  God,  there 
still  remains  Our  Lady  of  Loreto,  who  doubtless  will  pay  all.”  ® 
A few  months  before,  the  zealous  religious  had  written  to 
Brother  Jose  de  Estivales,  “My  Brother,  at  this  time  we  shall 
not  leave  this  country ; California  already  belongs  to  Mary 
Most  Holy;  if  his  Majesty  (the  king)  cannot  assist  us,  we 
Fathers  shall  remain  alone,  alone.”  ® 

5 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  70-72;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  48-49;  Alegre,  tom. 
iii,  117. 

6 “Hermano  mio,  ya  de  esta  vez  no  sc  sale  de  esta  tierra:  ya  la 
California  es  de  Maria  Santisima.  Si  S.  Magestad  (el  rey)  no 
pudiere  ayudarnos,  nos  quedaremos  los  padres  solos,  solos." 
Alegre,  tom.  iii,  115. 


Troubles;  Calumnies;  Father  Kino 


93 


With  deep  sorrow  Salvatierra  in  the  latter  part  of  1700 
saw  his  beloved  mission  on  the  verge  of  dissolution  for  want 
of  the  necessaries  of  life.  As  the  government  refused  to  give 
assistance,  and  the  benefactors  had  discontinued  their  contribu- 
tions, the  sorely-tried  missionary  resolved  to  solicit  alms  in 
Sonora,  which  was  rich  in  mines  and  withal  a fertile  country. 
He  sailed  from  Loreto  towards  the  end  of  October  and  landed 
in  Sinaloa,  where  he  at  once  began  the  collection  tour.  After 
obtaining  considerable  aid,  he  made  his  way  to  Sonora,  where 
he  also  expected  to  meet  his  old  friend.  Father  Eusebio  Kino. 
This  apostolic  Jesuit  had  fired  the  heart  of  Salvatierra  with 
zeal  for  California,  and  though  he  himself  was  prevented  from 
laboring  on  the  peninsula,  he  had  endeavored  to  succor  the 
missions  by  sending  great  quantities  of  provisions,  besides 
furniture  and  breeding  animals  procured  in  the  mining  dis- 
tricts and  missions  of  Sonora.  Nor  would  his  ardor  rest  con- 
tented with  this ; he  had  hoped  to  reach  California  from  the 
north  by  extending  his  own  mission  territory  until  it  should 
join  F'ather  Salvatierra’s  district.  For  this  reason  he  had 
desired  to  ascertain  whether  California  was  an  island,  as  gen- 
erally supposed,  or  whether  it  was  a peninsula,  as  he  sus- 
pected. Starting  out  on  this  arduous  exploration.  Father  Kino 
went  as  far  as  the  Rio  Gila,  then  followed  its  course  to  the 
Rio  Colorado,  whence  he  wandered  southward  until  he  as- 
sured himself  that  his  supposition  was  correct.  Thereupon 
he  returned  to  his  mission  of  Dolores,  in  October,  1700,  after 
having  traveled  four  hundred  leagues. 

Salvatierra  found  him  there  in  February,  1701.  On  the 
first  of  March  Kino  again  set  out  with  his  friend  to  prove 
that  California  was  not  an  island,  and  that  it  was  practicable 
to  reach  Loreto  from  the  north  by  crossing  the  Colorado 
River.  In  this  case,  they  might  work  in  the  same  field  by 
joining  their  forces  as  well  as  their  territory.  Accompanied 
by  gT.iards  they  went  as  far  as  latitude  thirty-two  degrees. 
One  evening,  an  hour  before  sunset,  from  the  top  of  a moun- 
tain they  had  a clear  view  of  the  mountains  of  the  opposite 
coast,  and  towards  the  north  they  could  see  that  Sonora  and 
California  were  separated  only  by  a narrow  waterway.  Un- 


94  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

fortunately,  lack  of  provisions  compelled  the  two  explorers  to 
abandon  their  original  intention  of  going  to  Loreto  at  that 
time  around  the  Gulf  of  California.  Nor  did  Kino  ever  suc- 
ceed in  satisfying  the  longings  of  his  heart ; for  he  had  to 
remain  among  the  Apaches  of  the  Pimerias,  whence  he  passed 
to  his  eternal  reward  towards  the  end  of  1710.  He  had  la- 
bored for  thirty  years  in  the  missions  of  America,  and  at  the 
time  of  his  death  had  reached  the  age  of  seventy  years.  Clavi- 
jero  writes  that  Father  Kino  “baptized  more  than  forty- 
eight  thousand  Indians.  In  all  his  journeys  he  carried  no 
other  food  than  toasted  corn ; he  never  omitted  to  celebrate 
holy  Mass ; and  never  slept  upon  a mattress.  As  he  wandered 
about  he  prayed  incessantly,  or  sang  hymns  and  psalms;  he 
died  as  saintly  as  he  had  lived.”  Father  Eusebius  Kuehn, 
or  Eusebio  Kino,  as  the  Spaniards  called  him,  was  a native 
of  the  city  of  Trent,  in  Tyrolese  Austria.  Later  he  became 
professor  of  mathematics  at  Ingolstadt,  Bavaria.  In  1687  he 
came  to  Sonora  and  made  his  headquarters  at  the  Indian 
mission  of  Dolores.  ® 

Father  Salvatierra  hastened  back  to  his  suffering  people 
with  all  the  supplies  that  he  had  collected,  and  arrived  at 
Loreto  in  the  latter  part  of  April,  1701,®  most  agreeably  sur- 
prised at  finding  the  Rev.  Juan  de  Ugarte  there.  This  ener- 
getic man,  abandoning  all  hopes  that  the  government  would 
do  anything  for  California,  had  begged  leave  of  his  superiors 
to  devote  himself  to  the  poor  Indians,  instead  of  merely  trying 
to  procure  supplies  for  them.  The  permission  was  reluc- 
tantly granted.  He  then  resigned  the  office  of  rector  of  the 
seminary  of  St.  Gregory  and  prepared  for  the  long  journey  to 
the  peninsula.  The  office  of  procurator  for  the  missions, 
which  he  had  exercised  since  the  year  1697,  was  assigned  to 
Rev.  Alexandro  Romano.  Ugarte  set  out  from  the  city  of 
Mexico  on  December  3d,  1700,  and,  after  wandering  through 


7“Historia,”  lib.  ii,  62-63. 

* Jose  Ortega,  S.  J.,  “Apostolicos  .\fanes,”  lib.  ii,  cap.  xv,  326- 
328;  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  74-107;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  117-118,  123- 
126,  155-157. 

9 Alegre,  tom.  iii,  126,  has  May  12th. 


Troubles;  Calumnies;  Father  Kino 


95 


Queretaro,  Guadalajara,  and  Sinaloa,  reached  the  port  on  the 
Yaqui  in  March,  1701.  There  was  no  ship  in  the  harbor,  save 
a small  old  bark  which  had  been  run  aground  as  absolutely 
worthless.  It  needed  a mast  and  much  of  the  rigging  was 
gone.  The  attempt  seemed  foolhardy;  nevertheless,  unable  to 
control  the  ardent  desire  of  his  heart,  Ugarte  trusted  him- 
self to  this  discarded  vessel,  despite  the  protest  of  the  fright- 
ened missionaries  of  Port  Yaqui.  On  March  19th,  three  days 
after  leaving  the  Yaqui,  he  safely  landed  in  San  Dionisio  Bay, 
and  was  heartily  welcomed  by  the  astonished  Father  Fran- 
cisco Piccolo. 

Father  Juan  de  Ugarte  had  now  reached  the  goal,  but  he 
found  the  garrison  and  Father  Piccolo  in  great  distress.  Since 
October  of  the  previous  year  neither  supplies  nor  information 
of  any  kind  had  arrived.  Nevertheless,  he  gave  thanks  to 
God  for  finding  himself  in  California,  as  did  Piccolo  for  having 
a companion.  It  only  needed  the  presence  of  their  superior  to 
make  their  satisfaction  complete.  Three  days  later  the  colony 
was  consoled  by  the  appearance  of  the  launch  San  Xavier  with 
the  provisions  which  Ugarte  had  despatched  three  months  be- 
fore, during  which  time  much  of  the  freight  had  been  con- 
sumed aboard.  Salvatierra  himself  arrived,  as  already  stated, 
five  or  six  weeks  later.  Piccolo  for  the  present  returned  to  his 
mission  San  Xavier,  while  Ugarte  remained  at  Loreto  with 
the  Father  Rector,  in  order  to  learn  the  Indian  language 
before  entering  upon  active  mission  work. 

Besides  the  want  of  provisions,  another  evil  afflicted  the  col- 
ony; this  was  the  captain  of  the  guards,  Antonio  Garcia  de 
Mendoza.  Disgusted  with  life  at  the  presidio,  he  had  con- 
tinued to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  colony  by  his  discontent; 
but  when  he  discovered  that  his  bitter  reports  did  not  move 
the  viceroy  to  relieve  him  of  subordination  to  the  missionaries, 
and  that  the  latter  persisted  in  refusing  permission  to  use  the 
Indians  in  diving  for  pearls,  or  to  abuse  them  otherwise,  he 


10  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  72-73;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  49-50.  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  127,  says  Ugarte  landed  on  March  23d. 

11  Title  of  the  local  superior  among  the  Jesuits. 


96  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


determined  to  resign  his  command.  Salvatierra  at  once  ac- 
cepted the  resignation,  and  appointed  Isidro  de  Figueroa  in  his 
place.  Isidro  proved  incompetent,  wherefore  the  soldiers  were 
directed  to  choose  their  own  captain  by  secret  ballot.  The 
Portuguese  Estevan  Rodriguez  Lorenzo  was  then  elected  al- 
most unanimously  and  continued  at  the  head  of  the  military 
in  Lower  California  for  more  than  forty  years.  He  had  come 
to  the  country  with  the  venerable  founder  in  1697,  and  re- 
mained there  until  his  death.  During  his  forty-nine  years  of 
service  he  proved  himself  a good  Christian,  fearless  soldier,  and 
active  and  prudent  officer,  who  contributed  much  towards  the 
establishment  of  the  missions  and  the  spread  of  Christianity 
on  the  peninsula,  besides  preserving  peace  among  the  soldiers 
and  Indians. 

While  the  Fathers  were  making  plans  to  benefit  the  savages, 
the  latter  were  instigated  by  the  sorcerers  and  medicine-men  to 
murder  Father  Piccolo  and  to  destroy  Mission  San  Xavier. 
One  day  they  approached  the  mission  in  great  numbers ; but 
when  they  found  that  the  missionary,  warned  by  a friendly 
Indian,  had  fled  to  Loreto,  they  vented  their  fury  on  the  fur- 
niture of  the  house  and  the  ornaments  of  the  church.  Among 
other  things  they  broke  the  large  crucifix  into  pieces,  and 
pierced  an  oil-painting  of  Our  Lady  of  Sorrows  with  two 
arrows,  because,  as  they  declared,  “she  is  the  one  the  Father 
loves.”  On  hearing  this,  Figueroa,  the  new  captain,  with 
a squad  of  soldiers,  ha.stened  to  Vigge-Biaundo  to  punish  the 
barbarians ; but  the  savages  took  refuge  in  the  mountains. 
Later  the  g^iilty  Indians  appeared  at  Loreto  and  asked  pardon. 
Since  no  blood  had  been  shed,  their  petition  was  granted,  and 
peace  again  reigned  for  a while. 

Although  the  natives  at  San  Xavier  had  proved  themselves 
treacherous,  the  place  could  not  well  be  abandoned,  because  it 
was  situated  in  one  of  the  few  districts  capable  of  cultiva- 
tion. As  the  Indians  professed  repentence,  Salvatierra  as- 


12  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  108-110;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  49-50; 
Alegre,  tom.  iii,  128-129. 

13  “Esta  es  la  que  quiere  el  padre.”  Venegas,  p.  110. 


Troubles;  Calumnies;  Father  Kino 


97 


signed  Ugarte,  who  had  learnt  their  language  sufficiently,  to 
that  difficult  post  in  place  of  Piccolo,  who  was  to  proceed  to 
Mexico  in  behalf  of  the  peninsula  missions.  Ugarte  with  a 
few  soldiers  set  out  for  San  Xavier,  only  to  find  the  place 
deserted.  For  many  days  not  an  Indian  was  to  be  seen.  The 
soldiers  soon  began  to  grumble,  because  they  had  no  servants, 
and  Ugarte  would  not  let  them  go  after  the  natives  for  fear 
of  making  them  more  distrustful.  Finally,  suspecting  that 
the  presence  of  the  dreaded  guards  was  the  real  cause  of  the 
trouble,  he  sent  them  back  to  Loreto  and  trusted  his  safety 
to  Divine  Providence.  The  surmise  proved  correct ; for  at 
nightfall  of  the  same  day  a boy  timidly  approached  the  cabin. 
The  Father  joyfully  caressed  and  regaled  the  youth,  and  urged 
him  to  tell  the  people  to  come  without  fear,  as  the  soldiers 
had  gone  away.  One  by  one  the  Indians  returned  .so  that 
the  old  order  of  things  was  soon  restored  and  religious  in- 
struction resumed. 

The  missionary  had  a double  task  to  accomplish  and  he 
determined  to  go  to  work  systematically.  He  had  to  induce 
the  savages  by  means  of  food  and  flattery  to  attend  the  cate- 
chism, the  Rosary  and  the  holy  Mass,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
drop  their  pagan  practices  and  abandon  their  fear  of  the  medi- 
cine-men ; then  he  had  to  teach  a people  unacquainted  with 
labor,  to  cultivate  the  soil  and  to  care  for  cattle  and  other 
domestic  animals,  and  by  degrees  to  form  human  beings  of 
savage  brutes  who  lived  in  absolute  idleness,  and  like  brutes 
sought  their  food  while  roaming  unrestrained  about  the  moun- 
tains. The  existence  of  the  new  mission,  as  well  as  that  of 
Loreto,  depended  upon  his  ability  to  raise  enough  provisions 
to  maintain  the  neophytes  without  having  recourse  to  aid 
from  Me.xico.  At  Loreto  there  was  little  soil  fit  for  agricul- 
ture, but  Ugarte  at  San  Xavier  undertook  to  provide  at  least 
the  most  necessary  means  for  both  establishments.  What  toil, 
hardships,  and  mental  suflfering  this  cost  the  good  missionary 
among  a people  so  capricious,  unappreciative,  and  beastly  as 
the  Lower  Californians,  can  be  understood  by  those  only  who 
have  been  similarly  situated ; but  we  shall  be  able  to  form  a 
good  idea  of  the  difficulties  under  which  the  missionaries  la- 


98  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


bored  from  Father  \^enegas’s  description  of  the  conditions  at 
San  Francisco  Xavier,^'*  which  follows  in  the  next  chapter. 


Authors  write  Xavier  and  Javier.  The  pronunciation  is  the 
same. 

15  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  109-114;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  50;  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  128-129,  133. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Mission  Routine. — The  Doctrina. — Learning  the  Language. — Agri- 
culture at  San  Francisco  Xavier. — Distress. — Piccolo’s  Memorial. 
— Revolt. — The  Pious  Fund. — Missionary  Tours. — Another  Re- 
volt.— Search  for  Mission  Sites. — Rev.  Basaldua’s  Petition. — 
Memorial  to  the  King. — The  Viceroy’s  Unfriendliness. — Intol- 
erable Conditions. — Council. — Founding  of  Mission  San  Juan. — 
Lorenzo  Resigns. 

( ( VERY  morning  after  Mass,  at  w'hich  all  were  obliged 


to  assist,”  Venegas  writes,  ^ “the  Doctrina  ^ was  re- 
cited. Then  breakfast,  consisting  of  pozole,  or  porridge,  was 
given  to  those  that  had  to  work.  The  Father  would  next 
set  them  to  build  the  church  and  the  houses  for  himself  and 
his  Indians,  or  to  clear  the  soil  for  cultivation,  to  make  ditches 
for  irrigating  the  land,  to  dig  holes  for  planting  fruit-trees,  or 
to  prepare  the  ground  for  sowing  seeds.  In  the  mechanical 
line  Ugarte  was  not  only  master  and  overseer,  but  carpenter, 
mason,  and  ordinary  laborer,  so  that  everywhere  he  had  to 
bear  the  heaviest  burden ; for,  though  moved  by  example, 
gifts,  and  flattery,  the  Indians  never  entirely  shook  off  their 


1 “Noticia,”  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  114-117.  See  also  Clavijero,  lib.  ii, 
50-51. 

2 Doctrina  Christiana,  or  principal  truths  of  religion.  This  was 
recited  in  common  as  fast  as  the  respective  parts  were  learned, 
and  comprised  the  Sign  of  the  Cross,  the  Lord’s  Prayer,  the  Hail 
Mary,  the  Apostles’  Creed,  the  Confiteor,  the  Acts  of  Faith,  Hope, 
Charity,  and  Contrition,  the  Ten  Commandments  of  God,  the  Pre- 
cepts of  the  Church,  the  Seven  Sacraments,  the  Six  Necessary 
Points  of  Faith,  and  the  Four  Last  Things  of  Man.  These  truths, 
as  well  as  the  ceremonies  and  devotional  exercises,  were  explained 
in  the  course  of  time.  The  Doctrina  was  uniform  throughout  Cali- 
fornia. The  author  as  late  as  1888  heard  the  Sanel  Indians  near 
Hopland,  California,  recite  it  in  Spanish  from  beginning  to  end 
during  holy  Mass.  Like  the  Indians  elsewhere,  who  are  rarely 
visited  by  a priest,  they  knew  that  much  from  tradition;  but  it  is 
very  much  more  than  unscrupulous  closet-historians  and  super- 
ficial writers  can  recite  by  heart,  who  flippantly  declare  that  Cath- 
olic missionaries  taught  their  Indian  converts  nothing  but  a string 
of  meaningless  ceremonies  in  an  unintelligible  language. 


lOO  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


inborn  love  for  idleness,  and  they  would  not  make  a step 
unless  they  saw  the  Father  work  more  than  all  of  them. 
Hence  he  was  the  first  to  fetch  stones,  tread  clay,  mix  sand, 
cut,  carry,  and  prepare  lumber,  remove  earth,  and  arrange 
materials.  He  was  equally  active  at  other  kinds  of  work, 
now  clearing  the  thickets  with  a hatchet,  then  digging  up  the 
earth  with  a spade,  sometimes  splitting  rocks  with  a crowbar, 
then  again  directing  the  water  for  irrigation,  leading  the  cat- 
tle and  sheep  to  the  pastures,  or  watering  the  stock  which  he 
had  procured  for  his  mission ; thus  by  example  he  taught  the 
Indians  to  do  everything.  ^ 

“These  savages,  whose  dullness  and  narrow  ideas  at  first 
did  not  grasp  the  utility  of  such  labors,  which  deprived  them 
of  the  freedom  of  roving  about  the  mountains  according  to 
their  custom,  furnished  thousands  of  occasions  to  increase  the 
merit  of  patience  by  coming  too  late,  or  not  wanting  to  stir, 
by  running  away  or  jeering  at  the  Father,  and  sometimes  even 
by  conspiring  and  threatening  death  and  destruction.  All 
had  to  be  borne  with  unwearied  patience,  without  having  re- 
course to  any  other  remedy  than  kindness  and  soft  words, 
mixed  at  times  with  gravity  to  make  himself  respected,  and  in 
showing  consideration  for  their  weakness  by  not  tiring  them. 

“In  the  evening  the  Father  would  gather  them  a second  time 
to  say  the  Rosary,  after  which  the  Doctrina  was  repeated  and 
formally  explained,  and  then  he  would  give  them  supper. 
In  the  beginning  they  were  noisy  during  the  whole  time  of 
instruction,  hearing  it  with  jests,  and  sneering  at  what  the 
missionary  said,  talking  among  themselves,  and  many  times 
giving  vent  to  boisterous  laughter.  The  Father  endured  this 
for  a while ; then  he  rebuked  them,  and  as  this  did  no  good. 


3 “I  cannot  think  of  this,”  says  Clavijero  with  Venegas,  “with- 
out being  moved  to  compassion,  and  without  recognizing  the  power 
of  God,  at  sight  of  a gentleman,  raised  amid  the  comforts  of  a 
wealthy  home,  now  reduced  to  a tedious  and  burdensome  life,  and 
buried  in  an  obscure  and  remote  solitude,  a man  of  letters  and 
highly  esteemed  in  the  schools  and  pulpits  of  Mexico,  a man  of 
sublime  genius,  voluntarily  condemned  to  associate  for  thirty  years 
with  stupid  savages.”  (“Historia,”  50-51.) 


The  Mission  System 


lOI 


he  one  day  thought  it  necessary  to  employ  a somewhat  vigor- 
ous experiment  to  overcome  them  through  fear.  Near  him 
usually  stood  an  Indian  much  esteemed  for  his  strength,  who, 
relying  upon  this  advantage,  the  only  quality  valued  among 
them,  ventured  to  conduct  himself  more  rudely  than  the  others. 
Father  Ugarte,  who  was  himself  a large  and  strong  man, 
took  the  Indian  by  the  hair,  just  as  he  was  laughing  most  im- 
moderately and  making  signs  of  mockery  to  the  others,  and 
lifted  him  up  into  the  air  swinging  him  to  and  fro  three  or 
four  times.  That  was  enough  to  make  the  rest  run  away 
terrified.  They  soon  returned,  one  after  another ; but  the 
Father  had  sticceeded  in  causing  such  dread  that  they  assisted 
at  the  Doctrina  with  attention. 

“When  he  discovered  that  the  cause  of  their  merriment  were 
the  mistakes  which  he  made  in  the  use  of  words  and  in  the 
pronunciation,  the  poor  missionary  took  more  pains  to  inform 
himself  about  the  one  and  the  other  by  taking  the  children 
for  his  teachers,  because  he  had  noticed  that  the  grown  peo- 
ple, besides  showing  themselves  unwilling,  deceived  him  in 
order  to  ridicule  him  afterwards.  * The  task  of  teaching  them, 
by  reason  of  the  extreme  dullness  of  the  poor  natives,  was 
not  easily  accomplished.  On  one  occasion  he  impressed  upon 
them,  with  all  the  force  he  possessed,  the  fire  and  the  pains 
of  hell.  The  result  was  that  he  afterwards  overheard  them 
saying  to  one  another,  that  hell  was  a better  land  than  their 
own,  for  there  was  no  lack  of  wood,  but  that  fire  was  there 
to  warm  them,  and  that  therefore  it  was  better  to  leave  their 
country  and  go  there.  The  distress  and  discouragement  which 
this  inability  to  understand  caused  Father  Ugarte  cannot  be 
described ; nevertheless,  it  was  all  overcome  by  the  energy  and 
perseverance  of  a tireless  and  painstaking  man,  who  toiled 
for  the  glory  of  God. 


* Fr.  Louis  Hennepin,  O.  F.  M.,  and  the  early  Jesuit  mission- 
aries among  the  Indians  of  the  Northern  States  and  Canada,  expe- 
rienced similar  annoyances  while  endeavoring  to  learn  the  native 
idiom.  Obscene  expressions  were  frequently  told  the  Fathers,  who, 
ignorant  of  their  true  meaning,  would  use  them  at  the  instructions 
until  the  deception  was  discovered. 


102  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

“The  Father  reaped  the  fruit  of  his  patience  in  subsequent 
years,  when  he  succeeded  in  leading  the  Indians  not  only  to 
know  and  understand  the  Doctrina,  but  also  to  live  a regular 
Christian  life.  He  accustomed  their  obstinate  indolence  to 
work,  and  obtained  abundant  harvests  of  wheat,  corn,  and 
other  grain.  He  overcame  the  seeming  impossibilities  of  irri- 
gating and  cultivating  craggy  and  stony  soil,  and  even  raised 
grape-vines  from  which  he  manufactured  good  wine,  some  of 
which  was  used  at  the  Masses  in  California,  and  the  rest  was 
sent  to  New  Spain  in  exchange  for  needed  goods.  He  also 
bred  horses,  and  obtained  abundant  wool  from  sheep.  He 
was,  indeed,  the  purveyor-general  for  the  garrison  and  for 
the  missions,  which  all  must  have  perished  but  for  the  assist- 
ance of  Ugarte.  The  year  1707  for  want  of  rain  produced  a 
very  poor  harvest  all  over  New  Spain.  Sinaloa  and  Sonora 
suffered  exceedingly.  Rain  had  also  been  scarce  in  California ; 
yet,  in  writing  to  Don  Jose  de  Miranda  Villaizan  on  June  9th, 
Ugarte  says : ‘Thanks  be  to  God ! It  is  now  two  months 

since  with  the  sailors  and  soldiers  we  eat  good  wheaten  bread 
of  our  own  harvest,  while  the  poor  on  the  other  coast,  in 
Sinaloa  as  well  as  in  Sonora,  are  perishing.  Who  would  have 
dreamed  it?’  ’’  ® 

The  efforts  of  the  apostolic  man  did  not  rest  there.  When 
the  sheep  brought  from  the  other  coast  had  increased  suffi- 
ciently, Father  Ugarte  wanted  his  naked  Indians  to  have  the 
benefit  of  the  wool.  He  accordingly  taught  them  how  to  spin 
it  and  weave  it  into  cloth,  after  he  himself  had  made  the  dis- 
taffs, spinning-wheels,  and  looms.  In  order  to  perfect  the 
work,  he  had  a master-weaver,  Antonio  Moran  by  name,  come 
from  Tepic  at  a salary  of  five  hundred  dollars.  Moran  stayed 
in  California  two  years,  and  then  left  the  neophytes  instructed 
in  all  kinds  of  handiwork,  and  thus  by  means  of  the  home- 
made product  they  saved  the  heavy  expenses  of  importing 
clothes  and  blankets.  ® 

5 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  117-119;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  52;  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  142;  Forbes,  “California,”  31-35. 

® Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  119-120;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  52;  Forbes, 
“California,”  36. 


The  Mission  System 


103 


Before  Mission  San  Francisco  Xavier  reached  this  period  of 
prosperity,  the  want  of  provisions  at  Loreto  had  compelled 
Father  Piccolo  to  seek  relief  in  Mexico.  He  embarked  on 
December  26th,  1701,  and  arrived  at  Guadalajara  probably 
early  in  February,  1702.  On  the  10th  of  that  month  he  ad- 
dressed a Memorial  to  the  Royal  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara. 
P'rom  this  report  we  for  the  first  time  obtain  a clear  view  of 
the  state  of  the  missions  in  California.  After  reciting  the 
history  of  the  foundation,  Piccolo  writes  as  follows : 

“On  going  out.  Father  Salvatierra  to  the  north  and  I to  the 
south  and  west,  we  discovered  many  tribes  of  different  lan- 
guages, some  speaking  the  Monqui  language,  which  we  knew, 
whilst  others  used  the  Laymone  tongue,  which  we  did  not 
know.  As  the  latter  is  much  more  extended  than  the  other, 
and  appears  to  be  generally  spoken  in  this  whole  vast  coun- 
try, we  saw  ourselves  obliged  to  learn  it.  We  applied  our- 
selves to  its  study  so  strenuously  that  we  learned  it  in  a short 
time,  and  then  commenced  to  preach  in  both  languages.  God 
blessed  our  efforts  so  that  we  have  baptized  more  than  one 
thousand  children,  all  well  prepared.  More  than  three  thou- 
sand well  instructed  adults  likewise  ask  and  desire  the  same 
favor;  but  we  have  judged  it  advisable  to  delay  them  in  order 
to  try  them  more  thoroughly  and  to  make  them  more  firm 
in  their  holy  resolution ; for,  inasmuch  as  these  tribes  have 
lived  in  paganism  during  so  many  centuries,  and  in  abject 
submission  to  their  sorcerers,  and  on  the  other  hand  are  giddy 
and  fickleminded,  we  have  feared  that  they  might  allow  them- 
selves to  be  perverted  unless  they  were  firmly  grounded,  or 
when  baptized  they  might  not  comply  with  their  obligations 
and  then  expose  our  holy  religion  to  the  contempt  of  the  infi- 
dels. We  have,  therefore,  been  content  to  keep  them  among 
the  catechumens.  They  come  to  church  on  holydays  and  Sun- 
days, and  attend  the  Doctrina  with  the  children  who  are 
already  baptized. 

“We  have  divided  the  whole  country  into  four  mission  dis- 
tricts. The  first  is  that  of  Concho,  or  Our  Lady  of  Loreto; 
the  second  is  that  of  San  Francisco  Xavier;  the  third  is  that 
of  Yovidinegge,  or  Our  Lady  of  Sorrows ; and  the  fourth, 


104  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


which  is  not  as  yet  established,  is  that  of  San  Juan  de  Londo. 
Each  mission  comprises  many  villages.  Loreto  has  nine : 
Liggige,  two  leagues  from  Concho;  Jetti,  three  leagpies;  Tuido, 
four  leagues.  These  three  places  lie  to  the  north.  The  fol- 
lowing are  to  the  south:  Vonii,  two  leagues;  Numpolo,  four 
leagues ;'  Chuyenqui,  nine  leagues ; Liggui,  twelve  leagues ; 
Tripue,  fourteen  leagues;  Loppu,  fifteen  leagues. 

“Mission  San  Xavier  de  Biaundo  counts  eleven  villages  as 
follows  : Huiminma,  or  Guardian  Angel,  two  leagues  ; Lichu, 

or  Cavallero  Mountain,  three  leagues ; Yemuyoma,  five  leagues  ; 
Undua,  six  leagues;  Emnlaylo,  ten  leagues;  Picolopri,  twelve 
leagues ; Outta,  fifteen  leagues ; Onemayto,  twenty  leagues. 
These  eight  villages  lie  to  the  south.  The  two  following  are 
to  the  north : Nuntei,  three  leagues ; Obbe,  eight  leagues.  To 
the  west  is  Cuivuco,  or  Santa  Rosalia,  at  a distance  of  four 
leagues. 

“We  have  built  a chapel  for  the  second  mission ; but,  as  it  is 
already  too  small,  a large  and  spacious  church  has  been  com- 
menced, the  walls  of  which  will  be  of  brick  and  the  roof  of 
wood.  The  garden  which  adjoins  the  missionary’s  house 
already  furnishes  all  kinds  of  vegetables.  The  trees  from 
Mexico  which  were  planted  there  are  thriving  very  well,  and 
before  long  will  bear  excellent  fruit.  The  Rev.  Bachelor  Don 
Juan  Cavallero  y Ocio,  Commissary  of  the  Inquisition  and 
the  Cruzada  Indulgences,  whose  zeal  and  piety  cannot  be 
praised  adequately,  has  founded  these  first  two  missions,  and 
he  has  been  the  soul  and  principal  promoter  of  this  grand  enter- 
prise. 

“The  Mission  of  Our  Lady  of  Sorrows  comprises  only 
Unubbe,  which  is  to  the  north;  Ninumqui,  or  San  Jose;  and 
Yodivineggc,  or  Our  Lady  of  Sorrows,  which  gives  its  name 
to  the  whole  mission.  Ninumqui  and  Yodivineggc  are  pop- 
ulous places  near  each  other.  The  gentlemen  who  compose 
the  Confraternity  at  our  College  of  Saints  Peter  and  Paul  in 
the  city  of  Mexico  under  the  title  of  the  Sorrows  of  Most 
Holy  Mary,  and  who  are  the  principal  cavaliers  of  that  great 
city,  have  founded  this  mission,  and. on  all  occasions  give  proof 


The  Mission  System 


105 


of  their  zeal  for  the  propagation  of  the  faith  and  the  conversion 
of  these  poor  Indians. 

“Finally  Mission  San  Juan  de  Londo  has  five  or  six  vil- 
lages. The  principal  ones  are  Teupum,  or  San  Bruno,  three 
leagues  to  the  east;  Anchu,  at  a like  distance  to  the  north; 
Tamonqui,  which  lies  four  leagues  to  the  west;  and  Diutro, 
six  leagues  to  the  west. 

“We  have  brought  some  cows  and  many  sheep  and  goats 
to  California.  We  have  also  had  horses  brought  over  for 
breeding  purposes.  We,  moreover,  raised  some  swine,  but 
as  they  caused  much  damage,  and  the  women  were  afraid  of 
them,  we  exterminated  them.” 

The  first  result  of  Father  Piccolo’s  trip  across  the  gulf  was 
a small  cargo  of  corn,  flour,  and  other  supplies  which  the 
.launch  delivered  on  January  29th,  1702;  but  these  provisions 
did  not  last  long.  “The  charity  of  Father  Juan  Maria  Sal- 
vatierra  to  bestow  alms  on  the  Indians  was  so  great,”  Captain 
Lorenzo  writes,  “that  in  a short  time  we  found  ourselves  in 
still  greater  distress.”  At  last  nothing  remained  except  a little 
spoiled  meat  for  which  all  had  a loathing.  The  colonists  were 
then  driven  to  satisfy  their  hunger  by  fi.shing  in  the  gulf,  or 
by  hunting  in  the  mountains  for  pitahayas  (prickly-pears), 
berries,  and  roots.  The  letters  of  the  missionaries  describing 
the  efforts  of  the  people  at  this  time  to  keep  alive  are  truly 
pitiful. 

Their  afflictions  were  aggravated  by  an  Indian  revolt  which 
was  caused  by  the  imprudence  of  a soldier  named  Poblano, 
who  on  account  of  his  runaway  Indian  wife,  had  killed  a 
native,  and  who  in  revenge  was  murdered  by  the  savages. 
Ugarte  had  planted  some  corn  at  his  mission,  and  expected 
to  relieve  the  general  suffering  with  the  product  of  the  field. 
The  infuriated  Indians  tore  it  up.  They  would  have  destroyed 
the  church  and  dwelling,  had  not  the  few  guards,  aided  by 
some  friendly  natives,  prevented  the  calamity.  The  soldiers 
were  unable,  however,  to  save  a number  of  goats  with  whose 


7 Piccolo,  “Memorial”  in  “Cartas  Edificantes  de  la  Compaiiia  de 
Jesus,”  Madrid  1753-1756,  tom.  iii,  115-121. 


io6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

milk  the  Father  had  maintained  himself.  The  missionaries, 
who  happened  to  be  at  Londo,  were  warned  in  time  by  Captain 
Lorenzo  and  retired  to  Loreto.  A few  skirmishes  occurred, 
but  only  three  or  four  of  the  rebels  were  killed. 

Father  Piccolo,  in  the  meantime,  arrived  at  the  city  of 
Mexico  on  the  first  of  March,  1702,  and  was  fortunate  enough 
to  secure  the  payment  of  the  $6000  which  King  Philip  V.  had 
directed  should  be  made  annually  to  the  California  missions. 
With  this  amount  and  some  other  donations  Piccolo  pur- 
chased necessary  supplies  and  hastened  them  to  the  peninsula. 
At  the  same  time  Don  Jose  de  la  Puenta,  Marques  de  Villa- 
Puente,  immortalized  his  name  by  offering  to  furnish  the 
means  for  establishing  the  three  missions  San  Jose  Comundu, 
La  Purisima  Concepcion,  and  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe.  Don 
Nicolas  de  Arteaga  and  his  wife.  Dona  Josefa  Vallejo,  more- 
over, gave  the  amount  necessary  to  found  Mission  Santa 
Rosalia  de  Mulege.  * 

Assured  of  the  funds  for  maintaining  four  new  missions. 
Piccolo  appealed  to  Father  Provincial  Francisco  de  Arteaga 
to  send  four  additional  missionaries ; but  the  scarcity  of  sub- 
jects in  the  province  would  not  permit  the  assignment  of  more 
than  two  religious  of  the  Society.  These  were  Juan  Manuel 
de  Basaldua,  a native  of  Michoacan,  and  Geronimo  Minutili, 
a native  of  Sardinia.  A bark  was  purchased  at  Acapulco, 
laden  with  goods,  and  directed  to  Matanchel,  on  the  coast  of 
Nueva  Galicia,  where  the  three  Fathers  boarded  the  vessel. 
After  a stormy  voyage,  during  which  some  of  the  freight  had 
to  be  thrown  into  the  sea,  they  entered  the  San  Dionisio  Bay 
on  Saturday,  October  28th.  At  a conference  of  the  five  mis- 
sionaries on  the  peninsula  it  was  resolved  that  Ugarte  should 
pass  over  to  the  mainland  to  procure  more  cattle,  horses,  and 
mules,  in  order  that  the  missionaries  might  be  enabled  to  ex- 
tend their  work  to  the  interior.  Minutili  remained  at  Loreto 
with  Salvatierra,  while  Basaldua  assisted  Piccolo  at  San  Xavier 
de  Vigge  and  learned  the  language  of  the  Indians.  Ugarte 


8 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  120-126;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  52-53;  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  133-134. 


The  Mission  System 


■ 107 

left  California  in  December,  1702,  for  the  port  of  San  Jose 
de  Guaymas  in  Sonora,  and  returned  in  February,  1703,  with 
a good  cargo  of  cattle,  sheep,  horses,  mules,  and  supplies.  ® 

During  Ugarte’s  absence  Father  Salvatierra  made  several 
trips  to  the  interior;  but  as  he  traveled  afoot,  he  could  not 
proceed  far  over  the  rugged  country.  When  Ugarte  returned, 
Salvatierra  undertook  a longer  journey  for  the  purpose  of 
reaching  the  western  coast..  In  company  with  Captain  Lor- 
enzo and  a few  soldiers  he  departed  in  March,  1703,  and  took 
the  road  to  San  Xavier.  At  the  mission  station  of  Santa 
Rosalia  Fathers  Piccolo  and  Basaldua  joined  the  party.  They 
arrived  at  the  sea-coast  without  meeting  any  Indians.  The 
shore  was  examined  to  the  north  and  to  the  south,  but  no 

harbor  could  be  discovered.  Some  land  was  found  suitable 

/ 

for  agriculture,  but  no  water  for  irrigation;  and  as  rain  could 
not  be  relied  upon,  the  plan  of  establishing  a mission  in  that 
region  was  abandoned.  After  encountering  a number  of  timid 
Indian  men  and  women  towards  the  south,  all  returned  to 
Loreto.  In  May  a second  tour  of  exploration  was  made  by 
Ugarte  to  the  north  as  far  as  the  Bahia  de  la  Concepcion,  forty 
leagues  from  Loreto,  where  he  found  a number  of  populous 
rancherias. 

In  1703,  on  occasion  of  the  feast  of  Corpus  Christi,  which 
fell  on  June  7th,  Father  Rector  Salvatierra,  desirous  of  giving 
the  neophytes  an  exalted  idea  of  the  Most  Holy  Eucharist, 
had  all  the  missionaries  with  their  guards  and  as  many  con- 
verts as  they  could  muster  come  to  Loreto.  The  ceremonies 
were  carried  out  and  the  procession  held  with  the  utmost 
splendor,  in  order  to  impress  the  mind  of  the  natives  through 
the  eye  and  then  through  the  ear  by  means  of  a special  in- 
struction on  the  consoling  doctrine  celebrated  that  day. 

The  joy  created  by  the  festivities  was  not  to  last  long.  Soon 
a small  number  of  Indians  brought  the  information  that  all 
the  converts  of  Mission  San  Xavier,  save  the  few  that  escaped 
to  Loreto,  had  been  massacred  by  the  ringleaders  of  a former 


9 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  126-129;  Clavijero,  52-53;  Alegre,  tom. 
iii,  133-134. 


io8  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

conspiracy,  aided  by  savages.  It  was  the  general  opinion  at 
the  presidio  that  an  example  must  be  made  of  the  murderers 
to  stop  the  frequent  hostilities.  The  captain  with  his  soldiers 
and  .some  Christian  Indians  set  out  at  midnight  and  surprised 
the  conspirators  in  their  camp.  A few  were  killed,  but  the 
leader  escaped  with  the  others.  Captain  Lorenzo,  however, 
threatened  vengeance  upon  all  the  tribesmen  unless  they  deliv- 
ered up  their  chief,  dead  or  alive.  A few  days  later  the  cul- 
prit was  brought  to  the  presidio,  where  he  was  tried  for  his 
misdeeds.  It  was  proved,  not  only  from  the  testimony  of  the 
witnesses,  but  also  from  his  own  confession,  that  he  had  been 
at  the  head  of  several  conspiracies  for  the  murder  of  the 
missionaries  and  soldiers ; that,  having  failed,  he  directed  the 
desecration  of  the  chapel  and  the  destruction  of  the  San  Xavier 
mission  property ; that  he  had  been  the  principal  in  the  massa- 
cre of  the  catechumens ; and  that  he  was  the  chief  cause  of  the 
murder  of  the  soldier  Poblano.  The  captain  condemned  the 
manifold  criminal  to  death ; nor  could  Fathers  Salvatierra 
and  Piccolo  move  the  commander  to  spare  the  guilty  Indian’s 
life  by  banishing  him  from  the  territory ; but  a respite  was 
granted  so  that  the  chief  might  be  instructed  and  baptized. 
After  receiving  the  sacrament,  the  savage  seemed  to  be  a 
different  man.  He  died  well  disposed,  with  assistance  of 
Father  Basaldfia.  The  lesson  produced  a wholesome  and 
lasting  effect ; the  natives  were  so  intimidated  that  for  a long 
time  no  disturbance  occurred  at  any  of  the  missions. 

The  Fathers  now  resolved  to  found  a mission  south  of 
Loreto  on  the  coast  at  Ligui,  or  Malibat,  and  another  in  the 
north  on  the  banks  of  a river  for  which  Ugarte  had  searched 
in  vain  during  the  month  of  May.  Fathers  Piccolo  and  Ba-' 
saldua,  accompanied  by  the  captain  and  some  soldiers,  sailed 
for  the  north  in  the  mission  launch  during  the  month  of  Au- 
gust, 1703.  Passing  beyond  the  Bahia  de  la  Concepcion,  they 
discovered  the  mouth  of  the  river,  which  in  the  native  lan- 
guage was  called  Mulege,  but  which  was  otherwise  known  as 
Cabo  de  las  Virgenes.  Here  they  landed  and  moved  up  the 


10  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  129-134;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  53-54. 


The  Mission  System 


109 


stream,  guided  by  Indians,  for  the  distance  of  a league,  to  a 
place  where  Mission  Santa  Rosalia  was  afterward  located. 
The  country  then  became  so  rugged  and  hilly  that  it  was 
necessary  to  procure  horses.  The  whole  party,  therefore, 
crossed  the  gulf  to  Sonora,  where  Rev.  Andres  de  Cervantes, 
a missionary  among  the  Yaquis,  furnished  the  animals. 
Father  Piccolo  remained  in  Sonora  to  collect  alms  for  his 
new  mission,  and  Basaldua  with  the  soldiers  returned  to  Rio 
Mulege.  After  making  fruitless  efforts  to  find  a road  to 
Loreto,  all  re-embarked  and  proceeded  to  Concepcion  Bay, 
only  two  leagues  from  the  mouth  of  the  Mulege.  The  launch 
was  sent  back  to  Guaymas,  and  Father  Basaldua  with  his  men 
made  his  way  over  familiar  roads  to  San  Juan  de  Londo, 
where  the  Father  Rector  welcomed  them.  From  here  all  re- 
turned to  Loreto. 

Soon  after  two  ships,  whose  crews  had  been  engaged  in 
unlawful  pearl-fishing,  were  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Cali- 
fornia. The  men,  about  eighty  in  number,  barely  saved  their 
lives.  They  were  hospitably  entertained  at  the  presidio  for 
several  months  until  their  boats  were  repaired,  with  the  result 
that  the  meagre  amount  of  supplies  which  Piccolo  had  for- 
warded from  Sonora  was  used  up,  and  the  colony  again 
brought  to  the  verge  of  starvation.  At  the  end  of  the  year 
the  shipwrecked  people  left  the  peninsula  accompanied  by 
Father  Minutili,  whose  health  had  given  way,  and  who, 
therefore,  went  as  missionary  to  Tubutama,  Sonora,  near 
Father  Kino’s  Mission  of  Dolores.  The  year  1704  found  the 
missions  in  abject  poverty;  it  was  the  seventh  year  since  the 
arrival  of  the  Jesuits,  and  it  almost  proved  to  be  the  last. 
The  bark  Rosario  was  sent  to  the  mainland  on  February  12th 
to  be  repaired,  and  to  bring  back  money  and  supplies  for  the 
soldiers  and  provisions  for  the  missionaries.  Father  Basaldua, 
who  was  to  expose  the  needs  of  the  missions  to  the  govern- 
ment, sailed  with  her  to  Matanchel,  whence  he  went  to  the 
capital  by  way  of  Guadalajara.  Meanwhile  Piccolo  again 


See  Bancroft’s  erroneous  statement  concerning  Rev.  Piccolo 
in  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  428. 


no  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

crossed  the  gulf  in  the  launch  San  Xavier  for  more  supplies, 
but  was  unable  to  obtain  enough  for  the  maintenance  of  all ; 
moreover,  much  of  the  cargo  was  spoiled  aboard  the  unsea- 
worthy vessel. 

Basaldua  cherished  the  belief  that  he  should  have  little 
difficulty  in  obtaining  generous  assistance  from  the  viceroy; 
but  he  was  doomed  to  disappointment.  From  a memorial 
presented  by  the  two  Jesuits,  Bernardo  Robandegaii  and  Nic- 
olas de  Vera,  the  youthful  King  Philip  V.  learned  that  his 
royal  decrees  of  the  year  1701  in  favor  of  California  had  not 
been  carried  out;  he,  therefore,  on  September  28th,  1703,  sent 
five  other  decrees  to  Mexico.  In  the  first  Viceroy  Albu- 
querque, who  in  1702  had  succeeded  Moctezuma,  was  ordered 
to  allow  the  missionaries  of  California  the  same  stipend  as 
the  Fathers  in  Sinaloa,  Sonora,  and  Nueva  Vizcaya,  besides 
bells,  oil,  vestments,  and  other  articles  needed  at  the  missions ; 
to  establish  a presidio  with  thirty  soldiers  on  the  coast  of  the 
South  Sea  as  far  north  as  possible,  for  the  defense  of  the 
territory  and  the  protection  of  the  Philippine  trading  vessels ; 
to  purchase  a ship,  manned  by  eight  soldiers  and  a captain, 
for  the  use  of  the  missions ; to  pay  the  missions  each  year, 
without  delay  and  deductions,  seven  thousand  dollars  in  addi- 
tion to  the  six  thousand  dollars  granted  on  July  17th,  1701 ; 
to  send  minute  reports  regarding  the  missions  already  founded ; 
to  establish  pearl-fisheries,  but  avoid  complaints,  violence,  and 
disorders ; and  to  induce  poor  families  from  New  Spain  to 
settle  on  the  peninsula.  The  other  letters  were  addressed  to 
Don  Joseph  de  Miranda  Villaizan,  to  the  provincial  of  the 
Jesuits,  to  Rev.  Juan  Cavallero  y Ocio,  and  to  the  Confra- 
ternity of  Our  Lady  of  Sorrows,  in  recognition  of  their  serv- 
ices in  behalf  of  the  California  missions. 

These  orders  reached  Viceroy  Albuquerque  in  April,  1704. 
He  directed  that  they  should  be  laid  before  a junta-general,  or 
council,  and  that  Father  Piccolo,  then  at  Guaymas,  and 

12  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  134-138;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  54. 

12  “Limosna,”  alms,  is  the  term  used  by  Venegas.  It  varied  from 
$400  to  $450  annually  for  each  missionary,  and  was  paid  in  the 
form  of  supplies,  minus  the  cost  of  transportation. 


The  Mission  System 


1 1 1 


Father  Salvatierra,  then  in  California,  should  be'  present,  for 
what  purpose  it  is  difficult  to  understand.  It  seems  the  vice- 
roy wanted  to  render  the  royal  commands  ineffective  by  delay. 
At  all  events,  he  did  not  execute  them ; nor  did  he  pay  Father 
Basaldua  the  six  thousand  dollars  allowed  in  1701  for  the 
garrison,  under  the  pretext  that  the  money  was  needed  for 
other  purposes.  The  Father  had  to  content  himself  with 
repairing  the  Rosario  and  loading  her  with  some  goods.  He 
took  along  the  Rev.  Pedro  Ugarte,  S.  J.,  the  brother  of  Father 
Juan,  who  was  to  replace  Father  Minutili,  and  arrived  in 
the  bay  of  San  Dionisio  at  the  end  of  June,  1704. 

Great  was  the  disappointment  felt  at  Loreto ; nor  could  the 
soldiers,  who  had  expected  to  receive  their  pay  in  the  form 
of  goods  and  provisions,  conceal  their  dejection.  It  was  plain 
that  only  affection  for  the  missionaries  prevented  the  soldiers, 
sailors,  and  Indians  from  Mexico,  in  all  sixty  souls,  from 
abandoning  the  country  at  once.  Hunger  and  the  lack  of  all 
necessaries  of  life  had  already  reached  the  highest  degree. 
Stormy  weather  set  in  and  twice  drove  the  two  vessels,  which 
had  been  despatched  to  Sonora  for  provisions,  back  to  the 
peninstda.  The  situation  grew  so  intolerable  that  the  Rev. 
Rector  Salvatierra  called  a council  composed  of  the  religious 
and  the  officers  of  the  presidio,  in  order  to  deliberate  whether 
or  not  the  missions  should  be  abandoned.  “As  for  me,”  he 
had  already  written  to  Don  Miranda,  fiscal  of  the  Audiencia 
at  Guadalajara,  under  date  of  February  8th,  1704,  “I  will  live 
alone  without  guards,  even  though  at  some  risk;  and  I think 
Father  Ugarte  will  do  the  same.”  At  the  meeting  Salvatierra 
addressed  the  members  as  follows:  “It  is  not  necessary  to 

explain  to  you  the  lamentable  state  in  which  we  find  our- 
selves ; for  you  see  for  yourselves,  and  you  are  tormented 
with  hunger  as  well  as  we  missionaries.  Equally  known  to 
all  is  our  solicitude  to  procure  provisions  and  all  that  is  neces- 
sary for  the  colony ; therefore  no  one  can  blame  us  for  the 
present  misery.  We  finally  appealed  to  the  government  of 
Mexico,  and,  relying  upon  the  strict  orders  of  our  pious  mon- 
arch, we  did  not  doubt  that  a remedy  would  soon  be  found  for 
our  ills ; but  our  hope  has  not  been  realized.  The  need  is 


1 12  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


pressing,  yet  we  know  not  what  to  do.  If  we  remain  here 
without  relief,  we  expose  ourselves  to  death,  if  we  abandon 
the  country,  we  lose  the  fruit  of  our  labors.  I beg  you,  there- 
fore, to  give  your  opinions  freely  as  to  what  should  be  done.” 

When  the  Father  Rector  had  finished  speaking.  Father 
Piccolo  rose  to  say  that,  being  a founder  of  a mission,  he 
would  not  express  his  opinion,  lest  any  one  should  be  influ- 
enced by  his  action,  but  he  would  leave  the  decision  to  the 
council.  Then  came  Father  Juan  de  Ugarte’s  turn  to  speak. 
He  resolutely  opposed  withdrawing  from  the  territory ; but  he 
would  have  each  man  receive  a certificate  for  what  was  due 
him,  and  he  would  have  the  ship  placed  at  the  service  of  those 
that  wished  to  leave.  For  the  rest  he  himself  would  under- 
take to  provide  roots  and  wild  fruits  upon  which  the  Indians 
subsisted,  until  supplies  could  arrive  from  the  mainland.  At 
all  events,  he  was  determined  to  stay  among  the  natives  and 
with  them  live  upon  roots,  berries,  and  pitahayas.  His  fer- 
vent reasoning  and  energetic  speech  produced  the  effect  Sal- 
vatierra  secretly  desired.  Fathers  Pedro  de  Ugarte,  Basaldiia, 
and  Piccolo,  also  voted  to  stay  at  their  post.  Touched  by  the 
example  of  the  priests.  Captain  Lorenzo  and  the  other  offi- 
cials declared  that  they  would  stand  by  the  missionaries. 
The  matter  was  then  placed  before  the  colonists.  Although 
they  were  told  that  they  were  at  liberty  to  decide  for  them- 
selves, not  one  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  to  improve 
his  condition  by  receiving  certificates  and  having  them  cashed 
in  Mexico.  All  exclaimed  that  they  were  willing  to  die  in 
the  company  of  the  Fathers.  It  is  a pity  that  a similar  class 
of  soldiers  were  not  located  at  each  mission  of  Lower  and 
Upper  California  throughout  the  mission  period.  Unfortu- 
nately, the  missionaries  later  on  were  not  permitted  to  select 
their  guards,  and  for  this  reason  the  soldiers  were  generally 
not  a help  like  those  at  Loreto,  but  rather  a great  obstacle  to 
the  spread  of  Christianity. 

As  soon  as  the  storms  on  the  g^ilf  had  subsided.  Father 


Alegre  says  the  council  was  the  second  held  with  like  result. 
See  his  description  of  the  first  in  tom.  iii,  127-128. 


The  Mission  System 


113 

Piccolo  sailed  for  Guaymas  in  the  bark  Rosario,  whilst  the 
launch  San  Xavier  proceeded  to  fetch  necessary  supplies  from 
the  Yaqui.  Father  Juan  de  Ugarte,  sometimes  accompanied 
by  soldiers  and  neophytes,  set  to  work  gathering  berries  and 
roots  for  the  starving  settlers.  To  show  their  gratitude  to 
the  soldiers  for  punishing  the  murderers  of  their  relatives,  the 
Indians  of  San  Xavier  de  Vigge-Biaundo  likewise  went  in 
search  of  wild  fruits,  so  that  the  most  pressing  wants,  at 
least,  were  satisfied  until  relief  came  from  Sonora. 

Even  in  the  midst  of  distress  Salvatierra  did  not  overlook 
his  principal  object,  the  spread  of  the  Gospel.  He  determined 
to  found  another  mission  towards  the  south,  and  for  this  pur- 
pose he  started  out,  with  Father  Pedro  de  Ugarte  and  one 
soldier,  to  reach  Ligui,  or  Malibat.  Two  Indian  interpreters 
were  taken  along,  because  the  dialect  spoken  there  differed 
from  that  used  at  Loreto.  They  arrived  on  July  12th,  1704. 
The  savages  at  first  showed  signs  of  hostility,  but  Salvatierra 
soon  allayed  their  fears,  and  through  his  interpreters  con-* 
vinced  them  of  his  peaceful  intentions.  The  Indians  there- 
upon drew  near,  were  caressed  by  the  Father,  and  presented 
with  such  trinkets  as  he  knew  they  prized.  He  informed  them 
that  in  token  of  his  friendly  object  Father  Ugarte  would  re- 
main in  their  midst,  in  order  to  show  them  the  way  to  heaven. 
The  land  round  about  was  examined  and  found  suitable  for 
a mission ; but  on  account  of  the  poverty  of  the  colony  work 
on  the  chapel  and  dwelling  could  not  be  commenced  at  that 
time.  After  a few  weeks’  stay,  Salvatierra  allowed  Father 
Ugarte  to  baptize  forty-eight  children  whom  the  mothers  had 
voluntarily  presented  for  that  purpose.  This  in  reality  was  the 
beginning  of  Mission  San  Juan  Bautista  de  Ligui,  though  the 
formal  founding  took  place  later.  Promising  the  people  that 
Father  Pedro  should  come  back  to  live  with  them,  Salvatierra 
and  his  companion  returned  to  Loreto  about  the  end  of  August. 
At  the  same  time  the  two  ships  appeared  in  the  bay  loaded  with 
provisions,  and  thus  revived  the  courage  of  the  sorely-tried 
colonists. 


15  Venegas  says  the  “Rosario”  went  to  the  Yaqui  River. 


1 14  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


On  the  feast  of  the  Nativity  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  Septem- 
ber 8th,  the  new  church  building,  mentioned  by  Piccolo  in 
his  memorial,  was  dedicated  at  Loreto.  The  day  was  made 
more  memorable  by  administering  holy  baptism  to  a large 
number  of  catechumens.  Heretofore  the  Fathers  had  ad- 
hered to  the  custom  of  the  ancient  Church  and  baptized  adults 
only  on  Easter  Saturday  and  the  vigils  of  Pentecost. 

On  account  of  some  troubles  among  the  soldiers  Captain 
Estevan  Rodriguez  Lorenzo  resigned  his  command,  nor  could 
the  missionaries  change  his  resolution.  Ensign  Isidro  Gru- 
meque  also  retired  from  the  force.  Juan  Bautista  Escalante, 
ensign  at  the  presidio  of  Nacosari  in  Sonora,  was  then  ap- 
pointed captain,  and  Nicolas  Marquez  was  made  lieutenant. 


1®  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  138-150,  152;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  54-56; 
Alegre,  tom.  iii,  138-139. 


CHAPTER  V. 


I Salvatierra  Goes  to  Mexico. — Appointed  Provincial. — His  Memo- 

1 rial. — Viceroy’s  Strange  Conduct. — New  Viceroy. — Provincial 

w Salvatierra  Visits  the  Peninsula. — Rev.  Pedro  de  Ugarte  at 

I Ligui. — Treachery  of  the  Indians. — Founding  of  Mission  Santa 

5 Rosalia. — Rev.  Juan  de  Ugarte  at  Loreto. — Search  for  a Port. — 

T Salvatierra  Returns  to  California. — Founding  of  Mission  San 

Jose  de  Comundii. — Shipwreck. — Epidemics. — Other  Difficulties. 
— Salvatierra’s  Disappointment. — His  Death. 

! Father  Rector  now  found  himself  at  liberty  to  pro- 

1 ceecl  to  Mexico  in  compliance  with  the  directions  of 
Viceroy  Albuquerque.  He  named  Father  Juan  de  Ugarte  su- 
! perior  of  the  missions,  and  sailed  for  MatanchH  on  October 
1st,  1704,  in  the  company,  it  seems,  of  Estevan  Lorenzo  and 
,1  ' Isidro  Grumeque.  After  transacting  business  with  the  Audi- 
: encia  of  Guadalajara  until  the  26th,  he  continued  on  his  way 

? and  entered  the  capital  in  the  forepart  of  November.  Mean- 

j 4 while  the  provincial.  Rev.  Manuel  Pineyro,  died  on  October 

j 21st.  On  opening  the  sealed  letter  of  the  Superior-General, 

fr  which  contained  the  appointment  of  a successor  in  such  an 

‘S  emergency,  it  was  found  that  Juan  Maria  Salvatierra  had 

t been  named  provincial.  Great  was  the  consternation  of  the 

J poor  Father.  He  at  once  implored  the  Father  General,  Tirzo 

Gonzales,  to  relieve  him  of  the  burdensome  office,  and  to  per- 
i mit  him  to  die  among  the  Indian  converts  in  California;  but 

J he  was  obliged  to  accept  the  office  until  the  reply  arrived, 

and,  after  all,  his  petitions  in  behalf  of  the  missions  would  now 
have  more  weight.  He  accordingly  hastened  to  explain  the 
y situation  on  the  peninsula  to  the  viceroy,  and  fervently  pleaded 
for  the  execution  of  the  king’s  orders.  Albuquerque  professed 
i ^ much  esteem  for  the  virtues  and  apostolic  zeal  of  the  new 

• : provincial,  and  was  convinced  that  something  should  be  done 

to  alleviate  the  wants  of  the  colony ; yet  he  did  nothing.  The 
^ i members  of  the  Audiencia  individually  expressed  themselves 
in  like  manner;  nevertheless  no  junta  or  council  was  con- 
vened to  deliberate,  though  the  founder  of  the  missions,  whose 
presence  had  been  demanded,  was  then  at  the  capital,  and 


ii6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

with  him  the  ex-commander  and  the  former  ensign  of  the 
California  troops. 

At  last,  Salvatierra  was  told  to  draw  up  a memorial  on  the 
royal  decree  of  September  28th,  1703.  The  Father  complied 
on  May  25th,  1705.  In  this  document  he  set  forth  the  his- 
tory, of  the  missions  from  the  time  of  Admiral  Otondo,  and 
showed  that,  as  experience  had  proved,  one  ship  was  insuffi- 
cient for  the  California  service  ; that  the  gravest  damage  would 
result  if  the  garrison  were  withdrawn  from  subordination  to 
the  mission  superior,  as  some  demanded,  because  in  that  case 
officers  and  soldiers  would  devote  themselves  to  pearl-fishing, 
and,  instead  of  protecting  the  missions  against  savages,  the 
troops  would  render  themselves  obnoxious  by  using  the  In- 
dians as  slaves  and  by  slandering  the  missionaries  for  shielding 
the  natives,  as  was  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  missions  of 
Sonora  and  Sinaloa.  Salvatierra  also  showed  that  independ- 
ence of  the  mission  guards  from  missionary  control  was  not 
beneficial  to  the  soldiers  themselves,  because  in  a country  so 
remote  the  captain  could  maltreat  the  men  with  impunity, 
and  the  soldiers  could  liberate  themselves  from  the  tyranny 
only  by  deserting;  whereas,  if  the  commander  was  subordi- 
nate to  the  missionary,  he  would  not  dare  to  abuse  the  men 
for  fear  of  losing  his  position.  At  any  rate,  as  the  troops  in 
California  were  paid  by  the  missionaries,  it  did  not  seem 
unjust  that  they  should  be  subordinate  to  the  missionaries. 
As  to  the  clause  in  the  king’s  decree,  which  directed  that  some 
poor  families  should  be  sent  as  colonists  to  the  peninsula,  this 
could  not  be  done  until  enough  arable  land  had  been  discov- 
ered upon  which  they  could  maintain  themselves.  At  present, 
not  even  the  small  colony  of  Loreto  could  subsist  except 
through  aid  from  without.  Concerning  a presidio  for  thirty 
soldiers,  which  was  to  be  established  on  the  west  coast  for  the 
convenience  of  the  Philippine  ships,  Salvatierra  thought  the 
expense  was  unnecessary,  because  it  would  be  sufficient  an- 
nually to  pay  the  $13,000  ordered  by  the  king  for  promoting 
mission  work.  A mission  could  then  be  established  at  a har- 
bor where  the  trading  vessels  might  find  relief  from  the 
scurvy.  Finally  the  memorial  described  the  actual  state  of 


Salvatierra;  Unfriendly  Viceroy  117. 

the  missions  and  showed  that  during  the  past  seven  years  of 
hard  labor  the  district,  extending  seventeen  leagues  along  the 
gulf  coast  from  the  Puerta  de  la  Concepcion  to  Agua  Verde, 
and  as  many  leagues  into  the  interior,  had  been  made  subject 
to  the  king  by  persuasion  and  kindness;  that  on  this  tract  of 
land  twelve  hundred  Indian  Christians  and  a greater  number 
of  catechumens  had  settled  down  in  peace,  so  that  the  mis- 
sionaries could  go  among  them  without  military  protection ; 
and  that  so  far  there  had  been  expended  in  the  colony  and 
the  missions  the  sum  of  $225,000,  exclusive  of  the  $58,000 
contributed  by  benefactors,  to  establish  six  missions,  all  of 
which,  save  only  $18,000  received  from  the  royal  treasury, 
had  been  collected  by  the  Jesuit  Fathers.  ^ 

No  action  was  taken  by  Albuquerque,  though  he  had  sum- 
moned Father  Salvatierra  and  had  declared  his  presence  neces- 
sary. After  waiting  in  vain,  Salvatierra,  now  provincial,  in 
June  left  the  capital  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  prescribed 
visitation  of  the  California  missions.  He  was  accompanied 
by  Estevan  Rodriguez  Lorenzo,  whom  he  had  induced  to 
resume  command  of  the  troops  at  Loreto,  because  Escalante 
had  made  himself  odious  by  his  overbearing  manner.  Scarce- 
ly had  the  Father  Provincial  departed,  when  Albuquerque 
called  the  junta,  or  council,  to  meet  on  June  27th,  only  to 
adjourn,  however,  under  the  pretext  that  nothing  could  be 
done  in  the  absence  of  the  California  missionary.  Eight 
months  later,  on  March  23d,  1706,  the  king  was  notified  to 
that  effect. 

According  to  Venegas  and  Alegre  the  viceroy’s  inaction 
was  due  to  resentment.  It  seems  the  Jesuit  missions  in  Sinaloa 
and  Sonora  suffered  like  those  in  California,  because  the  sti- 
pends had  not  been  paid  for  some  years.  As  petitions  availed 
nothing.  Provincial  Salvatierra,  with  the  consent  of  all  the 
prominent  Fathers  in  Mexico,  notified  Viceroy  Albuquerque' 
that  unless  relief  were  granted  he  would  withdraw  his  religious 


I Salvatierra,  “Memorial,”  in  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  150-166; 
Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  56-57;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  139-141.  See  Bancroft’s 
dishonest  version  of  the  matter  in  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  430-432. 


ii8  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


and  turn  all  the  missions  over  to  the  secular  clergy.  At  the 
same  time  he  ordered  the  rectors  of  the  missions  to  be  ready 
to  leave  at  the  first  notice.  This  energetic  move  of  the  new 
provincial  had  the  desired  effect;  the  viceroy  saw  his  own 
position  imperiled.  He  directed  that  the  stipends  for  that  year 
should  be  paid,  but  that  the  payment  for  past  years  should  be 
postponed  to  more  favorable  times.  California,  however,  had 
to  feel  the  wrath  of  Albuquerque.  Although  the  order  to  for- 
ward to  the  California  missionaries  the  sum  of  $13,000  an- 
nually had  been  renewed  by  the  king  on  August  13th,  1705, 
and  again  on  July  26th,  1708,  both  times  without  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  Jesuits,  Albuquerque  during  the  whole  term  of  his 
office,  which  lasted  nine  years,  would  do  nothing  for  California. 
He,  moreover,  suppressed  favorable  royal  decrees,  so  that 
Don  Fernando  de  Lancaster  Noruna  y Sylva,  Duke  de  Linares, 
who  entered  Mexico  on  January  1st,  1711,  to  succeed  Albu- 
querque, never  became  aware  of  their  existence.  Linares 
could  do  nothing  officially  without  orders  from  the  king, 
though  he  would  gladly  have  assisted  the  missionaries  to  the 
extent  which  the  decrees  commanded,  since  he  was  a friend  of 
the  Jesuits.  When  he  died  six  years  later,  on  June  3d,  1717, 
he  bequeathed  the  sum  of  $5,000  to  the  missions  of  California.  ^ 
Salvatierra  collected  what  alms  and  supplies  he  could  ob- 
tain, and  took  the  ship  at  Matanchel.  On  August  30th  he 
landed  in  San  Dionisio  Bay,  to  the  joy  of  the  missionaries,  sol- 
diers, and  Indians.  He  found  them  still  suffering  much  want, 
despite  the  aid  which  Father  Piccolo  had  frequently  sent  from 
Sonora ; for  the  new  provincial  had  thoughtfully  appointed 
Piccolo  visitor  of  the  Jesuit  missions  in  that  territory,  in  order 
to  give  him  an  opportunity  to  collect  alms  for  California  with 
more  authority,  and  his  efforts  doubtless  saved  the  missions 
on  the  peninsula.  Salvatierra  acknowledged  Piccolo’s  serv- 
ices in  a letter  written  on  the  very  day  on  which  he  landed 
at  San  Dionisio.  “God  repay  your  Reverence,”  he  writes. 


2 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  166-174;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  57-58;  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  142-143. 


Salvatierra;  Unfriendly  Viceroy  119 

“for  the  help  to  these  poor  Fathers ; if  it  had  not  been,  on 
arriving  in  person  I should  have  found  them  dead.”  ^ 

Salvatierra  remained  on  the  peninsula  for  two  months, 
working  with  the  missionaries  as  if  he  were  one  of  them  and 
not  the  superior  of  a province  of  religious.  He  visited  every 
mission  station  and  rancheria,  distributed  little  presents  to  the 
Indians,  and  instructed  them  as  he  was  accustomed  to  do  when 
he  dwelt  among  them.  Before  leaving  he  ordered  a mission 
to  be  established  at  Mulege,  and  the  one  at  Ligui,  or  Malibat, 
to  be  formally  opened.  This  arrangement  made  it  necessary 
for  Father  Juan  de  Ugarte  to  attend  both  San  Xavier  and  Lo- 
reto ; but,  as  the  Father  at  Loreto  had  also  to  provide  for  the 
temporal  necessities  of  the  presidio  and  the  Indians,  the  bur- 
den would  have  been  too  heavy  for  one  man.  For  this  reason 
the  provincial  appointed  Brother  Jayme  Bravo,  whom  he  had 
brought  along  from  Mexico,  to  take  charge  of  the  temporal 
affairs.  Bravo  performed  this  duty  for  thirteen  years,  when, 
on  account  of  his  virtues  and  talent  he  was  elevated  to  the 
priesthood.  Directing  the  religious  to  look  for  other  suitable 
mission  sites  in  the  interior,  and  to  find  a harbor  for  the  Phil- 
ippine ships.  Father  Salvatierra  sailed  for  Mexico  to  finish 
the  visitation  of  the  Jesuit  houses,  and  to  await  the  news  from 
Rome,  which  he  confidently  expected  would  set  him  free.  * 

The  provincial  had  scarcely  departed,  when  preparations 
were  made  to  establish  the  missions  at  Ligui  and  Malibat. 
On  the  same  day  towards  the  end  of  November,  1705,  two  par- 
ties started  out  in  opposite  directions.  Father  Pedro  Ugarte 
proceded  to  the  south  for  fourteen  leagues  to  the  place  which 
the  Monqui  Indians  called  Ligui,  whilst  the  Laymones  gave 
it  the  name  Malibat.  Father  Juan  Manuel  Basaldua  turned 
to  the  north  as  far  as  the  Rio  Mulege,  forty  leagues  distant 
from  Loreto.  This  left  Father  Juan  Ugarte  alone  in  charge 
of  Loreto,  Mission  San  Xavier  de  Vigge-Biaundo,  and  Londo. 

3 “Dios  le  pague  a V.  R.  el  'socorro  para  estos  pobres  Padres, 
que  a no  ser  asi,  al  llegar  yo  en  persona,  los  hubiera  topado  muer- 
tos.”  (Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  177.) 

< Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  166-181;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  57-58;  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  142-144. 


120  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


“Father  Pedro  Ugarte  found  the  Indians  of  Lig^i  peaceable 
and  without  distrust,”  Venegas  writes,  “but  he  had  to  suffer 
all  the  inconveniences  of  new  missions  which  are  numerous  and 
trying,  especially  when  such  establishments  are  planted  among 
savages  addicted  to  sloth.  In  the  beginning  he  had  no  other 
shelter,  for  a long  time,  than  the  shade  of  the  mezquite  trees ; 
afterwards  he  dwelt  in  a hut  made  of  branches,  while  erect- 
ing the  chapel  and  a small  house  of  adobe.  He  sought  to 
gain  the  good  will  of  the  savages  by  means  of  little  presents 
and  extreme  kindness,  in  order  that  they  might  help  him  con- 
struct the  buildings,  and  especially  to  attract  them  to  the 
Doctrina,  which  he  explained  as  well  as  he  could  with  the 
aid  of  the  Indians  from  Loreto  while  he  learned  the  language ; 
but  his  kindness  as  well  as  his  gifts  were  lost  on  the  adults, 
who,  possessed  of  inveterate  laziness,  would  assist  at  nothing, 
although  they  would  accept  pozole  and  other  gifts  and  would 
beg  for  them.  His  industrious  mind  was  obliged  to  have  re- 
course to  assistance  from  the  boys  who,  being  delighted  by 
the  Father  with  little  presents  and  sweetmeats,  would  follow 
him  whenever  he  wanted  them ; but  in  order  to  accustom  even 
these  to  any  kind  of  work,  it  was  necessary  to  make  use  of 
artifices.  Thus  he  would  sometimes  make  a wager  with 
them  as  to  who  should  soonest  pull  out  mezquite  bushes  and 
little  trees ; sometimes  he  would  offer  rewards  to  the  one  that 
dug  away  the  most  earth  ; let  it  be  sufficient  to  say  that  to  make 
bricks,  he  made  himself  a boy  with  boys,  challenging  them 
to  play  with  the  earth  and  to  dance  upon  the  clay.  The 
Father  would  take  off  his  shoes  and  would  go  upon  the  moist 
clay  and  tread  it ; soon  the  boys  would  tread  it  with  him ; 
then  a dance  would  begin,  when  all  would  be  jumping  and 
dancing  upon  the  clay  and  the  Father  with  them ; the  boys 
would  sing  and  the  Father  sang  with  them ; all  were  delighted, 
jumping  as  though  in  emulation  and  treading  the  clay  in  vari- 
ous parts  until  it  was  time  for  luncheon.  In  this  manner  he 
succeeded  in  constructing  his  poor  dwelling  and  the  church, 
and  thus  by  means  of  labor  and  through  many  hardships,  with 
patience  and  perseverance,  he  went  on  taming  the  savages  and 
those  of  the  neighboring  rancherias  along  with  those  whom  he 


Salvatierra;  Unfriendly  Viceroy  121 

sought  in  the  mountains,  ravines,  and  caves,  going  every- 
where until  he  succeeded  in  baptizing  many  of  the  adults  and 
bringing  some  kind  of  order  into  this  new  Christian  settle- 
ment.” ® 

When  Father  Pedro  de  Ugarte  had  completed  his  little 
church  at  Ligui,  it  was  dedicated  with  the  assistance  of  the 
other  Fathers  in  honor  of  San  Juan  Bautista.  This  was  done 
in  gratitude  to  Don  Juan  Bautista  Lopez  of  the  city  of  Mex- 
ico, who  had  donated  the  ten  thousand  dollars  necessary  to 
produce  a revenue  of  five  hundred  dollars  with  which  a mis- 
sionary could  be  maintained.  Lopez  retained  the  capital,  but 
paid  the  interest  regularly  until  he  failed  in  business.  Though 
the  fund  was  lost,  the  Jesuits  contrived  to  continue  the  mis- 
sion. Father  Pedro  was  beginning  to  fare  better,  when  an 
incident  nearly  caused  his  death  and  the  ruin  of  his  mission. 
The  occurrence  is  related  here,  because,  like  many  similar 
ones,  it  shows  the  childish,  fickle,  and  cowardly  nature  of 
the  aborigines,  and  affords  a glimpse  at  the  difficulties  with 
which  the  missionaries  all  over  California  had  to  contend. 
One  day,  on  entering  the  hut  of  a dying  woman,  Ugarte  found 
an  unknown  sorcerer,  or  medicine-man,  practising  his  super- 
stitions at  her  bedside.  The  Father  drove  him  out  and  re- 
proved the  neophytes  for  admitting  the  man.  He  then  heard 
the  woman’s  confession,  administered  extreme  unction,  and 
assisted  her  till  she  died.  A few  days  later  the  Indians  came 
to  him  and  related  with  much  satisfaction  how  they  had  killed 
the  bad  medicine-man.  The  horrified  missionary  rebuked  them 
severely  for  their  cruelty,  and,  to  emphasize  his  indignation, 
turned  his  back  upon  them.  Instead  of  acknowledging  their 
crime,  the  murderers  conspired  to  kill  the  Father  who  had 
scolded  them.  Fortunately,  he  learnt  the  dark  plan  from 
the  boy  who  served  him.  He  promptly  sent  for  the  chief  con- 
spirators. Then,  grasping  an  old,  useless  musket,  he  ad- 
dressed them  as  follows : ‘T  know  that  you  want  to  kill  me 

this  night ; but  remember,  that  before  you  can  kill  me,  I will 
kill  you  all  with  this.”  The  ruse  was  so  effective  that  they 

5 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  181-184;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  pp.  58-59;  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  144;  Forbes,  “California,”  pp.  40-41. 


122  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

fled  from  the  mission  with  all  the  other  neophytes,  so  that 
Ugarte  had  to  search  for  his  people  and  to  lead  them  back 
with  the  assurance  that  he  meant  no  harm,  but  like  a father 
only  sought  their  welfare.  After  that  the  natives  esteemed 
him  much  more  for  his  courage  and  fearlessness. 

The  zealous  Pedro  Ugarte  toiled  at  San  Juan  Bautista  until 
the  year  1709,  when  broken  health  compelled  him  to  retire  to 
Mexico.  He  had  scarcely  recovered  his  strength  when  he 
returned  to  California  and  devoted  himself  with  renewed 
energy  to  the  work  of  Christianizing  and  civilizing  the  poor 
natives.  He  broke  down  a second  time,  however,  and  was 
sent  to  the  Sonora  missions  on  the  Rio  Yaqui,  where  he  con- 
tinued to  interest  himself  in  behalf  of  California  by  procuring 
supplies  for  her  missions.  ® 

Meanwhile  Father  Basaldua  had  reached  the  Arroyo  de 
Mulege,  and  established  his  mission  at  a rancheria  two  miles 
from  the  gulf  coast.  He  encountered  difificulties  similar  to 
those  experienced  by  Pedro  Ugarte,  and  overcame  them  in 
similar  ways.  When  his  adobe  church  and  dwelling  were 
completed,  he  dedicated  the  establishment  in  honor  of  Santa 
Rosalia  to  please  Don  Nicolas  de  Arteaga  and  his  wife  Dona 
Josepha  Vallejo  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  who  had  contributed 
ten  thousand  dollars  for  the  mission.  The  Indians  here  proved 
more  tractable  than  elsewhere ; nevertheless,  Basaldua’s  health 
gave  way  after  four  years  of  hard  labor,  so  that  he  had  to 
be  transferred  to  Mission  San  Jose  de  Guaymas  on  the  oppo- 
site coast,  which  had  been  assigned  to  the  California  jurisdic- 
tion for  the  purpose  of  supplying  the  peninsula  Fathers  with 
provisions.  His  successor  at  Santa  Rosalia  was  the  Rev. 
Francisco  Maria  Piccolo.  This  Father  extended  the  mission- 
ary field  very  much  to  the  north,  and  made  several  tours  into 
the  interior  which  later  resulted  in  the  founding  of  Missions 
Guadalupe,  Purisima  Concepcion,  and  San  Ignacio.  He  re- 
mained at  Mulege  until  the  death  of  Father  Salvatierra,  when 
he  removed  to  Loreto.  In  1718  the  mission  was  turned  over 

6 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  182-187;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  59;  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  144. 

7 Mountain  stream.  Venegas  calls  it  a river. 


Salvatierra;  Unfriendly  Viceroy 


123 


to  Rev.  Sebastian  de  Sistiaga,  who  for  many  years  attended  to 
its  temporal  and  spiritual  needs.  Many  of  the  Indians  of 
Santa  Rosalia  made  such  progress  and  manifested  such  genu- 
ine love  for  religion  that  they  were  admitted  to  holy  Com- 
munion at  the  paschal  season,  and  on  other  occasions  during 
the  year.  * Many  learnt  Spanish  well  enough  to  serve  as 
interpreters  with  other  tribes.  Some  proved  so  faithful  and 
industrious  in  behalf  of  the  missions  and  missionaries  that  the 
Fathers  in  their  reports  often  made  mention  of  them.  Spe- 
cial praise  was  bestowed  upon  two  Indians,  Bernardo  Dabava 
and  Andres  Comanaji,  who  accompanied  and  aided  the  mis- 
sionaries on  their  frequent  tours  through  the  country.  ^ 

Whilst  the  missions  of  San  Juan  Bautista  de  Ligui  and 
Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege  were  struggling  successfully  for 
existence.  Father  Juan  de  Ugarte  alone  had  charge  of  the 
three  missions  of  Loreto,  San  Juan  de  Londo,  and  San  Xavier 
de  Vigge-Biaundo.  This  indefatigable  worker  and  truly  apos- 
tolic man  was,  therefore,  continually  occupied  in  preaching, 
hearing  confessions,  instructing,  baptizing,  visiting  the  sick, 
assisting  the  dying,  superintending  the  construction  of  roads, 
digging  ditches,  cultivating  the  soil,  etc.,  so  that,  when  he 
began  to  reap  the  fruit  of  his  efforts  in  agriculture  at  San 
Xavier,  his  neophytes  were  also  found  punctual  at  the  daily 
exercises  in  church,  at  catechism,  holy  Mass,  sermons,  and 
the  Rosary.  He  had  appointed  so-called  fiscals,  whose  duty 
it  was  to  see  that  no  one  remained  absent,  and  who  if  necessary 
would  apply  the  rod.  His  interest  for  the  education  of  the 
young  made  him  convert  his  dwelling  into  a school  for  boys, 
where  he  instructed  them  in  religion  and  morals,  and  taught 
the  necessary  mechanical  arts  with  remarkable  patience  and 
devotedness.  This  was  the  first  school  on  the  peninsula,  and 
proved  of  much  benefit  to  the  missions  later  on.  For  the  girls. 


8 This  was  uncommon,  nor  did  the  practice  last;  ordinarily  very 
few  Indians  grasped  the  significance  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament. 
Unfortunately  Venegas  gives  no  statistics,  so  that  we  cannot  judge 
for  ourselves. 

9 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  187-190;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  59;  Alegre,  tom.  iii, 
144. 


124  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

especially  the  orphans,  Ugarte  erected  another  house,  where, 
under  the  watchful  eye  of  an  elderly  woman,  instructed  by 
himself,  they  were  gradually  initiated  into  the  work  and  duties 
peculiar  to  their  sex.  At  San  Xavier  he  also  built  a hospital 
for  the  sick  and  helpless.  This  was  the  beginning  in  Cali- 
fornia of  the  famous  mission  system,  so  much  maligned  by 
malevolent  ignorance,  but  which  more  than  a century  ago 
proved  to  be  the  salvation,  in  the  material  and  the  spiritual 
sense,  of  the  Indians  from  San  Lucas  to  Sonoma  in  northern 
California.  In  Lower  California,  however,  owing  to  the  bar- 
renness of  the  soil  or  the  scarcity  of  water,  this  missionary 
system  nowhere  reached  the  development,  and  therefore  never 
produced  the  remarkable  results,  materially  and  spiritually, 
which  it  attained  in  the  twenty-one  missions  of  Upper  Cali- 
fornia. 

In  obedience  to  the  provincial.  Father  Juan  Ugarte  and 
Brother  Jayme  Bravo  set  out  from  Loreto  on  November  26th, 
1706,  with  forty  Yaqui  warriors,  some  California  Indians, 
the  captain,  and  ten  soldiers,  to  search  for  a safe  port  on  the 
western  coast.  No  suitable  harbor  was  discovered.  Another 
journey  which  Ugarte  and  Bravo  made  to  find  good  places 
for  new  missions  had  a similar  result. 

In  September,  1706,  Father  Provincial  Salvatierra  at  last 
received  from  Superior-General  Miguel  Angel  Tamburini  the 
letter  which  informed  him  that  his  resignation  had  been  ac- 
cepted, and  that  the  Rev.  Bernardo  Rolandegui  would  take 
his  place.  After  procuring  the  goods  which  the  soldiers  at 
Loreto  were  to  receive  in  payment  for  their  services,  the 
happy  Salvatierra  hastened  to  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  for  more 
alms  and  provisions,  and  then  embarked  at  Ahome,  Sinaloa, 
on  January  30th,  1707,  with  five  California  Indians  whom 
he  had  brought  to  Mexico  to  have  them  educated.  All  were 
in  ill-health,  and  one  of  them  died  aboard  the  vessel.  On 
account  of  heavy  storms,  the  ship  did  not  reach  San  Dionisio 
Bay  until  February  3d.  A few  months  later.  Rev.  Julian  de 
Mayorga,  who  had  come  from  Spain  with  the  new  provincial, 

to  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  192-198;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  59-60;  .Ale- 
gre, tom.  iii,  147. 


Salvatierra;  Unfriendly  Viceroy 


125 


arrived  with  more  supplies  for  both  soldiers  and  colonists. 
At  the  beginning  of  1708  Mayorga  was  sent  out  to  start  a 
new  mission  in  the  midst  of  a number  of  Indian  rancherias 
at  a place  called  Comundu,  twenty  leagues  to  the  northwest 
of  Loreto,  and  about  midway  between  the  Pacific  Ocean  and 
the  Gulf  of  California.  The  new  establishment  was  dedicated 
in  honor  of  St.  Joseph,  and  is  known  as  San  Jose  de  Comundu. 
It  was  one  of  those  endowed  by  the  Marques  de  Villa-Puente. 
In  the  course  of  time  a substantial  church  replaced  the  first 
structure.  Following  the  example  of  Ugarte,  Mayorga  con- 
ducted a school  for  boys  in  his  own  house,  erected  a school 
for  girls  and  a hospital  for  the  sick.  He  converted  most  of 
the  natives  of  that  region,  and  had  them  settle  down  at  the 
mission  and  the  two  mission  stations,  San  Ignacio  and  San 
Juan.  As  the  soil  proved  unsuitable  for  agriculture,  very  little 
land  could  be  cultivated,  .save  at  San  Ignacio ; but  the  vine- 
yards produced  abundant  grapes.  The  missionary’s  efforts 
were  so  successful  that  many  of  the  natives  received  holy 
Communion  even  outside  of  Easter  time.  Father  Mayorga 
died  at  his  post  on  November  10th,  1736.  His  place  was  filled 
by  Rev.  Francisco  Xavier  Wagner,  who  passed  away  at  San 
Jose  on  October  14th,  1744. 

The  scarcity  of  priests  as  well  as  the  disasters  which  befell 
California  at  this  period  prevented  the  opening  of  new  mis- 
sions for  a long  time.  The  little  vessel  San  Xavier,  which 
had  served  the  Fathers  as  a transport  ship  from  the  year  1697, 
and  which  had  sailed  in  August,  1709,  was  driven  out  of  her 
course  and  wrecked  sixty  leagues  north  of  the  Yaqui.  After 
burying  the  three  thousand  dollars  which  they  had  taken 
along  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  supplies,  the  crew  suc- 
ceeded in  reaching  the  Yaqui  in  a small  boat,  and  then  sent 
word  to  Loreto.  Father  Salvatierra  hastened  over  to  Guay- 
mas  and  sent  the  Rosario  after  the  San  Xavier,  whilst  he, 
with  fourteen  Yaqui  Indians,  made  his  way  by  land  to  the 
Seris  country  where  the  shipwreck  had  occurred.  He  passed 

11  Clavijero  has  thirty. 

12  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  199-204;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  60-61; 
Alegre,  tom.  iii,  148. 


126  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


two  months  among  these  savage  Indians,  whilst  the  ship  was 
undergoing  repairs,  and  induced  them  to  cease  warring  with 
the  Christian  Fimas.  He  moreover  baptized  many  of  their 
children  and  instructed  the  grown  people,  who  became  so 
fond  of  him  that  they  begged  the  Father  to  stay  w'ith  them. 
Much  as  he  wished  to  benefit  them  by  spreading  Christianity 
among  a tribe  that  promised  so  well,  Salvatierra  could  not 
forsake  his  Californians,  among  whom  his  presence  was  now 
m.ore  than  ever  necessary. 

An  epidemic  of  smallpox  broke  out  on  the  peninsula,  where 
it  had  never  been  known  before,  and  raged  so  fiercely  that 
many  of  the  adults  and  nearly  all  the  children  were  carried 
away.  Other  diseases,  resulting  from  food  to  which  they 
had  not  been  accustomed,  appeared  among  the  Spaniards  and 
demanded  victims  at  the  presidio.  Overwork,  anxiety,  and 
want  of  proper  nourishment  brought  Father  Piccolo  to  death’s 
door  three  times ; the  Rev.  Rector  himself  almost  succumbed 
twice ; and  strong  Father  Juan  de  Ugarte  was  once  thought 
to  be  on  the  point  of  expiring.  Fathers  Pedro  de  Ugarte  and 
Dasaldua,  on  the  other  hand,  were  obliged  to  leave  California 
on  account  of  the  low  state  of  their  health.  In  the  midst  of 
these  calamities  another  formidable  enemy  arose  to  destroy 
the  work  of  the  devoted  religious.  Instigated  by  the  medicine- 
men and  sorcerers,  who  had  long  watched  the  progress  of 
Christianity  with  jealous  anxiety,  many  of  the  neophytes  ap- 
peared willing  to  rise  in  open  revolt.  As  the  Christians  had 
first  been  attacked  by  the  epidemic,  the  sorcerers  declared 
that  the  little  ones  died  from  the  effect  of  the  baptismal  water, 
and  that  the  grown  people  were  killed  by  the  oil  of  extreme 
unction.  Had  the  Fathers  not  endeared  themselves  to  the 
natives,  it  is  probable  that  not  one  of  them  would  have  been 
spared.  Fortunately  the  smallpox  did  not  carry  off  neo- 
phytes only,  and  thus  the  charge  of  the  sorcerers  soon  lost 
its  force.  To  add  to  the  misery  of  the  missionaries,  a famine 
prevailed  in  New  Spain  which  made  it  almost  impossible  to 
procure  supplies.  Had  it  not  been  for  Father  Ugarte’s  farm 
at  San  Xavier,  there  is  little  doubt  that  all  the  missions  would 
have  been  destroyed. 


Salvatierra;  Unfriendly  Viceroy 


127 


These  afflictions  arising  from  natural  causes  were  rendered 
more  painful  through  other  reverses  brought  about  by  the 
malice  of  men.  Rev.  Francisco  de  Peralta,  who  had  come  to 
California  in  1709,  in  order  to  take  the  place  of  Pedro  de 
Ugarte  at  San  Juan  de  Ligui,  was  sent  to  Matanchel  in  1711 
to  have  the  Rosario  repaired,  and,  if  this  were  impossible,  to 
have  another  ship  constructed.  As  the  poor  religious  knew 
nothing  about  ship-building,  the  shipwrights  and  marines 
wasted  several  thousand  dollars  and  left  the  vessel  in  worse 
condition  than  it  was  before,  so  that  it  was  soon  com- 
pletely wrecked  in  a light  wind.  A new  ship  was  built  by 
the  same  men.  They  spent  eighteen  months  and  used  up 
$22,000  in  constructing  an  unmanageable  coffin,  as  Venegas 
calls  it,  in  which  to  bury  passengers  and  goods  at  sea.  Never- 
theless, Fathers  Clemente  Guillen  and  Benito  Guisi,  destined 
for  California,  and  Father  Santiago  Doye,  who  was  bound 
for  Sinaloa,  embarked  with  the  supplies  in  the  new  vessel. 
The  wind  drove  them  down  to  Cape  San  Lucas,  and  then 
back  again  to  the  isles  of  Mazatlan,  near  Matanchel.  Setting 
sail  once  more,  the  ship  came  in  sight  of  Loreto  several  times, 
but  in  the  night  of  December  8th  a tempest  carried  her  to  the 
opposite  coast,  where  she  was  wrecked.  Father  Benito  Guisi 
and  six  of  the  crew  were  drowned ; the  survivors,  two  priests 
and  twenty  men,  managed  to  reach  land.  They  made  their 
way,  amid  indescribable  sufferings  and  subsisting  on  roots 
and  herbs,  to  the  Indian  village  of  Tamazula,  where  they  found 
kind  treatment.  Nothing  daunted,  Guillen  wandered  to  the 
Yaqui,  which  he  reached  towards  the  end  of  January,  1714; 
from  there  the  San  Xaxicr  brought  the  heroic  religious  to 
Loreto.  He  was  placed  in  charge  of  Mission  San  Juan  Bau- 
tista de  Ligui,  which  he  administered  for  several  years  until 
it  was  reduced  to  a pueblo  de  visita,  or  mission  station. 

Despite  such  disheartening  difficulties  and  anxieties,  the 
missionaries  continued  their  activity  for  the  spread  and  firm 
grounding  of  Christianity.  One  great  obstacle  to  systematic 
instruction  was  the  large  number  of  small  rancherias  scat- 


13  Rancheria — Indian  settlement. 


128  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

tered  all  over  the  country.  The  Indians  were  induced  to 
settle  closer  together  in  pueblos,  or  towns,  where  they  were 
taught  and  controlled  until  the  scarcity  of  food  obliged  them 
to  separate  and  to  look  for  food  in  the  mountains,  or  to  fish 
on  the  coast. 

In  1872  Father  Piccolo,  who  had  scarcely  recovered  from 
a severe  illness,  paid  a visit  to  the  rancherias  of  Cadegomo, 
which  were  situated  southwest  of  Mulege  and  thirty  leagues 
from  the  ocean.  He  was  accompanied  by  the  captain,  some 
soldiers,  and  a few  Christian  Indians.  After  conversing  with 
them,  the  natives  begged  the  missionary  to  remain  among 
them,  naively  promising  to  furnish  him  with  the  best  pita- 
hayas  which  they  should  find.  He  promised  a missionary  and 
induced  them  to  unite  and  settle  in  a region  eight  leagues 
from  the  sea,  where  five  years  later  Mission  Purisima  Con- 
cepcion was  founded.  He  baptized  all  the  little  ones  pre- 
sented by  their  mothers,  and  at  once  appealed  to  the  provincial 
for  another  religious  who  could  take  up  the  work  of  conversion 
among  these  people. 

At  an  earlier  date  the  Cochimi  Indians  about  Kada-Kaaman, 
or  Arroyo  Carrizal,  forty  leagues  to  the  northwest  of  Mulege, 
had  applied  for  a missionary.  To  comply  with  their  request. 
Father  Piccolo  set  out  on  November  13th,  1706,  with  only 
three  soldiers  and  a few  Christian  Indians.  When  he  arrived 
on  the  19th,  the  natives  arranged  a great  feast  in  his  honor. 
He  remained  among  them  until  December,  offering  up  holy 
Mass  in  an  enramada,  or  brushwood  structure,  and  baptizing 
fifty  children.  Mission  San  Ignacio  was  established  here, 
but  not  until  the  year  1728.  The  delay  was  caused  by  the 
scarcity  of  priests. 

A year  before  his  death.  Father  Juan  Maria  Salvatierra 
made  an  attempt  to  conciliate  the  warlike  Guaycuro  Indians 
about  La  Paz,  who,  ever  since  the  days  of  Otondo,  had  mani- 
fested a hostile  spirit  which  was  intensified  by  the  constant 
depredations  of  the  greedy  pearl-fishers.  Leaving  Loreto  in 
the  Guadalupe,  he  took  along  three  Guaycuro  prisoners  whom 
he  had  ransomed  from  the  pearl-fishers,  in  order  to  restore 
them  to  their  tribe,  so  that  they  might  bear  testimony  to  the 


Salvatierra;  Unfriendly  Viceroy 


129 


kind  treatment  which  Indians  received  at  the  hands  of  the 
missionaries.  Unfortunately,  when  the  captain  and  soldiers 
landed,  the  Guaycuros  took  alarm,  and  fled  to  the  mountains, 
under  the  impression  that  they  were  to  be  subjected  to  the 
brutalities  perpetrated  by  the  pearl-fishers.  The  Loreto  In- 
dians, who  had  come  along,  made  matters  worse  by  running 
after  the  fugitives  for  the  purpose  of  undeceiving  them.  The 
Guaycuro  warriors  escaped,  but  the  women,  seeing  them- 
selves overtaken,  turned  and  attacked  the  supposed  enemies 
with  stones.  The  enraged  Loretans  now  rushed  upon  the 
furious  women  and  would  probably  have  killed  them  all  had 
not  the  captain  and  some  fleet  soldiers  come  up  and  with 
difficulty  separated  the  unequal  combatants.  Nor  would  the 
frenzied  women  listen  to  reason,  but  at  once  resumed  the 
flight.  The  venerable  Salvatierra  felt  sorely  grieved  at  the 
unexpected  result  of  his  kind  endeavors ; but,  as  there  was 
no  hope  of  pacifying  the  savages  when  they  considered  them- 
selves wronged  anew,  he  asked  the  prisoners  to  explain  the 
misunderstanding  to  their  people,  and  then  returned  to 
Lx)reto. 

Lower  California  was  now  called  upon  to  part  forever  with 
the  venerable  founder  and  director  of  its  missions.  In  March, 
1717,  Father  Nicolas  Tamaral,  destined  for  Cadegomo,  or 
Mission  Purisima,  arrived  at  Loreto  with  a letter  from  the 
provincial  informing  Father  Salvatiera  that  the  new  viceroy. 
Marques  de  Valero,  wished  to  confer  with  him  as  soon  as 
possible  about  the  execution  of  certain  royal  orders  which 
the  king  had  issued  in  behalf  of  California.  Leaving  the  su- 
perintendence of  the  temporal  and  spiritual  aflPairs  of  the 
missions  to  Father  Juan  de  Ugarte,  the  venerable  man,  in 
spite  of  his  age  and  grave  infirmities,  in  company  with  Brother 
Jayme  Bravo,  sailed  from  Loreto  on  March  31st.  After 
nine  days  he  landed  at  Matanchel,  and  proceeded  on  horse- 
back as  far  as  Tepic.  This  last  journey  aggravated  the  pain 
of  his  malady,  the  stone,  to  such  a degree  that  he  was  unable 
to  continue.  He  was,  therefore,  borne  on  a stretcher  to  Guad- 

Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  204-229;  Clavijero,  61-64;  Alegre,  tom. 
iii,  154,  161-162,  174. 


130  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


alajara,  by  some  Indians.  For  two  months  the  poor  Father 
suffered  a veritable  martyrdom.  Realizing  that  his  life  was 
to  terminate,  he  entrusted  the  business  which  he  was  to  trans- 
act with  the  viceroy  to  Brother  Bravo,  and  prepared  himself 
for  the  journey  into  eternity.  As  soon  as  the  critical  condition 
of  the  old  missionary,  whom  all  venerated  as  a saint,  became 
known  in  the  city,  public  prayers  were  offered  for  him  in  the 
churches ; but  the  Lord  had  decided  to  grant  His  faithful 
servant  the  rest  which  he  so  richly  merited.  The  apostle  of 
Lower  California  received  the  last  sacraments  with  all  the 
fervor  of  a true  Christian.  Just  before  passing  away,  Sal- 
vatierra  began  the  hymn  Ave  Maris  Stella,  and  tranquilly 
breathed  his  last  at  the  words  Monstra  Te  Esse  Matrem,^^ 
on  Saturday,  July  17th,  1717,  in  the  seventieth  year  of  his 
age.  The  highest  government  officials,  the  bishop,  the  secular 
and  the  regular  clergy,  the  nobility,  and  an  immense  multitude 
of  people  took  part  in  the  funeral  services.  The  body  was 
buried  in  the  chapel  of  Our  Lady  of  Loreto,  which  the  de- 
ceased himself,  before  entering  upon  his  apostolic  career  across 
the  gulf,  had  erected  in  honor  of  the  heavenly  Queen.  Later 
on  the  remains  were  placed  in  a casket  and  deposited  near 
the  altar  of  the  Ble.ssed  Virgin. 


15  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  175. 

16  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  283-286;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  64-65; 
Baegert,  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  iii,  sec.  ii;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  174-176. 
The  latter  gives  Saturday,  June  18,  as  the  date  of  Salvatierra’s 
death,  which  is  an  error,  inasmuch  as  June  18th  of  that  year  was 
a Friday.  According  to  the  “Cartas  Edificantes,”  tom.  iii,  p.  3, 
Salvatierra  was  a native  of  Milan,  Italy. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


The  Missions  Not  Maintained  by  the  Government. — The  Pious 
Fund. — Allowance  of  the  Missionaries. — King  Philip’s  Orders. — 
State  of  the  Missions. — Their  Organization. — The  Military. — 
Daily  Routine. — The  Jesuits. — Need  for  Soldiers. — Their  Pay. — 
Drawbacks. — Unselfishness  of  the  Missionaries. 

< <IT  may  be  fairly  stated  that  the  missions  of  California  were 
1 from  first  to  last  founded  and  supported  by  private  per- 
sons, whose  combined  gifts  formed  what  has  been  known  as  the 
Pious  Fund.”  ^ At  first  the  benefactors  and  founders  retained 
the  capital  and  paid  only  the  annual  interest  to  the  Jesuit 
Fathers ; but  the  business  failure  of  the  founder  of  San  Juan 
de  Ligui,  and  the  consequent  loss  of  the  capital  of  ten  thou- 
sand dollars,  caused  Father  Salvatierra  to  think  of  a plan 
which  would  put  the  funds  beyond  the  risk  of  commercial 
reverses.  While  still  provincial,  he  decided  to  invest  the  money 
in  real  estate  or  haciendas,  ^ where  he  could  raise  the  stock 
and  provisions  which  must  otherwise  be  purchased  from 
dealers. 

As  it  was  a matter  of  importance,  he  laid  it  before  the  con- 
suitors  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  Mexico,  who  approved  the 
proposition.  Only  one  of  the  Fathers  objected  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  not  conformable  to  the  aims  of  the  Society  to 
have  missions  which  possessed  property  yielding  an  assured 
income.  The  question  was  therefore  referred  to  the  Father 
General,  who  declared  that  the  foundations  in  California  must 
be  considered  in  the  same  light  as  the  colleges ; that,  although 


1 Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  441.  The  reader  will  do  well 
to  remember  this  confession  of  the  California  historian.  “Todas 
las  misiones  de  la  California  son  fundaciones  de  personas  particu- 
lares  hasta  ahora,  y ninguna  corre  de  cuenta  de  las  Reales  Caxas.” 
Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  223.  Baegert,  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  iii,  sec. 
iii,  expresses  himself  in  like  manner;  “Demnach  seynd  alle  Mis- 
sionarien  in  Californien  von  1697  bis  1768  nicht  von  dem  katho- 
lischen  Koenig,  sondern  von  Privatpersonen  unterhalten  worden.” 

2 Haciendas  are  equivalent  to  our  southern  plantations  before 
the  Civil  War,  except  that  the  laborers  were  not  slaves. 


132  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


the  Jesuits  could  exact  no  stipend,  compensation,  or  alms  for 
their  ministrations,  it  was  incumbent  upon  the  Society  to  pro- 
vide each  one  with  food  and  clothing,  and  for  this  there  should 
be  income  and  funds  in  such  places  where  there  would  be  no 
opportunity  to  maintain  themselves  by  means  of  alms.  ® 

This  letter  reached  Salvatierra  in  1716,  a year  before  his 
death.  He  accordingly  directed  Father  Alexandro  Romano, 
the  procurator  of  the  missions,  to  collect  all  the  donations  so 
far  made  for  the  founding  of  seven  missionary  establishments, 
besides  the  five  thousand  dollars  bequeathed  by  Viceroy  Linares, 
the  four  thousand  dollars  contributed  by  a gentleman  of 
Guadalajara,  and  smaller  amounts,  and  to  invest  the  money  in 
haciendas.  The  real  estate  thus  purchased  was  known  as  the 
Pious  Fund  Property  or  Estate. 

From  the  first,  Salvatierra  saw  the  necessity  of  having  a 
representative  at  the  capital,  who  might  act  as  attorney,  pur- 
chasing agent,  and  collector  of  stipends  and  alms  for.  the 
California  missions.  Father  Juan  Ugarte  was  the  first  to 
serve  as  procurator  until  he  joined  the  missionary  force  in 
1701.  Father  Alexandro  Romano  was  then  appointed,  and 
by  order  of  the  Father  General  devoted  his  whole  time  and 
ability  to  the  welfare  of  California  until  he  was  made  provin- 
cial in  1719.  Father  Joseph  de  Echeverria  held  the  office  of 
procurator  until  1729,  when  he  became  visitor  for  the  penin- 
sula missions.  He  was  succeeded  by  Brother  Francisco 
Tompes,  who  served  until  his  death  in  May,  1750.  In  other 


3“Respondi6  este,  que  no  era  contra  el  Instituto  de  la  Compania 
tener  misiones  dotadas  6 con  haciendas,  6 de  otra  manera  . . . ; 
que  estas  fundaciones  debian  mirarse  del  mismo  modo,  que  las  de 
los  Colegios;  pues,  aunque  los  Jesuitas  ningun  estipendio,  recom- 
pensa,  6 limosna  pueden  llevar  por  sus  ministerios,  por  eso  mismo 
es  forzoso,  que  la  Compania  cuide  de  proveerlos  de  alimento  y de 
vestido;  y que  para  esto  haya  fincas  y dotaciones,  donde  no  hubiere 
lugar  a pedir  mantenerse  de  limosnas,  como  lo  hace  la  parte  mas 
noble  y principal  de  la  Compania,  que  son  las  Casas  Profesas,  en 
las  quales  ni  aun  para  las  iglesias  puede  haber  dotation.”  Venegas, 
tom,  ii,  pte.  iii,  235. 

4 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  233-235;  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  112;  Baegert, 
"Nachrichten,”  pte.  iii,  sec.  iii. 


!•:  X I ' !•:  X s I V !•:  i • r i-:  i g n t t r a x s i >( ) r t a t i ( ) x 

(l-'roni  an  ancient  print.) 


Pious  Fund;  Mission  System 


133 


parts  of  Mexico,  but  especially  at  Guadalajara  and  at  several 
ports  on  the  Pacific  coast,  there  were  other  agents,  generally 
called  procuradores ; but  these  acted  only  in  special  cases  when 
they  assisted  in  collecting  alms,  or  in  facilitating  the  purchase 
or  transportation  of  supplies.  ® 

The  annual  allowance  or  stipend  granted  by  the  king  to 
each  missionary  laboring  among  the  Indians  of  New  Spain, 
except  California,  was  three  hundred  dollars.  This  amount 
was  not  paid  in  cash  to  the  individual  missionary,  but  with  it, 
according  to  his  directions,  various  articles  of  food,  clothing, 
and  church  goods  were  purchased  and  forwarded.  The  trans- 
portation by  land,  especially  to  distances  of  four  and  five 
hundred  leagues,  was  expensive,  often  consuming  one-half  the 
value  of  the  goods.  As  to  California,  the  passage  across  the 
gulf  had  to  be  taken  into  consideration.  Moreover,  the  penin- 
sula, except  a few  districts,  was  so  barren  that  little  or  no 
provisions  could  be  hoped  for,  so  that  the  stipend  fixed  for 
the  maintenance  of  missionaries  in  other  parts  under  Spanish 
rule  proved  entirely  insufficient  for  California.  Hence  it  was 
that  those  who  desired  to  found  a mission  on  the  peninsula, 
assigned  a capital  of  ten  thousand  dollars,  whose  revenues, 
at  five  per  cent,  produced  the  amount  required.  ® 

King  Philip  V.  had,  indeed,  given  orders  that  the  missions 
of  California  should,  at  his  expense,  be  provided  with  every- 
thing necessary  for  divine  worship,  such  as  bells,  images, 
vestments,  lamps,  olive  oil,  and  altar  wine,  and  that  some  mis- 
sions should  be  established  and  maintained  from  the  royal 
treasury ; but  neither  of  these  commands  was  carried  out,  ow- 
ing to  the  indifference  or  ill-will  of  those  that  held  office  in 
Mexico.  All  these  articles,  besides  clothing,  tools,  provisions, 
medicines,  furniture,  implements,  which  he  ordered  for  him- 
self or  the  Indians,  were  charged  to  the  respective  missionary 
and  paid  for  from  his  meager  allowance.  At  the  expense  of 
the  missionary,  the  bales  and  packages  were  carried  by  pack- 
mules  to  Matanchel  and  there  shipped  across  the  gulf.  ^ 


5 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  230-232;  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  112. 

® Baegert,  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  iii,  sec.  iii.  See  Appendix  D. 

This  makes  the  anti-Catholic  historian  Theodore  Hittell  ex- 


134  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

In  the  beginning,  the  Indians  who  applied  for  instruction 
and  settled  down  at  the  missions  were  supported  by  means 
of  the  contributions  received  from  Mexico,  on  condition  that 
they  refrained  from  roaming  about  the  mountains  and  attended 
the  instructions.  In  time  the  converts  grew  so  numerous  that 
it  was  impossible  to  feed  them  all  at  the  missions.  As  the 
barrenness  of  the  soil,  the  scarcity  of  water,  and  the  invincible 
indolence  of  the  natives  precluded  the  introduction  of  agricul- 
ture, except  in  a few  places,  on  a small  scale,  the  following 
method  or  system,  the  only  feasible  one  under  the  circum- 
stances, was  adopted : 

All  pagan  Indians,  who  offered  themselves  for  instructions, 
received  their  food  from  the  missionary  until  some  months 
after  baptism,  which  was  not  administered  until  the  candidates 
had  given  proof  of  their  sincerity  and  sufficient  knowledge  of 
Christian  doctrine.  During  this  period  breakfast  and  supper 
consisted  of  atole,  * a porridge  made  of  ground  corn  and  used 
by  the  Mexican  Indians.  The  midday  meal  was  called  pozole; 
it  consisted  of  boiled  corn  mixed  with  fresh  or  jerked  meat, 
vegetables  and  fruits,  according  to  the  contents  of  the  store- 
house. In  like  manner  food  was  furnished  to  the  gobernador, 
or  chief,  of  the  Indian  village,  to  the  fiscal,  the  sick,  the  aged, 
and  all  the  children  from  six  to  twelve  years  of  age  that  were 
brought  from  the  rancherias  and  educated  at  the  principal 
mission  village,  or  mission  proper.  The  same  rations  were 
given  to  the  Indians  of  the  distant  rancherias  during  the  week 
when  it  was  their  turn  to  visit  the  mission  to  repeat  the  Doc- 
trina  and  receive  instructions. 

It  was  at  the  principal  mission  village,  the  center  of  a num- 
ber of  Indian  settlements,  and  commonly  known  as  La  Ca- 
bezera  (chief  town),  that  the  missionary  resided,  and  where 
the  church,  the  storehouse,  the  soldiers’  quarters,  the  schools, 

claim;  “It  is  therefore  clear  that  the  Jesuit  Fathers  did  not  en- 
gage in  their  California  work  with  any  purpose  of  acquiring  earthly 
riches.”  “Hist.  Calif.,”  vol.  i,  206.  See  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  232-233, 
240-241;  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  112. 

8 Corn  was  boiled,  ground  or  mashed,  diluted  with  water  and 
again  placed  over  a fire;  when  ready  it  was  called  atole.  The  In- 
dians were  very  fond  of  it. 


Pious  Fund;  Mission  System 


135 


and  a number  of  neophyte  huts . were  located.  The  other 
places,  more  or  less  distant,  where  the  converts  lived,  com- 
monly had  no  houses,  because  these  Indians  preferred  to 
dwell  in  the  open  air  as  they  had  been  accustomed  to  do  from 
time  immemorial.  In  time,  however,  there  were  as  many  as 
twenty  regular  pueblos,  or  towns,  all  built  at  great  cost  by 
the  missionaries. 

The  churches  at  the  missions  at  first  were  generally  poor, 
but  kept  as  clean  and  neat  as  possible.  The  building  at  Loreto 
in  later  times  was  very  large  and  well  decorated ; the  one  at 
San  Jose  de  Comundu,  erected  by  Father  Francisco  Inama, 
had  three  naves;  and  that  of  San  Francisco  Xavier,  built  by 
Father  Miguel  del  Barco,  had  an  arched  ceiling.  Every  church 
could  boast  of  a band  of  musicians ; and  at  each  mission  there 
was  in  later  years  a school  in  which  some  of  the  boys  learned 
to  play  upon  the  harp,  violin,  viola,  and  other  instruments. 
The  feasts  and  ecclesiastical  functions  were  celebrated  with 
as  much  pomp  as  possible,  and  the  neophytes  generally  assisted 
in  silence,  with  modesty  and  devotion.  Every  Sunday  the 
natives  of  the  surrounding  rancherias,  which  were  not  too 
far  distant  from  the  chief  town,  assembled  at  the  mission  to 
attend  holy  Mass,  to  say  the  Rosary,  and  to  sing  the  litany 
with  the  missionary.  All  that  assisted  received  the  usual 
meals.  This  practice  was  also  observed  during  the  days  of 
Holy  Week. 

As  it  was  not  in  keeping  with  Christian  modesty  for  the 
Indians  to  go  naked,  after  the  custom  of  the  pagans,  the  mis- 
sionaries had  to  provide  the  clothing.  For  this  purpose,  where 
the  soil  permitted,  the  Fathers  kept  sheep  and  a few  also 
raised  a little  cotton.  They  taught  the  neophytes  to  spin, 
weave,  and  to  make  their  own  clothes ; but,  owing  to  the 
sterility  of  the  country,  most  of  the  cloth  and  blankets  had 
to  be  imported  from  Mexico  at  the  expense  of  the  missionary. 

Where  the  soil  was  good,  which  was  the  case  at  only  a few 
missions,  the  missionary  taught  the  natives  to  cultivate  and 
irrigate  the  land.  The  product  was  stored  in  the  granary 
and  distributed  to  the  members  of  the  mission.  Where  grapes 
could  be  grown,  wine  was  manufactured.  Some  of  this  was 


136  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


used  for  holy  Masses ; the  rest,  as  the  Fathers  consumed  very 
little,  was  exchanged  in  Mexico  for  .other  goods.  The  sick 
were  treated  gently,  and  the  necessary  medicines  procured 
from  New  Spain  out  of  the  allowance  of  the  missionary. 
Thus  the  Fathers  not  only  performed  the  duties  of  pastors, 
but  each  one  acted  the  part  of  father  and  provider  for  a large 
family,  of  teacher,  mechanic,  ordinary  laborer,  cook,  physician, 
surgeon,  infirmarian,  and  governor,  without  the  least  com- 
pensation, but  wearing  out  his  health,  deprived  of  comforts 
and  often  of  the  very  necessaries  of  life,  in  order  that  his 
wards  might  suffer  no  want. 

The  government  established  by  Father  Salvatierra  to  pre- 
serve order  at  the  several  missions  is  described  by  Venegas 
as  follows : At  each  newly-founded  mission  the  missionary 

had  an  assistant  or  representative  in  temporal  affairs  in  the 
person  of  a soldier,  who  acted  as  guard  and  to  a certain  extent 
shared  the  authority  of  the  captain  or  commander  of  the 
Loreto  presidio.  When  the  missionary  had  converted  a num- 
ber of  Indian  rancherias,  he  appointed  one  of  their  own  people 
chief,  or  head,  with  the  title  of  gobernador.  Another  Indian 
was  given  the  office  of  fiscal,  and  for  each  rancheria  a maestro 
de  la  Doctrina,  or  rezador  ® was  named.  The  gobernador’s 
duty  was  to  preserve  peace  and  good  order  in  his  district,  and 
to  inform  the  missionary  or  the  soldier  if  anything  occurred 
which  he  himself  could  not  remedy.  The  fiscal  had  to  see 
to  the  cleanliness  in  the  church,  to  report  those  that  absented 
themselves  from  holy  Mass  and  other  religious  exercises,  mis- 
behaved in  church,  caused  disturbances  at  the  devotions,  or 
fell  back  into  their  old  superstitions.  The  rezador,  or  maestro 
de  la  Doctrina,  every  morning  had  to  assemble  all  the  families 
of  his  hamlet  for  the  ordinary  prayers,  to  lead  in  the  recita- 
tion of  the  Doctrina,  the  Rosary,  and  the  litany,  before  the 
Indians  left  for  the  mountains  in  quest  of  food.  If  anything 
extraordinary  happened  among  his  subjects,  it  was  his  duty 
to  report  it  to  the  missionary  at  his  next  visit. 

® Rezador,  one  who  leads  at  the  devotional  exercises  in  the  ab- 
sence of  the  priest.  The  office  continues  to  this  day  in  Southern 
California. 


Pious  Fund;  Mission  System  137 

This  method,  the  only  one  possible  under  the  unfavorable 
conditions  prevailing  on  the  peninsula,  worked  well  enough 
while  the  converts  were  in  their  first  fervor,  but  was  powerless 
to  control  their  propensities  for  a great  length  of  time.  Hence 
we  find  Father  Baegert  describing  the  results  as  follows : 
“With  regard  to  the  Christianity  (of  the  Indians),  I,  who  have 
lived  among  them  for  seventeen  years,  can  say  nothing  praise- 
worthy. The  seed  of  the  word  and  other  means  produces 
little  fruit  among  them.  Temptations,  bad  example,  want  of 
shame,  are  the  causes.  In  a certain  matter  they  carry  on  in 
such  a way  that  it  is  better,  according  to  Ephesians  v,  3,  to  be 
silent  about  it  altogether.  The  women  surpass  the  men  in 
shamelessness,  contrary  to  the  custom  of  women  all  over  the 
rest  of  the  world.” 

“As  to  hearing  confessions,”  Baegert  says,  “it  generally 
was  a very  disagreeable,  most  tedious  and  melancholy  task 
(after  one  had  thoroughly  learned  to  know  them,  and  had 
detected  their  malice,  hypocrisy,  and  atrocious  manner  of 
living),  as  well  on  account  of  the  constraint  or  feigned  piety, 
which  with  very  many  is  the  only  motive  for  confessing,  as 
on  account  of  the  amazing  ignorance  after  so  many  instruc- 
tions; on  account  of  their  stupidity  and  want  of  reasoning; 
on  account  of  the  many  sinful  occasions  which  they  do  not 
easily  avoid,  and  which  the  director  cannot  remove ; on  ac- 
count of  the  want  of  every  kind  of  preparation ; and  finally, 
on  account  of  the  daily,  everlasting  relapses  of  all  or  of  most 
of  them.  I once  asked  a California  woman  (it  must  have  been 
at  the  season  of  the  pitahayas)  who  understood  Spanish,  why 
she  did  not  perform  the  penance  imposed  at  the  last  confes- 
sion, which  consisted  in  the  recital  of  several  rosaries?  I re- 
ceived this  reply  in  good  Spanish;  “de  puro  comer,”  which 
is  to  say,  merely  on  account  of  eating.  Another,  who  least 
of  all  lacked  sense,  I asked  what  she  had  been  doing  and  think- 
ing before  my  arrival  in  the  church?  She  replied  "Nothing.” 
Besides  other  reasons,  one  is  this,  that  preparing  for  confes- 
sion means  labor,  and  labor  of  the  head,  heart,  and  mind,  of 


^■0  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  ii,  sec.  viii. 
“Nachrichten,”  pte.  iii,  sec.  iii. 


138  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

which  the  Californians  are  even  greater  enemies  than  of  that 
which  is  performed  with  the  hands.” 

The  soldier’s  duty  was  to  guard  the  life  of  the  missionary, 
to  protect  the  mission,  and  to  quell  disturbances.  He  had  to 
stand  ready  at  the  missionary’s  order  to  go  whither  necessity 
demanded.  He  could  arrest  offenders  and  chastise  them  with 
discretion,  unless  the  offense  constituted  a capital  crime ; in  this 
case  he  had  to  refer  the  matter  to  the  captain  of  the  Loreto 
presidio,  who  alone  possessed  supreme  jurisdiction.  Minor 
transgressions  were  punished  by  flogging;  for  greater  mis- 
deeds the  penalty  was  imprisonment ; the  stocks,  too,  were 
frequently  employed.  As  the  prison  had  no  dread  for  the 
Indian,  but  rather  suited  his  indolence.  Father  Salvatierra  in- 
troduced the  lash  as  the  most  effective  means  to  make  the 
brutish  native  comprehend  the  wickedness  of  a crime  or  sin. 
Flogging  was  common  for  a similar  class  of  people  in  the 
provinces  of  New  Spain,  and  proved  beneficial  for  the  com- 
munities. Salvatierra  in  the  early  years  of  the  Loreto  mission 
first  had  the  lash  used  upon  petty  thieves.  Venegas  relates 
the  occasion  for  its  introduction  as  follows : One  day  the 

captain  caught  an  Indian  in  the  very  act  of  stealing.  Salva- 
tierra had  all  the  Indians  assemble.  The  captain  brought  the 
culprit  into  their  presence,  painted  the  wickedness  of  stealing 
in  the  ugliest  colors,  and  declared  that  the  offender  must  suffer 
for  his  crime.  All  the  witnesses  agreed  that  the  offense  must 
be  punished.  The  missionary  now  interfered  and  persuaded 
the  officer  to  let  the  guilty  man  off  with  a whipping.  The  lash 
was  applied,  but  after  a few  blows  the  Father  pardoned  the 
culprit.  Instead  of  resenting  the  treatment,  the  natives  were 
filled  with  w'onder  that  so  small  a punishment  could  satisfy 
the  demands  of  justice.  After  this,  the  whip  was  applied  for 
these  and  similar  misdeeds  by  those  Indians  who  held  some 
kind  of  authority,  but  always  subject  to  the  directions  or 
approval  of  the  missionary. 

The  system  employed  in  the  spiritual  and  religious  affairs 
of  the  missions  was  uniform  at  all  the  establishments.  The 
first  to  receive  the  care  of  the  missionaries  were  the  children, 
because  all  hope  of  ultimate  success  centered  in  the  proper 


Pious  Fund;  Mission  System 


139 


training  and  education  of  the  little  ones.  From  all  the  mis- 
sions a few  boys  were  brought  to  Loreto,  where  they  were 
taught  Spanish,  reading,  writing,  and  singing,  particularly 
ecclesiastical  chant,  by  a teacher  imported  from  Mexico  and 
paid  by  the  Fathers.  These  boys  felt  happy  at  Loreto,  and 
later  on  made  themselves  useful  as  fiscals  at  their  rancherias, 
as  teachers  of  the  Doctrina,  and  as  general  assistants  of  the 
missionaries. 

The  daily  routine  at  the  missions  was  as  follows : All  as- 

sembled at  church  for  morning  prayers.  The  fiscal  intoned 
the  Alabado ; then  holy  Mass  was  celebrated,  during  which 
the  neophytes  recited  the  Doctrina  in  common  in  their  own 
language.  After  Mass  some  point  of  the  Doctrina  was  ex- 
plained, or  a sermon  preached.  The  adult  Christians  of  the 
principal  mission  village,  or  mission  proper,  then  went  to 
work.  “This  was  not  severe,”  Father  Baegert,  S.  J.,  writes ; 
“and  would  to  God  that  there  had  been  opportunity  to  make 
the  Californians  work  diligently  and  be  solicitous  all  day  long 
like  the  poor  farm-hands  and  mechanics  in  Germany ! How 
many  deeds  of  malice  and  vice  would  have  been  omitted  every 
day?  Work  always  began  late  and  ceased  even  before  the 


12  With  slight  variations  the  “Alabado,”  or  Praise,  is  still  used 
by  the  Mexicans  and  Indians  of  California.  It  is  as  follows:  “Ala- 
bado sea  el  Santisimo  Sacramento  del  Altar!  Bendita  sea  la  Lim- 
pia  y Purisima  Concepcion  de  Nuestra  Senora  Maria  Santisima  sin 
mancha  de  pecado  original!”  This  is  repeated  three  times. 

13  “Dieses  Arbeiten  war  gar  nicht  streng;  und  wollte  Gott,  man 
haette  Gelegenheit  gehabt  alle  Californier,  gleich  den  armen  Ack- 
ersman  und  Handwerker  in  Deutschland,  den  ganzen  Tag  fleissig 
arbeiten  und  sorgen  machen!  Wie  viele  Bosheiten  und  Laster- 
thaten  wuerden  einen  jeden  Tag  unterblieben  sein?  Die  Arbeit 
fing  allzeit  spaeth  an,  und  hoerte  ehe  die  Sonn  sich  verbarg  schon 
wieder  auf.>  Um  Mittag  ruhten  sie  zwo  Stund,  und  ist  ganz  sicher, 
dass  sechs  Tageloehner  in  sechs  Tagen  mehr  in  Deutschland,  als 
zwoelf  Californier  arbeiten.  Zudem  gereichte  alles,  was  sie  ar- 
beiteten,  zu  ihrem  und  ihrer  Landsleuten  einzigen  Nutzen  und 
Besten.  Der  Missionarius  hatte  von  allem  keinen  Vortheil  als 
Sorgen  und  Verdruss,  und  haette  das  Maker  Weizen  oder  Welsch- 
korn,  so  er  vielleicht  in  einem  Jahr  verzehrte,  wohl  anderswo  her 
koennen  bringen  lassen.”  Baegert,  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  iii,  sec.  iii. 


140  Missions 'and  Missionaries  of  California 

sun  hid  itself.  At  noon  they  rested  for  two  hours,  and  it  is 
certain  that  in  Germany  six  laborers  in  six  days  do  more  work 
than  twelve  Californians.  Moreover,  all  the  work  which  they 
did  redounded  to  their  own  advantage  and  to  that  of  their 
countrymen.  The  missionary  gained  nothing  from  it  except 
anxieties  and  annoyance,  and  he  might  have  procured  from 
elsewhere  the  bushel  of  wheat  or  corn  which  he  perhaps  con- 
sumed in  a year.” 

In  the  visitas  or  mission  stations,  and  where  the  land  was 
too  barren  to  be  cultivated,  the  neophytes  instead  of  working 
searched  for  food  in  the  mountains.  The  catechumens  and 
children  remained  with  the  Father  after  Mass  for  a longer 
instruction  until  the  hour  for  school,  when  the  boys  went  to 
their  exercises  and  the  catechumens  performed  whatever 
work  could  be  given  them.  Dinner  was  taken  at  noon.  After 
a rest  of  two  hours  work  was  resumed.  In  the  evening  all 
reassembled  at  the  church  to  recite  the  Rosary  and  litany. 
Every  Sunday,  besides  the  holy  Mass,  there  was  a procession 
through  the  mission  village,  when  the  Doctrina  was  chanted. 
After  returning  to  the  church  the  sermon  was  preached.  At 
Loreto  the  procession  was  also  held  on  Saturdays  for  the 
Spanish  people  of  the  presidio,  and  was  concluded  with  a 
sermon  and  the  singing  of  the  Salve  Regina. 

The  feast  of  the  titular  saint  was  annually  celebrated  with 
special  splendor;  likewise  the  feasts  of  the  Nativity  of  our 
Lord,  Corpus  Christi,  Easter,  and  Pentecost.  The  last  two 
celebrations  were  rendered  more  noteworthy  by  the  solemn 
administration  of  the  sacrament  of  baptism  to  the  converts. 
On  these -days,  moreover,  the  fugitives  from  justice  enjoyed 
immunity  from  punishment  and  were  permitted  to  take  part 
in  the  dances,  plays,  and  general  rejoicings.  For  Holy  Week 
the  chief  men  of  all  the  rancherias  were  assembled  at  the 
respective  mission,  when  the  missionary  aided  by  singers 
trained  at  Loreto  performed  the  touching  ceremonies  of  that 
holy  season.  Penitential  processions  were  held  as  in  the  well- 
regulated  Christian  communities.  On  these  occasions  the 
fervor  of  the  neophytes  was  such  that  the  missionaries  fre- 
quently found  it  necessary  to  moderate  their  zeal  for  bodily 


Pious  Fund;  Mission  System  141 

mortifications.  During  the  same  period  all  were  examined 
in  the  Doctrina,  and  the  few  that  were  thought  capable  re- 
ceived holy  Communion  on  Easter  Sunday,  which  solemnity 
was  made  as  impressive  as  possible.  Some  gave  proof  of 
so  much  intelligence,  faith,  and  devotion,  and  led  such  blame- 
less lives,  that  they  were  permitted  to  receive  holy  Com- 
munion oftener.  i"* 

This  spiritual  and  material  progress  among  the  Califor- 
nians was,  of  course,  under  God,  due  to  the  harmony,  virtue, 
and  zeal  among  the  Jesuit  missionaries  themselves.  Great 
care  was  exercised  to  select  only  the  most  suitable  religious 
for  this  most  trying  missionary  field,  men  of  prayer,  recol- 
lection, self-denial,  mortification,  tried  virtue,  natural  talent, 
and  robust  health.  In  the  beginning  Father  Salvatierra  was 
the  superior  of  all  the  missions  with  the  title  of  rector,  though 
he  likewise  held  the  post  of  local  superior  at  Loreto.  When 
the  Fathers  had  increa.sed  in  number,  and  occupied  the 
greater  part  of  the  peninsula,  “they  were  formed  into  three 
rectorates  known  as  the  Rectorate  of  the  North,  the  Rec- 
torate  of  the  South,  and,  situated  between  the  two,  the  Rec- 
torate of  Loreto.  In  each  district  there  was  a missionary 
rector  whom  the  others  obeyed ; and  all  the  missionaries  of 
the  three  rectorates  were  subject  to  the  visitor  of  the  penin- 
sula, who  was  himself  one  of  the  religious  and  appointed 
every  three  years,  during  which  period  he  was  obliged  to 
visit  all  the  missions,  to  watch  over  the  conduct  of  the  mis- 
sionaries, and  to  report  about  them  to  the  provincial.  More- 
over, these  missions,  as  well  as  all  others  belonging  to  the 
province  of  Mexico,  were  visited  every  three  years  by  a 
visitor-general,  and  in  this  way  each  missionary  had  over  him 
five  regular  superiors : the  rector,  the  visitor  on  the  penin- 
sula, the  visitor-general,  the  Father  Provincial,  and  the 
Father  General.” 

The  missionaries  of  the  different  rectorates  assembled 
^ twice  a year  to  report  on  their  respective  missions  and  to 
discuss  the  needs  of  their  flock.  Every  year  they  made  the 

Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  242-250;  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  110-114. 

Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  sec.  xvi,  110. 


142  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

“Retreat,”  that  is  to  say,  they  held  the  spiritual  exercises 
prescribed  by  St.  Ignatius  in  order  to  renew  their  fervor. 
Probably  this  was  done  by  each  one  alone  at  another  mission, 
lest  the  people  be  without  priests.  Beyond  these  instances 
the  missionaries  probably  saw  one  another  only  when  they 
wanted  to  make  their  confessions,  or  when  they  wanted  to 
assist  one  another  in  sickness  or  other  trouble,  because  to 
visit  a brother  missionary  they  would  have  to  make  very 
long  journeys  over  bad  roads.  Thus,  for  instance,  the  priest 
of  Santa  Gertrudis  Mission  dwelt  twenty-seven  leagues  from 
his  nearest  neighbor;  the  one  of  San  Francisco  de  Borja, 
almost  thirty;  and  the  missionary  of  Santa  Maria  de  los  An- 
geles more  than  thirty-three  leagues.  “These  men,”  Clavi- 
jero  remarks,  “generally  reared  in  large  cities,  and  accus- 
tomed to  associate  with  persons  of  culture,  thus  found  them- 
selves confined  to  vast  Californian  solitudes  and  compelled 
to  associate  with  people  but  lately  delivered  from  a wild  life, 
or  at  most  to  have  the  company  of  ignorant  and  rude  sol- 
diers.” 

In  addition  to  the  Rules  and  Constitutions  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus,  these  religious.  Father  Venegas  informs  us,  as 
much  as  possible  observed  the  Ordcnanzas  of  Father  Cavero, 
which  pointed  out  the  ways  and  means  of  complying  with 
the  duties  of  curates  without  ceasing  to  be  religious ; “and 
so,  through  the  mercy  of  God,”  the  Jesuit  historian  with 
excusable  pride  declares,  “in  this  most  remote  corner  of  the 
world,  missionaries  labored  who  were  thoroughly  devoted  to 
the  glory  of  the  Divine  Majesty,  and  whose  virtue  could  not 
be  tarnished  even  in  the  midst  of  such  a rude  people  as  the 
Californians.” 

The  military  government  in  the  missionary  field  of  the 
peninsula  resulted  from  the  necessity  of  having  guards  for 
the  protection  of  the  missionaries,  and  from  the  order  of 
the  kings  to  secure  the  country  for  the  Spanish  Crown.  The 
kings,  indeed,  desired  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  to  Chris- 
tianity, and  frequently  declared  this  to  be  the  chief  aim  of 

Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  sec.  xvi,  110;  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  250-252. 

17  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  252. 


Pious  Fund;  Mission  System 


H3 


the  conquest;  nevertheless,  the  object  for  which  alone  ex- 
-penses  were  incurred  was  political.  The  Jesuits  had  obtained 
leave  to  enter  the  territory  and  to  enlist  soldiers  only  on 
condition  that  they  take  possession  of  the  country  for  the 
King  of  Spain.  It  is  superfluous  to  demonstrate  the  need  or 
advisability  of  having  soldiers  accompany  the  missionaries  to 
a people  so  brutal  and  savage  as  the  primitive  Californians 
proved  to  be.  This  question  was  debated  for  many  years  by 
the  councilors  of  the  Spanish  kings  and  by  other  men  of  ex- 
perience. After  mature  deliberation  the  system  was  adopted 
and  put  into  practice  not  only  in  California,  but  in  all  Span- 
ish frontier  territories.  Other  methods  had  been  followed 
with  disastrous  results  to  a large  number  of  Franciscans,  Do- 
minicans, Jesuits,  and  other  religious,  who  had  gone  forth 
without  guards  to  preach  among  unappreciative  savages. 
These  pioneers  of  religion  gained  the  crown  of  martyrdom, 
it  is  true,  but  left  the  natives  more  benighted  and  unwilling 
than  they  were  before.  From  a human  point  of  view,  it  was 
all  a waste  of  most  precious  lives.  In  Lower  California,  too, 
as  we  shall  see  later  on,  for  want  of  sufficient  protection  the 
work  of  forty  years  was  almost  destroyed. 

The  soldiers  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  conversion  of  the 
Indians,  except  that  they  preserved  the  missionaries  from 
bodily  harm.  No  one  was  forced  to  embrace  the  faith ; all 
that  received  baptism  submitted  to  Christianity  voluntarily, 
and  not  through  fear  of  temporal  loss  in  case  of  refusal. 
Converts  were  admitted  to  baptism  only  after  a period  of 
probation,  more  or  less  long,  until  sufficient  knowledge  of 
religion  was  acquired  and  the  evidences  of  sincerity  and  the 
prospects  of  perseverance  were  satisfactory.  The  soldiers 
checked  the  savage  desire  to  attack  the  missionaries ; but  as 
long  as  the  laws  and  regulations  of  the  Spanish  government 
were  carried  out,  and  while  the  Fathers  reigned  supreme,  the 
natives  suffered  neither  offense  nor  persecution. 


The  Franciscans  in  the  missions  of  Florida,  Texas,  New  Mex- 
ico, Arizona,  and  California  lost  sixty-eight  religious  who  were 
killed  by  Indians;  the  Jesuits,  seventeen;  and  the  Dominicans  in 
Florida,  two. 


144  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

When,  at  last,  a garrison  was  considered  indispensable  for 
the  reduction  of  the  country,  and  for  the  protection  of  those 
that  undertook  to  Christianize  and  civilize  the  savages,  it 
was  established  on  the  peninsula  in  1697.  The  number  of 
soldiers  during  the  first  years  depended  upon  the  alms  that 
could  be  collected.  After  Father  Piccolo  had  succeeded  in 
obtaining  from  King  Philip  V.  an  anijual  appropriation  of 
$6000  for  the  guards,  the  force  became  stationary.  Each 
soldier,  annually,  received  three  hundred  dollars ; the  captain, 
five  hundred  dollars.  This,  like  the  stipends  of  the  mission- 
aries, was  paid  with  goods  purchased  in  Mexico.  The  salary 
proved  too  small  in  a country  so  remote,  wherefore  the  king 
it)  1719  raised  the  appropriation  to  $18,000,  so  that  the  pay  of 
soldiers  and  captain  could  be  increased.  In  1736  the  king 
added  twelve  thousand  dollars  to  the  appropriation  for  the 
military,  because  the  missions  had  increased  in  number  and 
demanded  a larger  force  of  guards.  With  these  $30,000  from 
the  royal  treasury  one  captain  at  a salary  of  nine  hundred 
dollars,  two  lieutenants,  sixty  soldiers,  ten  sailors,  and  a few 
marine  officials  were  maintained ; but,  as  the  mission  vessels 
required  forty  sailors,  the  Jesuits  were  obliged  to  provide 
for  thirty  men  out  of  their  own  meager  allowance. 

Though  the  captain  and  the  soldiers  were  now  paid  by  the 
government,  the  missionaries  retained  the  right  to  select  or 
remove  them,  except  that  in  the  case  of  the  captain  they  had 
to  render  an  account  to  the  viceroy.  The  officers  and  soldiers 
were  subject  to  the  missionaries  in  everything  that  did  not 
pertain  to  military  and  disciplinary  matters.  The  captain  of 
the  Loreto  garrison  also  held  the  office  of  judge  and  gov- 
ernor-general of  the  peninsula  and  the  adjacent  sea,  and  as 
such  possessed  jurisdiction  over  the  soldiers,  sailors,  servants, 
and  Indians.  He,  moreover,  acted  as  custom  officer  for  the 
pearl-fisheries.  Most  of  the  soldiers  remained  at  the  presidio; 
but  one  soldier  was  stationed  at  each  mission  and  acted  for 
the  missionary  in  the  latter’s  absence,  for  which  service  he 
received  extra  pay.  This  was  a drawback  which  could  be 
remedied  only  by  placing  two  Fathers  at  a mission,  as  the 
Jesuits  desired ; but  the  scarcity  of  priests  compelled  the  mis- 


Pious  Fund;  Mission  System 


H5 


sionaries  to  utilize  the  soldier  at  the  respective  mission,  in- 
stead of  having  an  Indian  distribute  the  supplies  to  the 
neophytes. 

It  may  seem  strange  thaf  the  military  continued  subordinate 
to  the  priests  even  after  the  government  had  consented  to  pay 
for  their  maintenance.  The  politicians  and  other  enemies  of 
the  missions,  indeed,  exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost  to 
have  this  order  of  things  reversed,  in  which  case  they  would 
have  obtained  control  of  the  pearl-fisheries,  and  the  poor  In- 
dians would  have  been  made  available  as  divers.  To  cover 
their  plans,  adventurers  and  their  political  friends  accused  the 
Jesuits  of  greed,  and  claimed  that  their  apparent  zeal  for  the 
conversion  of  the  natives  was  only  a pretext  for  enriching 
themselves,  and  that  their  demand  for  absolute  control  of 
the  peninsula  proceeded  from  ambition  and  a love  of  domina- 
tion which  brooked  no  subjection.  Color  was  sometimes 
given  to  such  calumnies  by  discontented  soldiers.  The  kings, 
however,  wisely  refused  to  make  any  change  that  would  place 
Indians  and  missionaries  at  the  mercy  of  un.scrupulous  poli- 
ticians and  greedy  fortune-hunters.  After  all  “it  cannot  be 
doubted,”  one  of  the  most  virulent  enemies  of  Catholic  mis- 
sionaries, Theodore  Hittell,  acknowledges,  “that,  so  far  as 
the  good  of  the  country  was  concerned,  the  subordination  of 
the  military  to  the  Fathers  was  beneficial.”  “And  nothing,” 
Forbes  declares,  “can  show  more  strongly  the  pure  and  dis- 
interested motives  of  the  Jesuits  than  the  law  which  they  ob- 
tained, after  much  trouble,  from  the  Mexican  government 
that  all  inhabitants  of  California,  including  soldiers,  sailors, 
and  others  under  their  command,  should  be  prohibited  not 
only  from  diving  for  pearls,  but  from  trafficking  in  them.” 
“Had  the  soldiers  been  allowed  to  employ  or  compel  the  In- 
dians to  fish  for  pearls,  as  they  sometimes  did  by  stealth,” 
says  Hittell,  “the  result  would  have  been  very  disastrous,  so 
much  so  probably  as  to  involve  the  missions  in  absolute  de- 
struction.” 21  Hence  Father  Salvatierra  from  the  beginning 

19  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  209. 

20  “California,”  24. 

21  Loco  citato. 


146  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


was  so  determined  that  he  discharged  every  soldier  detected 
in  a single  act  of  disobedience  in  this  respect.  The  Indians 
might  dive  for  pearls  on  their  own  account,  but  few  rarely 
availed  themselves  of  the  privilege.  The  Jesuits  on  general 
principles  refrained  from  having  anything  to  do  with  these 
fisheries ; and  lest  any  one  of  the  religious  forget  himself,  the 
superiors  forbade  them  under  obedience  to  fish  for  pearls,  to 
order  any  one  to  do  so  in  their  name,  or  to  purchase  the  pearls 
obtained  by  others.  22 

The  missionaries  would  have  felt  relieved  could  they  have 
dispensed  with  the  presence  of  the  soldiers  at  the  missions. 
There  were,  indeed,  some  whose  exemplary  conduct  proved 
of  great  assistance  to  the  spread  of  Christianity.  To  this 
class  belonged  Captain  Estevan  Rodriguez  Lorenzo  and  the 
soldier  Mugazabal.  There  were  others,  however,  who  came 
from  the  scum  of  society,  but  whom  the  Jesuits  could  not 
always  exclude.  The  great  distance,  the  climate,  the  soil,  and 
the  inability  of  making  a fortune,  induced  but  a few  of  the 
better  classes  to  serve  in  California.  Hence  it  was  that  the 
garrison,  the  sailors,  and  the  mission  guards  were  sources  of 
much  pain  and  anxiety  to  the  missionaries.  ^3  Father  Salva- 
tierra  himself  declared  that  some  of  the  men  were  the  most 
perverse  creatures  he  had  ever  seen ; and  Father  Ugarte 
would  sarcastically  apply  to  his  guards  the  words  of  Mar- 
tialis,  “Nec  tecum  po.ssum  vivere,  nec  sine  te.”  As  his 
mission  lay  comparatively  near  the  presidio,  and  the  Indians 
had  learned  to  respect  and  love  him,  Ugarte  resolved  to  get 
along  without  soldiers. 

As  a rule,  \'enegas  writes,  the  military  men  were  a great 
evil  to  the  missionaries,  but  an  evil  without  which  it  would 
have  been  impossible  to  exist  among  these  treacherous  sav- 
ages. It  is  not  difficult  to  understand  what  an  insufferable 
burden  a coarse,  malicious,  passionate,  haughty,  and  indolent 

22  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  253-283;  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  112-113. 
23“Por  esto  el  presidio,  los  barcos,  y la  escolta  ban  sido  el  mayor 
tormento  y amargura  de  qiiantas  had  pasado  y passan  los  misione- 
ros,”  Venegas  affirms. 

24  “I  can  neither  live  with  thee,  nor  without  thee.” 


Pious  Fund;  Mission  System 


147 


man  must  be,  when  he  knows  himself  necessary  to  a poor 
missionary,  who  is  a man  of  sincerity,  culture,  gentleness, 
activity,  and  zeal.  If  such  could  be  the  situation  when  the 
soldiers  were  by  law  subordinate  to  the  missionaries,  what 
must  be  the  conditions  where  the  guard  is  independent  and 
finds  himself  alone  with  his  priestly  victim  at  a new  mission 
among  savages?  The  Jesuits  might  have  abandoned  the 
work  and  withdrawn  from  the  field  rather  than  suffer  calum- 
nies, opposition,  and  insults  from  their  enemies;  but  what 
would  have  become  of  the  natives  in  temporal  as  well  as 
spiritual  matters?  Subsequent  history  will  show  how  the 
poor  neophytes  fared  when,  after  the  departure  of  the  Jesuits, 
the  spiritual  guides  of  the  natives  were  made  subordinate 
to  the  soldiery.  It  was  for  the  sake  of  their  neophytes  that 
these  religious  continued  at  their  post,  laboring  in  the  spirit 
of  their  Divine  Master,  according  to  the  Gospel  and  their 
Rule  suffering  injuries  and  affront,  treated  as  fools,  not  giv- 
ing occasion  therefor  to  any  one,  and  sharing  the  poverty  of 
their  people. 

We  may  form  an  idea  of  the  privations  to  which  the 
Fathers  voluntarily  subjected  themselves  from  Father  Bae- 
gert’s  description  of  the  contents  of  a missionary’s  habitation. 
According  to  him  a crucifix,  a few  paper  pictures,  two  or 
three  chairs,  a library,  a copper  frying-pan,  a small  copper 
vessel  for  preparing  the  chocolate,  two  or  three  earthen  pots, 
a spit,  not  often  used,  for  roasting  meat  over  a fire,  several 
cow-bladders  for  keeping  lard,  a hard  bed,  or  a mere  hide  on 
the  bare  ground  constituted  the  whole  outfit.  ^6  Baegert  re- 

25  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  281-283;  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  113. 

26  “Ein  kupferne  Pfann  und  ein  ander  kupfernes  Geschirriein  den 
chocolat  zu  sieden,  welche  fuer’s  erste  und  letztemal  in  Mexico, 
als  sie  gekauft  warden,  verzinnt  waren;  zwey  oder  drey  aus  Erd 
und  Geismist  formirte  auf  Kohlen  in  freier  Luft  halbgebrannte  und 
unglasirte  Toepf  oder  Haeflein;  ein  Bratspieslein,  das  oft  in  einem 
halben  Jahr  keine  Dienste  that;  etliche  Kueh-Blasen  voll  Schmalz; 
ein  Crucifix;  einige  papierne  Bilder  an  der  Wand;  eine  anstaendige 
Bibliothek;  zwey  oder  drey  ungefuellte  Sessel;  ein  hartes  Bett  ohne 
Vorhaeng,  oder  eine  Rindshaut  auf  blosser  Erd,  dieses  waren 
durchgehends  ihre  Mobilien,  alles  Haus-  Kuchen-  und  Bettgeraeth.” 
Baegert,  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  ii,  sec.  iv. 


148  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

marks  that  “those  living  in  Europe  would  not  enjoy  such  a 
life,  unless  they  were  perfectly  indifferent  to  possess  much 
or  little,  something  or  nothing,  in  this  world,  and  were  abso- 
lutely conformed  to  the  will  of  God  in  every  emergency  of 
this  life.”  Despite  the  poverty  of  their  dwellings  and  the 
scantiness  of  their  fare,  the  missionaries  contrived  to  furnish 
the  churches  with  a certain  degree  of  splendor  in  order  to 
impress  the  natives  with  “the  one  thing  necessary.”  Nowhere, 
says  Baegert,  were  the  destitution  and  misery  of  California 
less  apparent  than  in  the  houses  of  worship,  because  the 
Fathers,  before  they  thought  of  anything  else,  endeavored  to 
supply  the  sacred  edifices  with  everything  that  was  necessary, 
or  might  contribute  to  give  the  savages  an  exalted  idea  of 
the  Majesty  of  God.  ^8 

27  Baegert,  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  i,  sec.  ix,  88. 

28  Baegert,  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  iii,  sec.  iv. 


'i 


CHAPTER  VII. 


The  Country  Unfavorable  for  Missions. — The  Natives  and  Their 
Customs. — Diseases  and  Their  Cure. — Indian  Religion. — Indian 
Language. — Indian  Character. 

Before  proceeding  with  the  history  of  the  soldiers  of 
the  Cross  and  their  warfare  against  the  rude  habits  of 
the  California  natives,  and  against  the  still  ruder  soil  until 
at  length  they  triumphed  over  the  former  and  as  much  over 
the  latter  as  was  possible,  it  will  be  in  order  to  notice  briefly 
the  nature  and  extent  of  the  obstacles  with  which  the  mis- 
sionaries had  to  contend.  “.The  country  inhabited  by  these 
people,”  says  Forbes,  who  lived  on  the  peninsula  in  the  fore- 
part of  the  last  century,  “was  and  is  one  of  the  most  barren 
and  unattractive  to  be  found  in  the  temperate  or  hotter  re- 
gions of  the  earth.  The  peninsula  of  California  is  seven  or 
eight  hundred  miles  in  length,  and  varies  in  breadth  from 
thirty  to  one  hundred  miles,  the  medium  breadth  being  from 
fifty  to  sixty  miles.  It  consists  of  an  irregular  chain  or 
broken  groups  of  bare  rocks  and  hills  interspersed  with  tracts 
of  sandy  soil  nearly  as  unproductive.  The  greatest  height 
of  this  mountain  ridge  is  rather  less  than  five  thousand  feet. 
In  some  sheltered  spots,  where  the  soil  has  been  left  safe 
from  the  torrents,  there  is  a fertile  mould ; but  such  spots  are 
very  rare  and  of  small  extent.  Water  is  also  very  scarce. 
There  are  only  two  or  three  small  streams  in  the  whole 
country,  and  springs  of  good  water  are  extremely  infrequent. 
It  would  seem  as  if  the  action  of  the  heavy  rains  from  the 
central  ridge  of  rocky  hills  and  the  encroachments  of  th^ 
ocean  on  both  its  shores,  had  gradually  washed  away  the 
mould  and  soil  from  the  surface,  except  where  it  was  of  such 
ponderous  quality  as  sand,  or  where  it  was  penned  up  by  a 
barrier  of  rocks  on  all  sides.  In  some  places  of  this  last  kind, 
the  soil  was  found  remarkably  fertile,  and  when  they  chanced 
to  be  in  the  vicinity  of  water,  which  was  but  seldom  the  case, 
the  produce  extracted  from  them  by  the  industry  of  the  new- 
comers was-  sometimes  marvelously  great.  Such  oases  were 


150  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

of  no  especial  use  to  the  natives,  except  in  as  far  as  they 
furnished  the  chief  localities  for  the  growth  of  the  trees  and 
plants  which  supplied  them  with  nuts  and  berries.  The  ex- 
treme barrenness  of  the  soil  prevented  the  growth  of  trees 
of  any  magnitude,  except  in  a very  few  spots  of  insignificant 
extent,  insomuch  that  the  missionaries  were  obliged,  as  we 
shall  see  hereafter,  to  send  to  the  opposite  coast  of  Sinaloa 
for  the  materials  for  constructing  houses.”  ^ 

When  the  Jesuits  first  visited  the  peninsula,  the  whole  In- 
dian population  from  Cape  San  Lucas  to  the  head  of  the  Gulf 
of  California,  according  to  Rev.  Jacob  Baegert,  S.  J.,  ^ did 
not  exceed  fifty  thousand  souls.  Although  there  were  several 
different  tribes  and  numerous  distinct  languages  and  dialects, 
the  natives  differed  very  little  in  their  habits.  The  best  in- 
formed among  the  missionaries,  like  Father  Taraval,  believed 
that  there  existed  only  three  languages  decidedly  differing 
from  one  another,  though  there  were  many  dialects  spoken, 
some  of  which  differed  so  greatly  that  the  inexperienced  held 
them  to  be  distinct  languages.  The  three  fundamental  tong^ies 
were  the  Pericu,  the  Monqui,  and  the  Cochimi.  The  Pericu 
Indians  occupied  the  southern  portion  of  the  peninsula  as  far 
north  as  the  bay  of  La  Paz,  about  the  twenty-fifth  degree  of 
latitude ; the  Monquis,  to  which  belonged  the  Guaicuros  and 
the  Uchities,  roamed  in  the  region  extending  from  La  Paz 
to  a little  north  of  Loreto,  about  the  twenty-sixth  degree ; 
and  the  Cochimis  or  Laymones  owned  the  territory  to  the 
north  as  far  as  explored.  Each  of  these  tribes  was  subdivided 
into  clans  composed  of  rancherias  with  distinct  appellations 
and  somewhat  different  speech,  and  they  were  wont  to  demon- 
strate their  differences  by  incessant  petty  wars.  ^ Browne, 


1 Forbes,  “California,”  17,  22-23. 

2 “Nachrichten  von  der  Amerikanischen  Halbinsel  Californien,” 
pte.  ii,  sec.  i,  p.  89.  “Man  reist  oft  vier  und  mehr  Tag  ohne  einen 
Californier  zu  sehen.  Ich  glaub  nicht,  dass  sie  vor  Ankunft  der 
Spanier  ueber  vierzig  oder  fuenfzig  Tausend  Koepf  vom  Vorgebirge 
San  Lucas  bis  Rio  Colorado  betragen  haben.” 

3 Venegas,  tom.  i,  pte.  i,  sec.  v,  63-66;  sec.  vi,  97-98;  Clavijero, 
lib.  i,  22-23;  Forbes,  “California,”  20-22;  Baegert  ut  supra. 


The  Natives  and  Their  Customs  151 

the  author  of  Lozver  California,  ^ writes  that  “all  the  Indian 
tribes  of  the  peninsula  seem  to  be  affiliated  with  the  Yumas 
on  the  Colorado  and  with  the  Coras  below  La  Paz  . . . ; in 
no  case  do  they  differ  in  intellect,  habits,  customs,  dress,  im- 
plements of  war,  or  hunting,  traditions,  or  appearances  from 
the  well-known  Digger  Indians  of  Alta  California,  and  un- 
doubtedly belong  to  the  same  race  or  family.” 

It  seems  that  when  Fathers  Kino  and  Salvatierra  arrived, 
the  natives  lived  in  precisely  the  same  manner  as  when  Cortes 
appeared  on  the  coast  one  hundred  and  sixty  years  before. 
Physically  these  Indians,  as  a rule,  were  tall  and  robust. 
Their  color  was  a dark  chestnut  approaching  black.  The 
men  had  no  beards,  but  their  hair  was  straight  and  black. 
Besmearing  the  face  with  grease  and  paint  was  a common 
practice.  Their  features  were  somewhat  heavy,  the  forehead 
was  low  and  narrow,  the  nose  thick,  the  inner  corners  of  the 
eyes  were  round  instead  of  pointed,  and  the  teeth  were  white 
and  regular. 

Of  their  origin  the  Californians  knew  nothing.  Some 
thought  they  had  descended  from  a bird ; others  claimed  a 
stone  as  ance.stor  or  entertained  even  sillier  notions.  Bae- 
gert,  ^ unwilling  to  believe  that  any  people  could  have  freely 
chosen  such  a country,  concluded  that  they  had  been  driven 
down  from  the  north  by  more  powerful  races. 

As  a rule  the  Lower  Californians  lived  in  the  open  air,  and 
sle^t  on  the  bare  ground  wherever  they  happened  to  find 
themselves  after  the  day’s  wanderings.  If  they  wanted  shel- 
ter at  night,  they  would  resort  to  caverns  and  holes  in  the 
ground.  During  colder  weather  they  would  raise  a scmi- 


4 See  Bancroft,  “Native  Races,”  vol.  i,  558. 

5 “Wie  seind  diese  Voelklein  hergekommen?  Es  hat  geschehen 
koennen  aus  Willkuer,  durch  Zufall  oder  durch  Noth.  Willkuer  hat 
sie  nicht  in  ein  so  unfruchtbares  Land  gebracht;  wenn  durch  Zufall, 
waeren  sie  wieder  zurueckgegangen;  demnach  ist  meine  Meinung, 
dass  die  ersten  Californier  von  ihren  Feinden  verfolgt  vom  Norden 
in  diese  Halbinsel  zu  Fuss  gekommen  seind  . . . Keiner  kuem- 
mert  sich  darum  woher  er  ist.  Einige  von  den  Meinen  glauben 
sie  kaemen  von  einem  Vogel  her;  andere  von  einem  Stein;  andere 
traeumten  etwas  anders.”  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  ii,  sec.  i. 


152  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


circular  pile  of  stones  or  brushwood,  about  two  feet  high, 
behind  which,  with  the  sky  for  a roof,  they  waited  till  the 
cold  wind  had  spent  itself.  They  seldom  remained  in  the 
same  spot  two  or  three  nights  in  succession,  but  rambled  from 
place  to  place  wherever  they  found  food  and  water.  P'or  the 
sick  they  would  sometimes  build  a wretched  hut  by  sticking 
a few  short  poles  into  the  ground,  tying  them  at  the  top,  and 
covering  the  whole  with  grass  and  reeds.  Into  this  low  and 
narrow  structure  the  sufferers  would  crawl  on  hands  and  feet. 


A Spaniard  and  Californian  Indians. 


From  necessity  and  indifference  their  clothing  was  scanty. 
The  men  and  boys  went  entirely  naked.  The  women  and 
girls  usually  wore  a girdle  around  the  waist  from  which,  in 
front  and  behind,  dangled  a great  number  of  strings  made 
of  the  fibre  of  the  aloe  plant,  or  of  palm-leaves  beaten  soft 
and  flexible  between  two  stones.  From  deer-skins  they  would 
make  a kind  of  sandal  which  they  tied  to  their  feet  with  aloe 
fibres  passed  between  the  toes.  By  degrees,  and  after  much 
trouble,  the  missionaries  induced  the  neophytes  to  wear  cloth- 
ing. The  Indians  would  assist  at  the  instructions  and  at  holy 
Mass  in  the  garments  given  them,  but  as  soon  as  dismissed 
they  would  put  the  clothes  aside  as  troublesome,  and  also  in 
order  to  escape  the  ridicule  of  other  Indians.  Both  sexes 
were,  nevertheless,  very  fond  of  ornaments,  and  would  wear 
necklaces  and  bracelets  of  pearls,  shells,  seeds,  or  fruit- 


The  Natives  and  Their  Customs 


153 


kernels ; they  would  also  decorate  their  hair  with  shells,  ber- 
ries, and  feathers.  ® 

The  natives  of  the  whole  peninsula  cultivated  absolutely 
nothing,  but  depended  for  subsistence  upon  the  spontaneous 
product  of  the  land.  Day  after  day,  year  after  year,  their 
only  occupation  was  to  look  for  food,  devour  it,  sit,  talk,  sleep, 
and  idle  away  the  time.  They  ate  anything  and  everything, 
roots,  wild  fruits,  especially  the  pitahayas  or  prickly-pear 
when  in  season,  seeds,  flesh  of  whatever  kind,  from  that  of 
deer,  wild  cats,  rats,  mice,  owls,  and  bats  down  to  that  of 
snakes,  lizards,  locusts,  grasshoppers,  and  worms  or  cater- 
pillars, even  hides  and  entrails.  Nothing,  says  Father  Bae- 
gert,  was  thrown  to  the  hogs  in  Europe  which  the  Califor- 
nians would  not  have  gladly  eaten.  They  did  not  dress  their 
food,  but  threw  the  game,  fish,  birds,  snakes,  rats,  etc.,  upon 
the  fire,  and  then  ate  the  mass,  entrails  and  all.  Only  the 
aloe  or  maguey  plant  went  through  a long  process  of  roasting 
or  baking.  They  also  roasted  seeds  and  ground  them  between 
stones.  They  used  no  salt.  They  made  the  fire  by  rapidly 
twirling  between  the  hands  a dry  stick,  the  point  of  which 
was  placed  upon  a large  piece  of  wood,  so  that  the  friction 
soon  produced  a flame.  They  had  no  regular  time  for  their 
meals,  but  would  eat  whenever  there  was  anything  to  devour. 
Though  they  could  endure  hunger  better  than  other  people, 
they  could  gorge  fuller.  Baegert  says  that  twenty-four 
pounds  of  meat  in  as  many  hours  was  not  too  much  for  one 
person.  He  relates  an  instance  where  sixty  persons  consumed, 
three  steers  in  one  night.  A loathsome  custom  prevailed 
among  the  Cochimis  of  swallowing  the  same  piece  of  meat 
several  times  in  order  to  multiply  their  gluttonous  pleasure. 
As  the  Indians  never  washed,  it  is  needless  to  add  that  in  their 


6 Baegert,  pte.  ii,  sec.  iii;  Venegas,  tom.  i,  pte.  i,  68-90;  Clavijero, 
lib.  i,  22-25. 

7 “Sie  binden  einen  Bissen  Fleisch  an  ein  Schnuerlein  und  lassen 
es  zwoelf  und  mehrmal  in  den  Magen  hinunter,  und  ziehen  es  wie 
ein  Perlenfischer  wieder  hinauf,  um  den  Geschmack  und  Genuss 
laenger  davon  zu  haben.”  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  ii,  secs,  iv,  v.  Other 
filthy  habits  will  be  found  in  Hittell,  “Hist,  of  Calif.,”  vol.  i,  271. 


154  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

filthiness  they  surpassed  the  brutes.  “In  a word,”  Venegas  * 
writes,  “these  unfortunate  people  may  be  likened  to  children 
who  have  not  as  yet  acquired  the  full  use  of  reason ; and  it 
will  be  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  they  are  people  who  never* 
emerge  from  their  childhood.”  , 

Their  property  consisted  of  a bow,  arrows,  a shark’s  tooth, 
or  a sharp  flint  stone,  a bone  or  pointed  stick  to  dig  up  roots, 
a tortoise  shell  which  served  both  as  basket  and  cradle,  the 
bladder  of  an  animal  for  carrying  water,  and  nets  made  of 
the  fibre  of  the  aloe  for  carrying  provisions.  In  their  fre- 
quent wars  they  not  only  used  bows  and  arrows;  but  also  „ 

javelins  of  hardened  wood,  clubs,  and  slings  for  throwing  ^ 

stones.  Their  boats  were  mere  rafts  of  reeds,  bundles  of  ;; 

which  were  bound  tightly  together ; these  were  propelled  by 
means  of  short  paddles,  and  were  seldom  capable  of  carrying 
more  than  one  person.  Where  trees  grew  a serviceable  canoe 
was  made  of  bark,  and  sometimes  two  or  more  logs  were  laid 
side  by  side  and  fastened  with  cords  of  aloe  fibres.  ® 

In  their  savage  state  neither  government  nor  law  existed 
among  the  Lower  Californians ; every  man  was  his  own 
judge  and  administered  justice  in  the  form  of  revenge  as 
well  as  he  could.  In  time  of  war  one  or  more  chiefs  were 
elected  from  among  those  that  excelled  in  bodily  strength 
or  in  cunning.  To  use  Father  Baegert’s  description,  “The 
different  tribes  by  no  means  represented  communities  of  ra- 
tional beings,  who  submit  to  laws  and  regulations  and  obey 
their  superiors,  but  resembled  nothing  less  than  a herd  of 
swine,  each  of  which  runs  about  grunting  as  it  likes,  together 
to-day  and  scattered  to-morrow,  till  they  meet  again  by  acci- 
dent at  some  future  time.  In  a word,  the  Californians  lived 
as  though  they  were  freethinkers  and,  salva  venia,  material- 
ists.” 

8“En  una  palabra,  estos  infelices  hombres  pueden  igualarsc  a 
los  ninos,  a quienes  no  ha  acabado  de  desplegarse  del  todo  el  uso 
de  la  razon;  y nada  se  pondera  en  decir,  que  son  gentes,  que  nunca 
salen  de  la  ninez.”  Venegas,  tom.  i,  pte.  i,  78. 

9 Baegert,  pte.  ii,  sec.  iv. 

lO“Jeder  that  was  er  wollte.  . . . Es  stellten  ihre  Voelker- 

schaften  nichts  weniger  vor  als  eine  Truppe  Schweine,  deren  ein 


The  Natives  and  Their  Customs  155 

As  there  was  no  government,  so  there  was  no  family  life, 
properly  speaking,  among  the  primitive  inhabitants  of  the 
peninsula.  Girls  became  marriageable  about  the  age  of  twelve 
years,  but  marriage  contracts  and  marriage  ceremonies  were 
unknown.  Polygamy  was  practised,  especially  among  the 
Pericues.  The  Pericues  took  as  many  wives  as  they  pleased, 
made  them  work  like  slaves,  and,  when  tired  of  any  one  of 
them,  turned  her  away.  Among  the  Guaicuros  and  Cochimis 
polygamy  was  difficult,  as  the  men  outnumbered  the  women. 
To  speak  more  correctly,  the  intercourse  among  the  natives 
was  promiscuous.  It  was  not  uncommon  for  the  different  tribes 
to  run  together  like  sheep.  At  their  feasts  the  wildest  license 
prevailed.  As  a rule,  the  women  were  not  blessed  with 
fecundity;  but  delivery  was  easy.  Frequently  the  mother 
herself  would  bring  the  infant  for  baptism  a few  hours  after 
birth.  As  soon  as  the  child  was  a few  months  old,  it  was 
placed  on  its  mother’s  neck,  with  its  legs  over  her  shoulders, 
and  thus  it  learned  to  ride  before  it  could  walk. 

There  was  nothing  that  could  be  called  education.  “The 
whole  training  of  the  child,’’  says  Baegert,  “consists  in  this 
that  the  mothers  show  their  young  how  to  dig  up  roots,  catch 
mice,  and  kill  snakes.  When  he  has  learned  this  much,  it  is 
all  the  same  to  the  young  Californian  whether  he  has  parents 
or  not.  The  mothers  care  little  for  the  lives  of  the  children. 
There  is  neither  command  nor  prohibition,  neither  anxiety 
nor  reproof,  neither  frown  nor  good  example ; the  children 
may  just  do  as  they  please.  Nevertheless,  the  mother  will 
conduct  herself  like  a fury  when  the  missionary  punishes  the 
boy  or  girl.”  ^2 

jedes  hinlaeuft  und  grunzet  wohin,  warm  und  wie  es  will  . . . 

Mit  einem  Wort,  sie  lebten  als  wenn  sie  Freidenker  und,  mit  Ehren 
zu  melden,  Materialisten  waeren.”  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  ii,  sec.  ix. 

11  Venegas,  tom.  i,  pte.  i,  89-92,  96-98;  Baegert,  pte.  ii,  secs,  vi, 

ix;  Clavijero,  lib.  i,  25-28.  * 

12  “Die  Mutter  bruellt  gleich  einer  Hoellen-Furie,  wenn  Sohn 
Oder  Tochter  von  den  Missionarii  abgestraft  werden;  sie  raufen 
sich  die  Haare  aus,  zerschlagen  sich  die  blosse  Brust,  zerstechen 
sich  den  Kopf  mit  einem  spitzigen  Bein  bis  das  Blut  davon  rinnt, 
wie  ich  dessen  mehr  als  einmal  bin  Zeug  gewesen.”  “Nachrichten,” 
pte.  ii,  sec.  vi. 


156  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

This  condition  of  things  moves  Father  Baegert  to  remark, 
“The  California  system  of  training  the  children  partly  agrees 
with  that  which  the  disreputable  J.  J.  Rousseau  developed 
in  his  Emile,  and  also  with  the  moral  doctrines  of  a few  other 
modern  philosophers  from  the  dog-clan,  who  would  have  the 
inclinations  and  desires  to  go  unchecked,  and  the  education  of 
the  children,  as  far  as  faith,  religion,  and  fear  of  God  is  con- 
cerned, not  begun  before  their  eighteenth  or  twentieth  year, 
which  then,  if  we  judge  it  properly,  means  as  much  as  to 
say,  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  become  a nature-people 
like  the  Californians.” 

Despite  their  filthy  mode  of  living,  the  Californians  seldom 
fell  sick.  They  had  no  word  in  their  language  for  sickness, 
but  expressed  the  condition  by  a word  which  signified  lying 
on  the  ground  face  downward.  Their  patience  was  remark- 
able; rarely  was  a sigh  heard  even  in  the  greatest  pain.  The 
treatment,  no  matter  what  ailed  the  patient,  consisted  of  bind- 
ing with  a rope  or  cord  the  part  affected,  whether  breast, 
abdomen,  arm  or  leg.  They  also  practiced  blood-letting  by 
cutting  the  afflicted  part  with  a sharp  stone ; but  they  knew 
no  remedies  for  sores,  snake-bites,  or  wounds,  much  less  for 
internal  diseases.  They  despised  the  medicines  given  by  the 
missionaries,  but  had  recourse  to  their  healers  or  medicine- 
men and  sorcerers ; for  there  always  existed  individuals  of 
both  sexes  playing  the  part  of  sorcerers  or  conjurers,  who 
pretended  to  possess  the  power  of  expelling  evil  spirits  and  of 
inflicting  harm  and  death  upon  those  that  refused  to  supply 
them  with  provisions.  One  of  the  most  common  remedies, 
which  they  applied  with  all  manner  of  grimaces  and  cere- 

13  “Der  Plan  der  Californier  Kinderzucht  stimmt  mit  dem  zum 
Teil  ueberein,  welchen  der  ehrvergessene  J.  J.  Rousseau  in  seiner 
“Emile”  entworfen  hat,  wie  auch  mit  der  Sittenlehr  einiger  anderen 
neuen  Philosophen  aus  der  Hunds-Zunft;  als  welche  wollen,  man 
solle  den  Anmutungen  und  Begierden  den  Lauf  lassen,  die  Kinder- 
zucht aber,  was  den  Glaub,  die  Religion  und  Gottesfurcht  angeht, 
vor  dem  18  Oder  20  Jahr  nicht  fuer  die  Hand  nehmen.  Welches 
dann,  wenn  man  es  wohl  betrachtet,  so  viel  sagen  will,  als,  man 
solle  sie  so  ein  Naturvoelklein  wie  die  Californier  werden  lassen.” 
“Nachrichten,”  pte.  ii,  sec.  vi. 


The  Natives  and  Their  Customs 


157 


monies,  greatly  heightened  the  reputation  of  these  guamas, 
because  of  the  good  effects  it  sometimes  produced.  They 
would  apply  to  the  suffering  part  of  the  patient’s  body  the 
chacuaco,  which  was  a tube  formed  out  of  a very  hard  black 
stone.  Through  this  by  turns  they  sucked  and  blew  as  hard 
as  they  could,  pretending  that  thus  the  disease  was  either 
drawn  out  or  dispersed.  Sometimes  the  tube  was  filled  with 
Cimarron  or  wild  tobacco ; this  was  lighted  and  the  smoke 
either  blowm  at  the  sufferer,  or  inhaled,  according  to  the 
healer’s  directions. 

Many  diseases  to  which  the  white  people  are  subject,  such 
as  gout,  apoplexy,  dropsy,  chills,  fevers,  and  small-pox,  were 
unknown  among  these  Indians  before  the  arrival  of  the  Span- 
iards. Syphilis,  according  to  Clavijero,  had  not  as  yet  ap- 
peared during  the  latter  part  of  the  Jesuit  period.  This  was 
doubtless  due  to  the  care  of  the  missionaries,  who  as  much 
as  possible  kept  from  the  soldiery  such  disreputable  charac- 
ters as  later  on  afflicted  both  Upper  and  Lower  California,  and 
introduced  the  disease  which  more  than  decimated  the  native 
population.  Ordinarily  the  sick,  as  may  be  readily  supposed, 
had  little  chance  of  recovery.  Death  was  followed  by  a 
mournful  chant  and  the  howling  of  friends  and  relatives,  who 
would  beat  their  heads  with  sharp  stones  until  blood  flowed 
freely.  The  dead  were  buried  without  ceremony ; oftentimes 
the  sick  were  buried  alive,  as  the  Indians  took  no  pains  to 
ascertain  whether  death  had  set  in  or  not.  It  seemed  tedious 
to  them  to  spend  much  time  near  an  old,  dying  person,  who 
was  looked  upon  as  a burden.  Baegert  mentions  the  case  of 
a girl  who  was  wrapped  in  a deerskin  ready  for  burial.  She 
was  revived  with  a drink  of  chocolate,  and  lived  many  years 
after.  On  another  occasion  a blind  and  sick  old  woman  was 
borne  to  the  mission  for  treatment.  After  a while  the  bearers 
grew  tired  of  their  burden,  and  relieved  themselves  by  break- 
ing her  neck.  Indeed,  “their  love  for  their  offspring  was  not 
so  great,”  says  Venegas,  “as  to  prevent  them  from  killing  their 

Lib.  i,  22.  “El  galico,  que  se  creia  enfermedad  endemica  de 
la  America,  no  ha  sido  visto  hasta  ahora  en  la  California  porque 
ningun  extranjero  le  ha  llevado.” 


158  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


children  when  support  was  wanting.”  They  did  not  appear 
to  have  any  dread  for  death,  when  once  they  realized  their 
hopeless  condition,  but  passed  away  like  the  irrational  beasts 
around  them. 

As  they  had  no  religion,  little  can  be  said  on  this  point. 
They  had  no  conception  of  God  as  the  Creator  and  Father 
of  all ; nor  had  they  any  idols,  nor  places  of  worship,  and  they 
practised  no  religious  ceremonies.  Baegert  tried  hard  to  find 
among  the  Californians  some  knowledge  of  a Supreme  Being, 
but  was  unable  to  discover  as  much  as  a trace.  They  were 
equally  ignorant  of  the  existence  of  an  immortal  soul  or  of 
a future  state.  The  very  words  to  express  these  ideas  were 
wanting.  Venegas  and  Clavijero  give  currency  to  some 
reports  that  the  Pericues  had  a confused  notion  of  the  Incar- 
nation and  the  Most  Holy  Trinity;  but  Baegert  justly  remarks 
that  such  notions  could  not  have  reached  them  except  through 
missionaries.  He  declared  that  such  stories  were  mere  fabri- 
cations of  lying  neophytes,  who  wished  to  flatter  their  too 
credulous  teachers.  It  is  evident  that  the  very  language  must 
be  deficient  which  is  spoken  by  a people  without  religion,  with- 
out government  or  laws,  without  honor  or  shame,  without 
clothing  or  dwellings,  who  busied  themselves  about  nothing, 
spoke  of  nothing,  thought  of  nothing,  cared  for  nothing,  but 
how  to  fill  their  stomachs  and  gratify  their  appetites.  They 
had  words  for  scarcely  anything  that  could  not  be  seen,  heard. 

15  Baegert,  pte.  ii,  sec.  vii,  ix;  Venegas,  tom.  i,  pte.  i,  94,  109-111; 
Clavijero,  lib.  i,  30-31. 

16  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  ii,  sec.  ix.  “Sie  beteten  weder  den  wahren 

Gott  noch  falsche  Goetter  an.  Jeder  that  was  er  wollte.  . . . 

Ich  hab  mich  bei  denen,  unter  welchen  icli  wohnte,  fleissig  erkun- 
diget  und  nachgeforschet,  um  zu  erfahren  ob  sie  eine  Erkanntnuss 
Gottes,  eines  zukenftigen  Lebens  und  ihrer  Seele  gehabt  haetten; 
hab  aber  auf  keine  Spur  soldier  Erkanntnuss  kommen  koennen. 
So  haben  sie  auch  in  ihrer  Sprach  kein  Wort,  welches  eins  oder 
das  andere  bedeutet,  deren  Abgang  das  spanische  Wort  ‘Dios’ 
und  ‘alma’  im  Predigen  und  Christenlehren  ersetzen  muss.” 

17  Venegas,  tom.  i,  pte.  ii,  99-124;  Clavijero,  lib.  i,  28-30.  Neither 
the  one  nor  the  other  ever  visited  California,  whereas  Father 
Baegert  labored  seventeen  years  on  the  peninsula,  and  was  one 
of  the  sixteen  Jesuits  expelled  from  the  m’issions  in  1768. 


The  Natives  and  Their  Customs  159 

touched,  tasted,  or  smelled.  They  knew  of  no  such  words, 
for  example,  as  understanding,  will,  memory,  truth,  honor, 
honesty,  shame,  peace,  love,  hope,  patience,  diligence,  beauty, 
doubt,  judgment,  prudence,  modesty,  virgin,  obedience,  hap- 
piness, salute,  thank,  imagine,  nor  in  fact  of  any  words  that 
expressed  abstract  ideas.  Baegert  well  explains  the  dearth 
of  the  language  when  he  says  that  they  had  no  such  words, 
because  they  had  no  occasion  to  speak  of  such  things. 

“Their  arithmetic,”  Baegert  tells  us,  “extends  as  far  as 
three,  at  most  to  six,  because  they  have  nothing  to  count. 
They  care  little  how  many  fingers  they  have,  whether  the  year 
consists  of  six  or  twelve  months,  or  whether  the  month  counts 
three  or  thirty  days,  because  with  them  there  is  perpetual  holi- 
day, or  blue  IVIonday.”  “They  have  an  inarticulate  meaning- 
less song,  which  consists  of  alternate  Whispering  and  shouting. 
It  is  always  accompanied  with  dancing.  This  dance  is  an 
absurd  gesticulating,  jumping, -and  hopping,  a silly  going  for- 
ward, backward,  and  in  a circle,  at  which  amu.sement  the 
nights  for  them  are  too  short.” 

From  all  this  we  can  conclude  that  the  description  of  early 
explorers  and  travelers,  which  places  the  Californians  on  the 
lowest  plane  of  humanity,  is  not  unjust.  \^enegas  himself, 
who  to  a certain  degree  seems  to  share  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
less  experienced  missionaries,  nevertheless  writes  that  the 
peninsular  Indians  were  stupid,  insensible,  unreasoning,  incon- 
stant, and  utterly  unreliable ; that  their  appetites  were  illimita- 
ble, indiscriminate,  and  insatiable ; that  they  abhorred  all 
labor  and  fatigue,  and  were  given  to  all  kinds  of  pleasure  and 
amusement,  however  puerile  and  brutish ; that  they  were 
pusillanimous  and  feeble-minded ; and  that  in  fine  they  were 
wanting  in  everything  that  makes  men  worthy  of  the  name 

“Nachrichten,”  pte.  ii,  sec.  ix,  x.  “Die  Ursach,  warum  die 
Californier  alle  obgedachte  Wort,  und  so  viele  andere  in  ihrem 
Woerterbuch  nicht  haben,  ist  diese,  weil  sie  von  solchen  Dingen 
nimmer  unter  sich  redeten,  auch  ihre  Lebensart,  in  welcher  sie 
mit  dem  Vieh  ganz  ueberein  kamen,  nicht  mit  sich  brachte  von 
solchen  Sachen  zu  reden.” 

19  Baegert,  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  i,  sec.  viii. 

20  Baegert,  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  i,  sec.  ix. 


i6o  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


of  rational  beings,  useful  to  themselves  and  to  society.  Baegert 
styles  them  “stupid,  awkward,  coarse,  uncleanly,  shameless, 
ungrateful,  untruthful,  thievish,  lazy,  idle  babblers,  and  down 
to  the  grave  like  children,  as  far  as  intelligence  and  their 
occupations  are  concerned ; people  who  deny  themselves  noth- 
ing, but,  like  cattle  in  everything,  yield  to  their  animal  in- 
stincts.” 21  Venegas,  finally,  gives  it  as  his  opinion,  which  is 
based  on  the  reports  of  the  missionaries,  that  “it  is  not  easy 
for  Europeans,  who  have  never  gone  away  from  Europe,  to 
form  a just  and  clear  idea  of  these  tribes;  for  in  the  wildest 
mountain  districts,  and  in  the  least  frequented  corners  of  this 
part  of  the  globe,  there  is  no  race  so  little  cultivated,  so  wanting 
in  good  manners,  and  so  weak  in  the  forces  of  soul  and  body, 
as  these  unfortunate  Californians.”  22  These  were  the  peo- 
ple among  whom  the  missionaries  volunteered  to  pass  their 
lives  in  the  hope  of  instilling  into  them  the  knowledge  and 
love  of  their  Creator,  along  with  a love  for  virtue  and  civil- 
ization. 

21  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  ii,  sec.  viii.  “Ueberhaupt  mag  von  den 

Californiern  gesagt  werden,  dass  sie  dumm,  ungeschickt,  grob, 
unsaeuberlich,  unverschaemt,  undankbar,  verlogen,  verstohlen, 
stinkfaul,  grosse  Schwaetzer,  und  bis  ins  Grab,  was  den  Verstand 
und  ihre  Beschaeftigungen  angeht,  gleicbsam  Kinder  seind.  . . . 

Leute,  die  sich  in  nichts  Gewalt  anthun,  und  in  allem  ihrem 
natuerlicben  Trieb,  gleich  dem  Viehe,  folgen.” 

22  Venegas,  tom.  i,  pte.  ii,  74-75.  “No  es  facil  a los  Europeos, 
que  no  hayan  salido  de  Europa,  concebir  una  idea  justa  y cabal 
de  estas  gentes;  porque  en  las  montanas  mas  asperas,  y en  los 
rincones  menos  frequentados  de  esta  parte  del  orbe,  no  hay  gente 
tan  poco  cultivada,  tan  falta  de  especies,  y tan  endeble  enfuerzas 
de  alma  y cuerpo,  como  los  infelices  Californios.”  See  also  Clav- 
ijero,  lib.  i,  21-22.  Compare  Hittell,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i, 
257-279;  Bancroft,  “Native  Races,”  vol.  i,  556-570;  Forbes,  “Cali- 
fornia,” 17-23. 


EMPF:R0R  CHARLES  V. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


King  Philip’s  Orders. — The  Prime  Minister  and  California. — Vice- 
roy Valero. — Brother  Bravo’s  Pleading  Before  the  Council. — 
Decision. — Another  Order  from  the  King. — Changes  Among  the 
Missionaries. — Floods. — Mission  Purisima  Concepcion. — Ugarte’s 
Bold  Undertaking. — First  Ship. — Brother  Bravo  Made  Priest. — 
First  Novice  in  California. — Mission  La  Paz. 

HEN  the  remains  of  the  Ven.  Father  Juan  Maria  Salva- 


tierra  had  been  laid  to  rest,  ^ Brother  Jayme  Bravo,  in 
obedience  to  his  instructions,  proceeded  on  his  way  in  order 
to  deliver  to  the  viceroy  the  papers  which  he  had  received 
from  his  late  superior,  and  to  give  the  explanation  which,  as 
an  eye-witness,  he  was  fully  competent  to  furnish.  The  new 
viceroy,  Don  Caspar  de  Zuniga,  Marques  de  Valero,  under 
date  of  January  29th,  1716,  had  received  from  King  Philip  V. 
clear  and  positive  directions  regarding  California.  After  re- 
capitulating all  the  decrees  issued  down  to  the  last  one  of 
July  27th,  1708,  the  king  concluded  as  follows:  “With  regard 

to  not  having  had  information  in  my  Council  of  the  Indies  ^ 
as  to  what  was  done  in  virtue  of  the  last-mentioned  decrees, 
nor  as  to  the  state  of  the  California  missions ; and  having  in 
mind  the  great  importance  of  promoting,  assisting,  and  ad- 
vancing them  by  every  means  possible,  it  has  appeared  neces- 
sary to  communicate  this  information  to  you,  in  order  that, 
when  you  have  acquainted  yourself  with  it,  you  devote  your- 
self with  special  care  (as  I charge  you)  to  facilitating  the 
performance,  execution,  and  observance  of  said  despatches  of 
July  26th,  1708,  by  attending  very  particularly  to  the  advance- 
ment of  the  conquest,  and  giving  me  an  account  of  its  condi- 
tion and  of  everything  else  that  occurs  to  you  on  the  subject, 
without  making  innovations  in  the  form  of  government  which 
until  now  has  existed  in  that  territory.  Meanwhile,  in  view 

1 See  close  of  Chapter  V,  this  work. 

2 Established  by  Emperor  Charles  V.  on  August  1,  1524.  Its 
principal  duty  was  to  see  to  the  propagation  of  the  faith  in  the 
Spanish  dependencies.  “Gobierno  de  Los  Regulares,”  tom.  i,  cap. 
2.  no.  12. 


i62  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


of  the  reports  which  you  will  send  to  me,  the  proper  measures 
may  be  taken ; for  such  is  my  will.”  ® 

This  action,  so  favorable  to  California,  was  caused  by  the 
prime  minister  of  Spain,  Abbe  Julio  Alberoni,  who  later  on 
became  cardinal.  On  his  accession  to  the  office,  the  energetic 
and  far-seeing  minister  informed  himself  of  all  the  affairs 
pending  before  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  and  thus  discovered 
that  nothing  had  been  done  for  the  last  eight  years  to  execute 
the  royal  decrees  concerning  the  western  peninsula.  His 
suspicion  was  aroused  when  a wealthy  Mexican  speculator 
offered  to  pay  $80,000  in  advance  for  the  absolute  control  of 
California  and  the  alcaldia  mayor  ^ of  Acaponeta  and  Santipac 
on  the  mainland.  Though  pressed  for  money  to  accomplish 
some  vast  undertaking,  Alberoni  shrewdly  concluded  that 
either  the  resources  of  the  territory  must  be  much  greater  than 
supposed,  or  the  Mexican’s  management  would  ruin  the  prov- 
ince materially,  not  to  speak  of  the  damage  to  the  religion 
and  morals  of  the  neophytes.  The  speculator  was,  therefore, 
told  that  he  must  first  present  assurances  from  the  bishops  of 
the  respective  dioceses  that  his  projects  were  not  injurious  to 
the  welfare  of  the  missions.  The  scheme  was  then  dropped 
and  incalculable  harm  averted.  ® 

Viceroy  Valero  convened  a council  of  his  ministers  soon 
after  his  arrival  in  Mexico,  and  invited  the  provincial  of  the 
Jesuits,  Rev.  Caspar  Rodero,  and  the  procurator  for  Califor- 
nia, Rev.  Alexandro  Romano,  to  attend  the  deliberations. 
After  his  instructions  had  been  read,  Valero  announced  that, 
as  a first  step,  he  intended  to  found  a colony  of  Spaniards  on 
the  western  coast  of  California  at  an  early  date.  The  plan 
was  approved  by  all  the  ministers ; but  Father  Romano,  ® 


3 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  sec.  xiii,  p.  287. 

* The  official,  who  in  the  name  of  the  king  ruled  a pueblo  which 
was  not  the  capital  of  a province,  was  called  alcalde  mayor.  Hence 
the  mayor  of  a city  and  judge  combined. 

6 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  288-290. 

6 Romano  was  a Jesuit,  hence  opponents  of  the  Jesuits,  like 
Bancroft,  manage  to  discover  a sinister  motive  in  the  wise  proposi- 
tion of  the  procurator.  “These  measures,”  Bancroft  asserts,  “were 
approved  by  all  except  Father  Romano,  the  procurator  of  Cali- 


Bravo;  The  Viceroy;  Ugarte’s  Ship  163 


better  informed  about  California  affairs,  explained  that,  though 
the  Jesuits  liked  nothing  better,  and  for  that  purpose  had  made 
many  expensive  explorations  and  fruitless  experiments,  the 
undertaking  was  more  difficult  than  it  seemed;  for  no  suitable 
port  with  sufficient  fresh  water,  timber,  and  arable  land  had 
as  yet  been  discovered,  and,  even  if  one  should  be  found,  the 
king  would  be  obliged  not  only  to  bear  the  expenses  of  erect- 
ing the  buildings,  but  also  to  maintain  the  colony  for  some 
years,  inasmuch  as  the  barren  soil  had  thus  far  not  produced 
enough  to  support  a few  missionaries  and  soldiers.  He  sug- 
gested that  the  viceroy  request  Father  Salvatierra  to  come,  in 
order  to  give  a full  description  of  the  peninsula  and  his  opinion 
on  the  practicability  of  establishing  a Spanish  settlement. 
Valero  agreed  to  the  proposition.  For  this  reason  action  was 
postponed  until  the  founder  and  superior  of  the  missions  could 
be  heard.  It  was  in  obedience  to  this  call  that  the  late 
Father  Rector,  notwithstanding  his  grave  infirmities  and  old 
age,  had  undertaken  the  journey  which  resulted  in  his  death 
at  Guadalajara.  Brother  Bravo,  however,  was  graciously  re- 
ceived by  the  viceroy  as  the  representative  and  agent  of  both 
Salvatierra  and  the  missions. 

The  council  was  again  called  for  September  25th,  1717. 
When  all  the  decrees  issued  in  behalf  of  California,  from  Sep- 
tember 26th,  1703,  down  to  the  date  of  the  meeting,  had  been 
read.  Brother  Bravo  presented  two  memorials : the  one  gave 
m.inute  information  about  the  land,  its  inhabitants,  the  coast, 
the  founding  of  the  missions,  and  their  actual  condition ; the 
other  proposed  measures  for  the  improvement  and  advance- 
ment of  the  conquest,  and  suggestions  for  executing  the  de- 
crees and  wishes  of  the  king.  The  Brother  then  pleaded  elo- 
quently for  the  granting  of  the  following  petitions ; the  pay 
for  fifty  soldiers ; the  establishment  of  a military  post  at  La 
Paz  or  at  Cape  San  Lucas ; the  founding  of  a general  school 
for  the  California  children ; and  the  right  to  work  the  salt 

fornia,  whose  opposition  showed  how  averse  were  the  Jesuits  to 
all  -interference  with  their  monopoly.”  Bancroft’s  man  misstates 
the  case.  See  note  8. 

"Seminario.”  Ugarte  already  had  a private  school. 


164  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


mines  of  Carmen  Island  opposite  Loreto,  for  which  the  late 
Father  Salvatierra  had  several  times  applied  in  vain.  ^ 

After  arguing  every  point  and  considering  the  means  on 
hand,  the  council  and  the  viceroy  decided  as  follows : “That, 
in  conformity  with  the  decrees  of  His  Majesty,  the  missions 
of  California  should  be  given  all  that  is  necessary  for  the 
payment  of  the  wages  of  twenty-five  soldiers,  the  captain,  the 
marines,  and  other  officials  of  the  ship ; that  this  vessel  should 
be  made  serviceable,  besides  a smaller  one  for  the  transport 
of  supplies ; that  if  the  $13,000  assigned  be  insufficient  to 
cover  the  expenses,  all  that  is  necessary  shall  be  supplied  from 
the  royal  treasury  for  the  time  being;  that  there  should  be  no 
delay  or  hesitation,  lest  the  labor  be  lost  which  this  reduction  ® 
has  exacted  from  the  ardent  zeal  for  religion  on  the  part  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus,  without  considerable  expense  to  the  royal 
treasury,  but  aided  by  means  of  alms  from  the  devout  and 
charitable,  which  exceeded  the  sum  of  $5CK),000  expended  by 
the  same  Fathers  on  a work  so  pleasing  to  God  and  His  Ma- 
jesty; for  it  is  the  will  of  His  Majesty,  which  has  repeatedly 
been  made  known,  that  the  missions  should  not  only  be  pre- 
served, but  also  advanced  as  far  as  possible;  and  that  every 
effort  should  be  made  to  discover  some  harbors,  to  fortify 
them,  and  to  establish  a presidio  for  the  relief  of  the  Philip- 
pine ship,  so  that  she  might  enter  with  security,  take  in  pro- 
visions, refresh  her  men,  leave  the  sick  to  be  cared  for  at  the 
port,  and  then  continue  her  voyage  to  Acapulco  without  en- 
countering the  risks  from  pirates  or  from  the  many  deaths 
among  her  crew  while  sailing  along  the  coast.  . . . As  to 

the  salinas  or  salt-pits,  which  the  mission  of  Loreto  desires,  that 
being  properly  a privilege  of  his  excellency  (viceroy),  it  is 
left  to  his  discretion  to  grant  the  favor  temporarily  or  per- 
petually, if  the  decrees  warrant  this.” 

It  seems  that  the  royal  regulations  did  not  favor  such  a 


8 “There  was  nothing  that  appeared  unreasonable  in  these  de- 
mands,” even  Hittell  concedes,  “Hist,  of  Calif.,”  vol.  i,  215;  but  see 
Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  444-445. 

8 Reduction,  Conquest,  Conversion,  Missions,  Christianidad,  arc 
used  promiscuously  by  Spanish  authorities  and  writers. 


Bravo;  The  Viceroy;  Ugarte’s  Ship  165 


grant,  or  that  other  considerations  swayed  the  viceroy;  for 
the  salinas  were  refused,  as  well  as  the  request  for  a school 
and  for  a military  post  among  the  hostile  natives  in  the  lower 
part  of  the  peninsula.  The  outcome  of  it  all  was  that  the 
council  resolved  to  pay  annually  the  sum  of  $18,275  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors;  to  pay  the  debts  and 
expenses  which  Father  Salvatierra  had  incurred  on  account 
of  the  missions,  and  which  at  the  time  of  his  death  amounted 
to  $3,023 ; and,  finally,  to  set  aside  $4,000  for  the  purchase  of 
another  ship,  which  was  to  be  placed  at  the  service  of  the 
missions.  Everything  else  commanded  by  the  king  remained 
unexecuted.  The  viceroy  professed  himself  in  favor  of  pro- 
moting the  interests  of  California,  but  without  cost  to  the 
royal  treasury  in  Mexico.  The  king  dwelt  too  far  away,  and 
his  ministers,  after  Cardinal  Alberoni  had  left  the  cabinet  in 
1719,  were  too  indifferent,  or  too  much  occupied,  to  make 
the  representatives  in  New  Spain  fear  the  consequences. 

The  Mexican  officials  were  once  more  aroused  from  their 
habitual  apathy  concerning  California.  Whilst  Brother  Bravo 
was  explaining  the  needs  of  the  peninsula  before  the  viceroyal 
court.  Father  Piccolo  wrote  a familiar  letter  to  his  former 
companion  in  the  missions.  Rev.  Juan  Basaldua,  then  rector  of 
the  college  of  Guadalupe.  He  described  the  expeditions  to 
the  north  of  Mulege,  the  good  disposition  of  the  Indians  on 
the  western  coast,  and  their  willingness  to  embrace  Christian- 
ity if  priests  could  only  be  sent  among  them,  and  finally  the 
poverty,  helplessness,  and  danger  in  which  the  Fathers  lived 
for  want  of  ships  to  fetch  provisions,  clothing,  and  funds. 
This  letter  fell  into  the  hands  of  Don  Pedro  Tapis,  the  bishop 
of  Durango,  to  whose  diocese  California  was  considered  to 
belong.  The  narrative  so  moved  the  heart  of  the  prelate  that 
on  February  18th,  1718,  he  sent  the  letter  with  a report  of 
his  own  to  the  king,  urging  him  to  follow  the  dictates  of  his 
own  piety,  and  to  prevent  the  eternal  loss  of  numerous  souls 
by  sending  more  missionaries.  On  receiving  the  bishop’s  ap- 
peal, the  king  at  once  ordered  the  Council  of  the  Indies  to 

10  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  294-304;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  65;  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  176-177. 


i66  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

investigate.  By  the  advice  of  the  Council  and  of  Cardinal 
Alberoni,  His  Majesty,  on  January  29th,  1719,  signed  a decree 
and  sent  it  to  Viceroy  Valero.  The  viceroy  was  ordered  in 
the  most  positive  terms  to  carry  out  the  royal  mandates  and 
to  report  whether  they  were  executed,  inasmuch  as  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  Indies  had  so  far  received  no  information  what- 
soever. When  the  royal  orders  reached  Mexico,  the  viceroy 
hastened  to  ascertain  what  had  become  of  the  reports  formu- 
lated by  the  officials  of  the  late  Mexican  council.  Strange  to 
say,  they  were  not  on  file,  and  only  after  a long  search  the 
documents  were  discovered  in  a private  house. 

As  soon  as  Brother  Bravo  had  transacted  his  business  at 
the  capital,  he  departed  for  California  and  took  passage  in 
the  new  vessel  granted  by  the  viceroy.  With  the  money  and 
the  provisions  obtained,  and  accompanied  by  a new  recruit 
in  the  person  of  Rev.  Sebastian  de  Sistiaga,  he  arrived  at 
Loreto  in  June,  1718.  Father  Ugarte  was  appointed  rector 
of  all  the  missions,  but  remained  in  charge  of  S.  Francisco 
Xavier.  Father  Piccolo  became  the  missionary  of  Loreto  and 
the  mission  station  of  San  Juan  de  Londo;  Sistiaga  took  Pic- 
colo’s place  at  Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege,  and  for  many  years 
cultivated  that  part  of  the  Lord’s  vineyard.  Father  Guillen 
went  to  Ligui,  or  Malibat,  Father  Mayorga  was  stationed  at 
San  Jose  de  Comundu,  and  Father  Tamaral  was  transferred 
to  the  pueblo  of  San  Miguel,  from  which  place  he  was  to 
found  the  mission  of  Purisima  Concepcion.  This  mission 
would  have  been  established  before,  had  the  country  not  been 
devastated  by  frightful  hurricanes  and  extraordinary  rainfalls, 
which  for  three  days  swept  over  the  peninsula  in  the  autumn 
of  1717.  At  San  Xavier,  for  example,  the  church  and  the 
dwelling  of  Father  Juan  Ugarte  were  destroyed,  and  the 
missionary  himself  barely  escaped  to  a rock,  where  for  twenty- 
four  hours  he  was  exposed  to  the  rains.  All  the  adobe 
churches  and  houses  at  the  other  missions  were  likewise  washed 
away.  At  San  Xavier  the  dam  and  the  ditch  were  broken 
down,  and  here  as  at  Mulege  the  floods  carried  off  the  soil 
and  left  only  a rocky  surface.  At  Loreto  the  storms  raged 


11  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  304-307;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  65. 


Bravo;  The  Viceroy;  Ugarte’s  Ship  167 


so  violently  that  they  carried  away  a Spanish  boy;  nor  did 
the  closest  search  ever  disclose  a trace  of  him.  Two  ships 
engaged  in  pearl-fishing  on  the  eastern  coast  were  wrecked 
and  four  of  the  crew  lost  their  lives.  Many  hurricanes  visited 
the  peninsula  during  the  seventy  years  of  Jesuit  missionary 
labor,  but  none  ever  proved  so  disastrous.  If  in  past  ages 
the  country  was  subjected  to  similar  tempests,  we  may  easily 
account  for  the  barren  and  rocky  surface. 

Father  Tamaral  proceeded  with  better  prospects  to  the 
pueblo  of  San  Miguel.  His  heart  was  soon  gladdened  by  In- 
dian visitors  from  two  rancherias,  who  applied  for  baptism. 
He  placed  them  under  instruction  and,  according  to  the  usual 
custom,  maintained  them  whilst  they  were  catechumens. 
When  they  were  sufficiently  prepared,  he  baptized  them  all. 
Thereupon  by  dint  of  much  labor  and  hardship  he  cleared  a 
road  through  the  sierra  from  San  Miguel  to  the  rancherias  of 
Cadegomo,  which  had  been  visited  by  Piccolo  some  years  be- 
fore. Here  the  zealous  missionary  stayed  a long  time,  in- 
structing the  Indians  of  the  neighborhood  and  others  of  the 
Sierra  de  Vajademin,  until  they  could  be  baptized.  At  this 
place,  too,  Tamaral  had  a ditch  and  a dam  constructed,  but 
both  were  destroyed  by  floods.  From  Cadegomo  he  continued 
the  road  to  the  spot  where  Mission  Purisima  Concepcion  was 
to  be  located.  Though  the  surface  land  was  rendered  useless 
by  the  torrents,  he  went  to  work  with  a will,  and  succeeded, 
after  some  years  of  toil,  in  erecting  a church  and  dwelling,  and 
in  reclaiming  sufficient  land  to  raise  corn  for  himself  and  the 
neophytes.  With  similar  difficulties  he  built  a road  to  Santa 
Rosalia,  the  nearest  place  from  which  provisions  could  be 
obtained.  Despite  all  obstacles  from  the  elements,  the  coun- 
try, and  the  medicine-men,  the  zealous  religious  widened  his 
missionary  field  until  it  extended  over  a rough  mountain  terri- 
tory for  a distance  of  thirty  leagues.  This  district  embraced 
forty  Indian  rancherias,  of  which  Tamaral  had  Christianized 
and  somewhat  civilized  thirty-three,  so  that  the  visitor.  Rev. 
Echeverria,  in  a letter  dated  Loreto,  February  10th,  1730,  de- 

12  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  307-311;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  66;  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  182;  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  445-446. 


i68  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


dared  that  this  was  not  only  the  most  populous  but  also  the 
best  organized  mission.  While  stationed  at  Purisima  Con- 
cepcion, Tamaral  baptized  two  thousand  souls,  a success,  Ve- 
negas says,  that  no  one  can  appreciate  sufficiently  who  has 
not  seen  the  country  and  its  people. 

Filled  with  like  zeal  for  heroic  deeds.  Father  Juan  de  Ugarte, 
when  he  had  become  superior  of  the  missions  after  Salva- 
tierra’s  death,  resolved  upon  an  undertaking  which  only  he 
could  think  of  achieving.  He  had  long  desired,  like  his  ven- 
erable predecessor,  to  ascertain  by  water  whether  or  not  Cali- 
fornia was  a part  of  the  mainland  of  New  Spain.  Much 
doubt  still  existed  on  this  point,  although  Father  Kino,  as  a 
result  of  personal  investigation,  had  declared  that  only  the 
Rio  Colorado  separated  California  from  Sonora.  Ugarte, 
moreover,  to  please  the  king  and  the  viceroy,  intended  to 
search  the  western,  or  outside  coast,  for  a harbor  where  a 
military  post  might  be  erected,  and  where  the  Philippine 
trading  ships  could  take  refuge.  For  such  an  expedition  the 
old  launch  San  Xavier  and  the  bark  obtained  from  the  viceroy 
were  unsuitable ; a boat  could  not  be  purchased  in  Mexico 
without  the  danger  of  deception,  from  which  the  missions  had 
suffered  before;  nor  could  a ship  be  built  on  the  other  side 
of  the  gulf  with  better  success  than  had  been  experienced  with 
the  San  Fermin,  San  Jose,  and  the  Rosario.  Ugarte,  there- 
fore, undertook  the  remarkable  feat  of  building  a ship  on  the 
rocky,  timberless  peninsula  of  California.  The  plan  seemed 
impossible,  but  the  Father  was  determined  to  succeed.  He 
was  about  to  order  lumber  from  the  other  coast,  as  he  had 
done  for  his  churches,  when  some  Indians  informed  him  that 
about  seventy  leagiies  north  of  Loreto  he  could  find  trees  of 
the  size  that  he  wanted.  He  accordingly  set  out  for  Mulege 
in  September,  1718,  with  a shipwright  from  Mexico  and  some 
Indians.  From  Mulege  they  were  accompanied  into  the  sierras 
by  Father  Sistiaga.  About  thirty  leagiies  from  Santa  Rosalia 
they  discovered  a grove  of  large  trees,  but  in  such  a deep  and 
craggy  locality,  that  the  shipwright  declared  it  would  be  im- 
possible to  transport  the  timber  to  the  shore.  “That  is  my 


Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  311-313;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  66. 


Bravo;  The  Viceroy;  Ugarte’s  Ship  169 


affair,”  the  missionary  replied.  All  then  returned  to  Loreto, 
where  everybody  ridiculed  the  Father’s  project. 

Nothing  daunted,  Ugarte,  with  three  experts  from  the 
other  coast,  again  set  out  for  the  sierras,  where  he  lived  in  a 
shanty  for  four  months.  He  directed  the  cutting  and  sawing 
of  the  timber,  and  constructed  a road  over  which  to  haul  the 
lumber  to  Mulege,  which,  as  we  have  stated,  was  thirty  leagues 
distant.  Only  the  three  mechanics,  five  other  white  men,  and 
the  Indians  of  the  neighboring  rancherias,  were  employed  at 
this  herculean  task.  In  the  meantime  the  wonderful  mission- 
ary also  instructed  the  natives,  and  thus  laid  the  foundation 
for  Mission  Guadalupe,  which  was  soon  after  established.  No 
man,  says  Venegas,  can  describe  the  hardships  endured  and 
the  patience  Ugarte  exercised  in  order  to  attract,  teach,  enter- 
tain, and  keep  at  work  a number  of  savages,  who  were  born 
and  reared  in  absolute  idleness ; but,  according  to  the  Philip- 
pine sailors  and  others,  he  built  a sloop  which  was  larger, 
stronger,  and  better  arranged  than  any  that  had  ever  been  seen 
on  that  coast.  On  July  16th,  1719,  when  the  Spanish  Church 
celebrates  the  feast  of  the  Triumph  of  the  Cross,  Father  Ugarte 
had  the  satisfaction  of  blessing  the  new  ship  and  of  naming 
her  Triimfo  de  la  Crus.  The  vessel  was  launched  on  Sep- 
tember 14th,  the  feast  of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Cross.  Though 
he  had  used  all  available  funds,  even  the  donations  of  his 
friends  and  relatives,  the  new  ship  had  cost  less  than  would 
have  been  required  on  the  mainland. 

While  the  first  California  ship  was  building,  the  peninsula 
acquired  another  new  bark  and  a new  missionary.  In  Au- 
gust, 1719,  when  the  bark  granted  by  the  viceroy  had  already 
been  lost,  and  the  missionaries  were  at  a loss  to  know  how  to 
meet  the  extraordinary  as  well  as  ordinary  demands  of  the 
colony  and  the  neophytes.  Brother  Jayme  Bravo  passed  over 
to  Sinaloa  for  the  purpose  of  soliciting  alms.  He  met  the 
new  provincial.  Very  Rev.  Alexander  Romano,  with  a letter 
from  Father  Tamburini,  the  Superior-General,  directing  him 
to  proceed  to  Guadalajara  to  have  himself  ordained  priest, 

Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  314-318;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  66-67; 
Alegre,  tom.  iii,  183. 


ijo  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

and  to  act  thereafter,  not  as  procurator,  but  as  missionary  in 
California.  Though  amazed,  the  humble  Brother  submitted 
and  received  the  higher  Orders  on  three  successive  days  from 
Don  Manuel  de  Mimbela,  bishop  of  Guadalajara.  The  newly- 
ordained  priest  then  went  to  the  capital  to  petition  the  viceroy 
for  another  ship.  On  March  15th,  1720,  after  the  matter  had 
been  laid  before  the  council,  a Peruvian  bark  was  granted, 
equipped  as  Bravo  had  desired.  Moreover,  the  Marques  de 
V'illapuente  donated  the  necessary  funds  for  founding  a mis- 
sion at  La  Paz,  requesting  only  that  Father  Bravo  be  assigned 
to  this  establishment  among  the  savage  Guaicuros.  The  re- 
quest was  granted  the  more  readily  as  Bravo  himself  offered 
to  undertake  the  task  for  the  reason  that  it  appeared  fraught 
with  danger.  He  sailed  from  Acapulco  in  July,  in  the  vessel 
obtained  from  the  government,  with  supplies,  vestments,  im- 
plements, and  other  goods  for  the  missions  and  the  presidio, 
and  in  Augu.st  re-entered  San  Dionisio  Bay,  to  the  joy  of  all, 
especially  of  Father  Ugarte,  who  had  already  brought  his  own 
ship  to  this  harbor. 

A new  procurator  in  place  of  Brother,  now  Father,  Bravo 
was  found  in  the  person  of  a soldier.  Ensign  Juan  Bautista 
Mugazabal,  a man  of  piety,  prudence,  and  talent  for  manage- 
ment. He  had  come  to  California  as  a soldier,  and  had  for 
several  years  been  a guard  at  Mission  Santa  Rosalia.  Piccolo 
declared  that  much  of  the  success  was  due  to  Mugazabal.  The 
latter,  on  the  other  hand,  felt  so  moved  by  the  virtues  and 
example  of  the  missionary,  that  he  applied  for  admission  into 
the  Society  of  Jesus  as  a lay-brother.  He  begged  so  earnestly 
that  he  was  accepted ; and,  owing  to  the  necessity,  but  con- 
trary to  custom,  he  was  permitted  to  pass  his  novitiate  in  Cali- 
fornia under  the  eyes  of  Father  Ugarte.  He  developed  into 
a most  exemplary  religious.  Don  Juan  B.  Mugazabal  must, 
therefore,  be  considered  the  first  religious  novice,  and  the  first 
to  pronounce  the  simple  religious  vows  on  California  soil. 
His  reception  took  place  at  Loreto  in  1720.^® 

The  same  year  was  signalized  by  the  founding  of  two  new 

15  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  318-321;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  67;  .\legre, 
tom.  iii,  184-185. 


Bravo;  The  Viceroy;  Ugarte’s  Ship  171 

missions,  one  south  and  the  other  north  of  Loreto.  The  first 
arose  among  the  untamed  Guaicuro  1®  Indians  about  La  Paz, 
eighty  leagues  south  of  the  principal  mission.  Since  the  ar- 
rival of  Admiral  Otondo,  forty  years  before,  these  savages 
had  remained  distrustful  of  the  missionaries,  and  openly  hos- 
tile to  all  other  white  men,  especially  to  the  pearl-fishers. 
Much  bloodshed  resulted  from  their  continual  warfare  with 
the  latter.  It  was  feared  that  the  Guaicuros  might  sow  dis- 
order among  the  Christianized  natives  and  eventually  cause 
them  to  rise  in  rebellion.  This  consideration  had  moved  the 
venerable  Salvatierra  to  visit  their  country  with  a small  force, 
in  order  to  obtain  their  good  will.  He  had  failed  to  accom- 
plish his  purpose,  but  Fathers  Ugarte  and  Bravo  at  length 
overcame  their  obstinate  animosity.  Two  expeditions  set  out 
for  the  Guaicuro  territory,  one  by  land  to  open  a road  from 
Loreto  to  La  Paz,  and  the  other  by  sea  to  provide  the  new 
mission  with  supplies.  The  land  expedition  was  headed  by 
Father  Clemente  Guillen  of  Mission  San  Juan  Bautista  de 
Ligui,  whilst  Fathers  Ugarte  and  Bravo  made  the  voyage  in 
the  Triunfo  de  la  Cruz.  The  vessel  reached  La  Paz  on  All 
Saints’  Day,  1720.  All  landed  well  armed,  expecting  an  attack 
from  the  savages ; but,  though  some  of  the  natives  appeared 
with  their  weapons,  no  hostilities  were  shown ; on  the  con- 
trary, as  soon  as  they  recognized  the  Fathers,  who  approached 
with  an  interpreter,  they  all  sat  down  in  token  of  satisfaction. 
The  missionaries  treated  the  Indians  kindly,  and  distributed 
presents  consisting  of  cloth,  knives,  other  useful  articles,  and 
some  trinkets,  which  they  prized  highly.  The  Guaicuros  were 
well  pleased,  but  for  some  time  they  would  have  no  intercourse 
with  the  soldiers.  Much  of  this  friendly  disposition  towards 
the  missionaries  was  due  to  the  report  of  the  prisoners  set 
free  by  Father  Salvatierra.  They  had  made  it  plain  to  their 


1®  Guaicuros,  or  Guaycuros,  is  not  the  proper  name  of  the  tribe, 
but  Periaies.  According  to  Venegas,  they  were  so  termed,  because 
in  the  early  expeditions  some  soldiers  on  landing  claimed  to  have 
heard  these  Indians  shout  “Guaxoro!  Guaxoro!”  which  in  their 
idiom  signified  “friend,”  whence  the  appellation.  Venegas,  tom. 
ii,  pte.  iii,  322. 


172  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


countrymen  that  the  Fathers  were  not  like  the  pearl-fishers. 
Ugarte’s  fame  had  also  reached  the  savage  haunts,  and  thus 
it  was  that  the  fierce  Guaicuros  even  assisted  in  erecting  the 
temporary  brushwood  buildings  thatched  with  straw.  A spot 
for  the  church  and  the  village  was  cleared,  the  provisions  and 
animals  brought  from  the  sloop,  and  thus  the  new  mission  was 
inaugurated. 

The  party  under  Father  Guillen  did  not  arrive  in  time,  owing 
to  the  circumstance  that  they  were  compelled  to  cut  their  way 
through  the  sierras,  thickets  and  ravines.  After  twenty-six 
days  of  hardship  and  want,  when  they  were  on  the  point  of 
abandoning  their  efforts  to  reach  La  Paz,  they  at  last  came 
in  sight  of  the  bay  where  the  ship  lay  at  anchor.  They  had 
covered  one  hundred  leagues.  Ugarte  stayed  three  months 
at  La  Paz,  and  so  endeared  himself  to  the  natives  that  they 
asked  for  a missionary  who  could  make  them  Christians  and 
keep  away  the  wicked  pearl-fishers.  Bravo,  therefore,  re- 
mained among  the  Guaicuros  with  a few  soldiers ; but  Ugarte, 
at  the  end  of  January,  1721,  embarked  for  Loreto.  Guillen 
returned  to  Ligui  over  a road  pointed  out  by  the  Indians  and 
ten  leagues  shorter  than  the  other. 

Whilst  the  Guaicuros  assisted  the  soldiers  in  erecting  the 
necessary  buildings.  Father  Bravo  thought  it  his  principal  duty 
to  get  acquainted  with  the  language  of  his  wards.  When  he 
had  become  familiar  with  their  idiom,  he  began  to  instruct 
them  in  the  tenets  and  practice  of  religion,  and  tried  to  intro- 
duce civilized  manners  with  truly  apostolic  zeal;  but  in  1728 
he  was  obliged  to  remove  to  Loreto  in  order  to  assist  the  aged 
and  infirm  Father  Piccolo.  During  his  eight  years  of  service 
at  La  Paz,  Bravo  baptized  six  hundred  children  and  adults, 
gathered  eight  hundred  catechumens  at  the  mission,  and  gained 
the  good  will  of  many  savages.  With  his  Christians  he  organ- 
ized three  pueblos  or  towns,  of  which  Nuestra  Sefiora  del  Pilar 
at  La  Paz  was  the  chief  settlement;  the  other  two  were  Todos 
Santos  and  Angel  de  la  Guarda.  About  twenty  leagpies  west 
of  La  Paz  he  discovered  some  land. suitable  for  corn-planting; 
this  was  cultivated  by  the  Indians  under  his  direction.  In 
his  zeal  he  also  visited  the  interior,  going  as  far  as  the  west- 


Bravo;  The  Viceroy;  Ugarte’s  Ship  173 


ern  coast,  in  order  to  gain  the  savages  for  the  faith.  In  every 
way,  indeed.  Father  Bravo  proved  himself  worthy  of  his  ele- 
vation to  the  priesthood. 

17  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  321-326;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  67-68; 
Alegre,  tom.  iii,  186-187. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


Founding  of  Mission  Guadalupe.— Father  Helen’s  Efforts.— Locust 
' Plague. — Helen’s  Success. — Search  for  a Port. — Ugarte’s  Expe- 
dition in  the  Triunfo  de  la  Cruz. — Incidents. — Expedition  to 
the  Pacific  Coast  by  Land. — Indian  Troubles. — Founding  of 
Mission  Dolores  del  Sur. — Founding  of  Mission  San  Luis  Gon- 
zaga. — Founding  of  Mission  Santiago. 

WHILE  P'ather  Juan  Ugarte  was  engaged  in  the  Guaicuro 
country,  the  founding  of  another  mission  took  place 
•in  the  north.  The  famous  ship-builder  had  so  fascinated  the 
Cochimi's  of  the  sierras,  where  he  had  obtained  the  timber  for 
his  vessel,  that  they  importuned  him  to  visit  them  again. 
This  he  did  in  the  company  of  Father  Everardo  Helen,  who 
had  arrived  shortly  before  in  the  month  of  April,  1719.  On 
this  occasion  the  natives  professed  so  much  anxiety  to  be  in- 
structed that  Ugarte  promised  to  station  his  companion  among 
them  as  soon  as  possible.  In  the  following  year  Helen  set  out 
from  Loreto  with  the  captain  and  a few  soldiers  to  comply 
with  the  wishes  of  the  Indians.  On  the  feast  of  St.  Stephen, 
December  26th,  1720,  after  marching  seventy  leagues,  they 
reached  a place  in  twenty-seven  degrees  north  latitude,  called 
Huasinapi  by  the  natives.  It  was  a cold  and  unhealthy  region 
twenty-seven  leagues  to  the  northwest  of  San  Ignacio,  and 
thirty  leagues  from  Purisima  Concepcion.  Aided  by  the  In- 
dians they  built  a church  in  honor  of  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe  ^ 
and  dwellings  for  the  missionary,  the  gtiards,  and  three  mis- 
sion Indians. 

As  Helen,  with  the  assistance  of  a native,  had  already 
learned  the  Indian  language,  he  immediately  began  to  teach 
the  Doctrina.  The  Indians  were  so  eager  to  learn  that  the 
Father  could  attend  to  nothing  else.  What  they  heard  they 
repeated  continually.  Before  daybreak  some  would  rise  and 
recite  the  lessons  among  themselves.  Before  long  they  said 
the  Doctrina  in  common  at  a given  time,  with  no  other  guide 
or  prompter  than  their  own  fervor.  Many  times,  when  the 

1 Under  this  title  the  Blessed  Virgin  is  invoked  especially  by 
the  natives  of  Mexico.  See  -Appendix  E. 


Guadalupe;  Dolores;  Gonzaga;  Santiago  175 

missionary  arose  in  the  morning  to  say  his  prayers  and  pre- 
pare for  holy  Mass,  he  was  edified  by  the  prayers  and  recita- 
tions that  resounded  throughout  the  neighborhood.  The  de- 
sire for  Christianity  was  not  confined  to  Huasinapi,  but  spread 
to  distant  villages.  At  the  invitation  of* messengers,  he  visited 
many  remote  rancherias  to  instruct  the  aged  and  infirm  who 
could  not  come  to  the  mission,  or  to  baptize  the  little  ones  who, 
as  the  parents  feared,  might  be  carried  away  by  the  epidemics 
which  in  past  years  had  afflicted  these  people,  and  which  again 
visited  them  soon  after. 

While  Father  Helen  was  thus  occupied,  the  intelligent  cap>- 
tain  and  his  men  taught  various  rude  arts  in  order  to  accus- 
tom the  savages  to  work,  but  after  assisting  the  missionary  for 
a month  and  a half  the  soldiers  retired.  Four  men  were  left 
behind  as  guards,  because  the  officer  thought  this  protection 
necessary,  inasmuch  as  the  mission  lay  far  aw*ay  from  the  gar- 
rison, and  no  reliance  could  be  placed  on  the  fidelity  and  con- 
stancy of  the  natives.  The  fervor  of  the  neophytes,  however, 
continued,  so  that  Helen  on  Holy  Saturday,  1721,  was  able  to 
celebrate  the  first  solemn  administration  of  baptism  to  adult 
converts.  Twenty  candidates  received  the  sacrament  of  re- 
generation amid  as  much  pomp  as  possible.  The  spectacle 
encouraged  others,  who  were  admitted  on  the  vigils  of  Pen- 
tecost. Many  others  who  lived  at  great  distances  desired  to 
be  received ; but  Father  Everard  declared  that  no  one  could 
expect  this  favor  unless  he  were  sufficiently  instructed  and 
gave  up  all  the  amulets,  horse-hair  capes,  feet  of  animals,  and 
other  articles  which  were  used  in  their  superstitious  practices. 
The  decision  created  some  difficulties ; for  by  means  of  these 
things  the  more  astute  swayed  the  minds  of  the  timid  people, 
and  compelled  them  to  yield  up  what  they  possessed.  Never- 
theless, during  his  stay  of  fifteen  years.  Father  Helen  could 
not  discover  any  formal  idolatry,  or  witchcraft,  or  communi- 
cation with  demons.  He  knew  from  experience  that  the  so- 
called  hechiseros,  or  sorcerers,  were  nothing  more  than  pro- 
fessional tricksters,  who  feigned  to  possess  some  secret  power 
to  harm  or  benefit,  and  generally  recurred  to  this  jugglery 
when  thev  wanted  food  and  could  not  easily  find  it  in  the 


176  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


mountains.  Yet,  the  prevalent  dread  of  these  frauds  was  one 
of  the  worst  obstacles  to  the  spread  of  religion.  Like  all  mis- 
sionaries, Helen,  therefore,  demanded  that  the  Indians  deliver 
up  these  instruments  of  superstition.  A great  many  articles 
of  this  kind  were  collected  from  all  the  rancherias  and  burnt 
in  the  presence  of  the  neophytes,  who,  in  contempt,  now  threw 
stones  at  the  burning  objects  of  their  former  dread. 

. The  years  1722  and  1723  were  periods  of  much  suflfering 
on  the  peninsula,  especially  at  the  new  mission  of  Guadalupe. 
In  1722  swarms  of  locusts,  so  dense  that  they  darkened  the 
sun,  fell  upon  the  unhappy  country  and  devoured  all  vegeta- 
tion. If  corn  had  not  been  distributed  at  the  missions,  many 
of  the  people  must  have  died  from  starvation ; but  as  the  quan- 
tity on  hand  could  not  maintain  all,  the  Indians  were  com- 
pelled to  subsist  to  a great  extent  upon  their  little  tormentors. 
The  natives  set  fire  to  the  fields  infested  with  locusts  and  killed 
countless  numbers.  With  these  the  starving  people  satisfied 
their  hunger.  The  unusual  diet  brought  on  an  epidemic  which 
carried  off  a great  many  of  the  inhabitants.  Words  cannot 
describe  the  hardships  which  the  missionary  endured  in  his 
efforts  to  aid  the  sick  and  dying,  and  to  relieve  the  want  of 
the  hungry,  while  making  the  rounds  through  the  widely  scat- 
tered rancherias.  In  their  dread  of  the  pestilence  there  were 
those  in  the  remote  rancherias  who  would  bury  alive  any  one 
that  was  stricken  with  the  malady,  or  they  would  cover  the 
afflicted  one  with  branches  and  then  leave  him  to  die  alone. 
As  far  as  possible,'  Father  Helen  saw  to  it  that  all  those  whom 
he  could  reach  received  the  sacraments  before  passing  away, 
and  so  during  these  visits  many  a child  winged  its  way  to 
heaven  in  its  innocence,  and  many  an  adult  received  the  grace 
of  baptism  just  before  death. 

Scarcely  had  this  plague  disappeared  when,  in  the  following 
year,  1723,  another  visited  the  natives  with  even  more  disas- 
trous results.  Dysentery  now  decimated  the  population.  The 
zealous  missionary  worked  so  hard  that  he  suffered  a danger- 
ous rupture.  In  addition  his  eyes  discharged  such  a copious 
and  disagreeable  liquid  that  he  was  compelled  to  withdraw  to 
Loreto  for  a few  months,  whilst  another  Father  took  his  place. 


Guadalupe;  Dolores;  Gonzaga;  Santiago  177 


No  sooner  had  he  recovered  his  health  than  he  returned  to  his 
flock.  He  was  received  as  an  angel  by  the  afflicted  neophytes, 
who  had  witnessed  with  what  tireless  zeal  and  charity  he  had 
administered  the  sacraments  of  penance  and  extreme  unction 
to  two  hundred  and  twenty-eight  Christian  Indians  of  various 
rancherias.  He  availed  himself  of  their  good  disposition  to 
draw  suitable  lessons  from  the  past  afflictions,  and  succeeded 
so  well  that  at  the  visitation  of  1726  Rev.  Juan  de  Gandulain 
counted,  exclusive  of  the  catechumens,  no  fewer  than  seven 
hundred  and  seven  Christian  adults  and  children,  distributed 
in  thirty-two  rancherias.  Some  of  these  neophytes  were  later 
on  attached  to  Missions  Santa  Rosalia  and  San  Ignacio,  from 
which  places  they  could  be  more  easily  attended.  Twenty 
rancherias,  scattered  through  the  sierras  wherever  water  was 
available,  remained  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Guadalupe. 
Helen  organized  them  into  five  pueblos  or  towns,  each  of 
which  had  its  church  and  a number  of  huts,  where,  according 
to  the  method  already  explained,  the  Indians  were  trained  to 
lead  a regular  life. 

For  want  of  land  suitable  for  cultivation  it  was  impossible 
to  introduce  agriculture  at  Guadalupe,  but  some  stock  was 
raised.  The  product  and  the  corn  distributed  served  to  main- 
tain the  neophytes  to  some  extent,  but  they  had  to  subsist 
principally  upon  wild  fruits,  for  which  they  searched  in  squads, 
after  they  had  performed  their  morning  prayers  and  exercises, 
and  had  received  the  permission  of  the  village  governor.  The 
spiritual  success,  on  the  other  hand,  was  so  remarkable  'that, 
as  the  successive  missionaries  testified,  not  one  pagan  could 
be  found  in  the  whole  territory  of  Mission  Guadalupe.  The 
new  Christians  were  the  best  behaved,  the  best  instructed, 
and  the  most  devout  of  all  the  neophytes  on  the  peninsula. 
Many  gave  proof  of  such  intelligence,  virtue,  and  fervor,  that 
they  could  be  admitted  to  holy  Communion  even  outside  the 
paschal  season. 

Such  happy  results,  against  odds  and  drawbacks  of  every 
description,  however,  were  attained  at  the  expense  of  the 
missionary’s  health.  Helen’s  former  malady  returned  along 
with  other  afflictions  and  rendered  his  life  exceedingly  burden- 


178  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

some ; yet,  though  suffering  extremely  and  barely  able  to 
drag  himself  about,  the  zealous  Father  desired  nothing  more 
than  to  die  at  his  post  among  his  dear  Indians.  The  superiors 
directed  otherwise ; they  sent  him  to  New  Spain  for  the  rest 
and  comfort  which  he  needed  and  deserved,  after  he  had 
toiled  for  fifteen  years  in  California  for  the  love  of  God  and 
the  poor  natives.  With  the  deepest  sorrow  the  neophytes  saw 
their  spiritual  father  and  guide  depart  at  the  end  of  the  year 
1735.  He  lived  twenty-two  years  longer,  and  finally  passed 
to  his  eternal  reward  from  Tepozatlan  in  1757.  ^ 

The  need  of  a safe  port  for  the  Philippine  ships  on  the 
Oceanside  of  California  became  more  apparent  from  year  to 
year ; but  as  the  search  for  such  a harbor  was  possible  only 
by  means  of  much  larger  vessels  and  with  greater  expense 
than  the  missionaries  could  afford,  it  was  decided  to  send  out 
a land  expedition  in  order  to  comply  with  the  wishes  of  the 
sovereign,  although  Fathers  Salvatierra,  Ugarte,  and  Piccolo 
had  each  made  fruitless  attempts  in  that  way.  In  1719  Father 
Clemente  Guillen,  Captain  Rodriguez  Lorenzo,  a squad  of  sol- 
diers, and  three  bands  of  armed  Indians,  moved  towards  Mag- 
dalena Bay,  which,  from  the  reports  of  Sebastian  Vizcaino, 
was  known  to  exist  somewhere  between  the  twenty-fourth 
and  the  twenty-fifth  degrees  of  latitude.  After  wandering  for 
twenty-five  days  over  a rough  and  barren  country,  they  found 
a harbor  well  protected  by  surrounding  mountains,  but  lack- 
ing in  fresh  water  and  timber.  The  land  was  unfit  for  culti- 
vation or  grazing,  so  that  the  necessary  provisions  could  not 
be  raised  for  a colony  and  the  trading  ships.  Guillen  intended 
to  examine  the  coast  farther  north,  but  the  captain  and  his 
men  objected.  The  expedition,  therefore,  returned  to  the 
starting  point,  Loreto,  over  another  road,  having  traveled  fif- 
teen days  without  finding  a locality  suitable  for  a colony  or 
a presidio.  ^ 

More  successful  was  the  long  contemplated  voyage  which 
Father  Juan  de  Ugarte  undertook,  on  his  own  account,  to 
ascertain  whether  the  Pacific  Ocean  could  be  reached  in  the 

2 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  .327-335;  Clavijero,  lib.  Hi,  68-69. 

3 Venegas  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  336-342;  Clavijero,,  lib.  iii,  69-70. 


Guadalupe;  Dolores;  Gonzaga;  Santiago  179 

north  from  the  Gulf  of  California,  as  was  supposed ; in  other 
words,  whether  California  was  an  island.  In  that  case  the 
Philippine  ships  could  find  a safe  refuge  by  entering  the  gulf 
on  the  north.  The  restless  and  intrepid  rector  of  the  missions 
sailed  from  San  Dionisio  Bay  in  the  Triunfo  de  la  Cruz  on 
May  15th,  1721.  In  her  wake  followed  the  Santa  Barbara, 
an  open  boat  whose  keel  measured  eleven  yards  in  length. 
She  was  intended  only  for  service  along  the  shore  and  in 
shallow  water.  The  crew  of  the  ship  consisted  of  six  Euro- 
peans and  fourteen  Indians.  William  Strafort  was  the  pilot.  '* 
The  open  boat  was  manned  by  two  natives  of  the  Philippine 
Islands,  one  Yaqui  Indian,  and  five  Californians. 

A favorable  wind  soon  brought  the  explorers  to  the  Bahia 
de  la  Concepcion  and  the  Rio  Mulege,  whence  Ugarte  paid  a 
visit  to  Father  Sistiaga  at  Mission  Santa  Rosalia.  Ugarte  now 
began  to  examine  the  coast  very  closely  as  far  as  the  latitude 
of  the  Sal-si-puedes  Islands.  From  here  he  crossed  the  gulf 
in  search  of  the  port  of  Santa  Sabina,  or  Bahia  de  San  Juan 
Bautista,  situated  near  the  said  islands  on  the  Tepoqui  or  Seri 
coast.  He  made  the  port  after  sailing  five  days.  No  Indian 
was  visible,  though  one  had  been  seen  planting  a cross  on 
the  shore  as  the  vessel  approached  the  coast.  All  went  up 
to  the  cross  and  kissed  and  venerated  the  emblem  of  their 
Redemption,  when  suddenly  a number  of  Indians  emerged 
from  their  hiding  places  and  welcomed  the  strangers.  The 
satisfaction  of  the  natives  increased  when  they  noticed  the 
cross  fastened  to  the  bowsprit ; for  they  had  learned  from 
Father  Salvatierra,  while  he  was  with  them  a short  time,  that 
they  might  trust  the  men  of  a ship  which  bore  the  cross. 
The  Seris  would  not  wait  till  the  missionary  came  to  the  shore ; 
some  threw  themselves  into  the  water  and  swam  to  the  sloop, 
embraced  his  knees,  kissed  his  hands  and  face,  and  showed 
their  affection  in  various  other  ways.  Ugarte  in  turn  caressed 
them,  and  distributed  presents  among  them  as  well  as  to  those 
on  the  beach.  He  then  sent  a letter  to  the  missionary  at  Mis- 


4 Venegas  calls  him  Guillermo  Estrafort;  Clavijero  has  Strafort; 
Bancroft  spells  William  Strafford,  and  says  he  was  an  Englishman. 


i8o  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


sion  San  Ignacio  through  two  of  the  natives,  paying  them  in 
advance  with  clothing  and  trinkets. 

After  taking  on  board  a supply  of  fresh  water  and  two  of 
the  Seris,  the  ship,  on  the  evening  of  the  next  day,  continued 
her  course,  and  on  the  following  day  the  explorers  found 
themselves  in  the  narrow  channel  between  Tiburon  and  the 
mainland.  This  waterway  was  filled  with  sandbanks,  so  that 
in  spite  of  the  pilot,  who  moved  ahead  in  the  launch,  the  sloop 
ran  aground,  but  fortunately  was  set  afloat  again  after  great 
exertions.  At  the  end  of  three  days  of  anxiety  and  peril  the 
ship  emerged  from  the  dangerous  channel,  and  came  in  sight 
of  an  island,  whose  inhabitants  showed  signs  of  hostility  until 
they  were  told  that  a missionary  was  on  board.  Owing  to 
sickness  Ugarte  was  unable  to  land.  When  the  savages  heard 
this,  about  fifty  floated  to  the  ship  on  thirteen  balsas  or  rafts 
to  urge  the  Father  to  share  their  hospitality.  In  spite  of  his 
sufferings,  he  had  himself  taken  to  the  shore  in  a canoe. 
On  landing  he  was  borne  between  two  files  of  people,  the  men 
standing  on  one  side,  the  women  on  the  other,  to  a brush- 
wood hut  which  had  two  openings.  Here  all  visited  the  sick 
missionary.  One  by  one  they  entered  through  one  opening, 
inclined  their  head  towards  the  Father,  so  that  he  might  lay 
on  his  hand,  which  Ugarte  did  with  much  affection,  and  then 
passed  out  through  the  other  opening,  or  doorway. 

From  here  the  expedition  proceeded  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Rio  de  Caborca,  or  Altar,  where  they  cast  anchor.  The 
Santa  Barbara  continued  up  the  coast,  while  three  men  were 
sent  to  reconnoitre.  They  returned  on  the  following  day,  and 
reported  that  the  coast  was  rough  and  that  no  harbor  had 
been  found ; but  they  had  discovered  a pool  of  turbid  water 
and  a trail.  Ugarte  ordered  two  sailors  to  follow  this  trail ; 
they  did  so,  and  on  the  third  day  reached  Mission  Caborca,  in 
charge  of  the  Rev.  Luis  Gallard,  S.  J.,  who  had  but  lately 
arrived.  From  him,  as  well  as  from  the  missionary  of  San 
Ignacio,  provisions  were  obtained.  Ugarte’s  malady  and  pains 
had  meanwhile  increased  so  that  he  found  no  relief  in  any 
position  except  on  his  knees.  For  this  reason,  and  because  of 
the  turbulence  of  the  sea,  it  had  been  impossible  to  remove 


Guadalupe;  Dolores;  Gonzaga;  Santiago  i8i 

him  to  the  shore  until  twelve  days  after  casting  anchor.  He 
had  himself  borne  to  a spring  a league  and  a half  inland, 
where  he  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  missionary  from  San 
Ignacio.  The  change  relieved  the  sufferer  very  much.  Pro- 
visions were  purchased  and  water  obtained  at  the  Pima  vil- 
lages in  the  neighborhood,  so  that  the  voyage  could  be  resumed. 

Meanwhile  the  sloop  which  lay  at  anchor  was  in  constant 
danger  from  the  stormy  sea.  The  waves  one  day  carried 
away  one  of  the  three  cables  and  the  bowsprit  with  the  cross. 
The  crew  harbored  a great  veneration  for  this  cross,  because 
it  had  been  the  first  thing  fashioned  out  of  the  timber  which 
was  used  in  the  construction  of  the  Triunfo  de  la  Crus.  It  was 
later  recovered  by  a pagan  Indian  and  returned  to  the  discon- 
solate sailors,  who  received  it  with  rejoicings  and  with  thanks- 
giving to  God,  because  the  recovery  of  the  revered  emblem 
was  considered  a token  of  His  protection.  Meanwhile  the 
Santa  Barbara,  whose  crew,  it  was  thought,  had  perished  by 
shipwreck  or  from  hunger,  since  she  had  been  provisioned  for 
a cruise  of  only  eight  days,  returned  to  the  ship.  The  men 
reported  that  they  had  failed  to  discover  a harbor  along  the 
coast  for  a distance  of  twenty  leagues,  that  they  had  suffered 
exceedingly  for  want  of  water,  and  that  they  had  found  relief 
at  an  Indian  settlement. 

On  July  2d  the  expedition  set  sail  for  the  California  coast. 
At  the  point  of  crossing  the  gulf  was  forty  leagues  wide,  and 
the  voyage  lasted  three  days.  The  anchors  were  lowered  and 
the  canoe  sent  towards  the  shore.  A multitude  of  savages  at 
first  opposed  the  landing,  and  even  threatened  the  sailors  if 
they  dared  to  cross  a line  drawn  on  the  beach.  The  men, 
however,  soon  allayed  the  fears  of  the  Indians,  and  gained 
their  confidence  by  kindness  and  presents.  In  return  the  sail- 
ors were  shown  where  water  could  be  procured  along  the  coast. 
Following  the  directions  for  nine  leagues,  they  discovered  five 
springs  in  the  neighborhood  of  as  many  rancherias.  The 
vessels  continued  northward  in  search  of  a harbor  where  they 
might  take  refuge  against  the  southwest  winds  which  were 
then  raging,  but  they  found  only  a large  bay  with  a strong 
current.  The  pilot  took  the  canoe  in  order  to  look  for  a safe 


182  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


port  inland.  The  impetuous  current  soon  carried  him  out  of 
sight,  and  when  Strafort  had  landed  with  five  men  to  examine 
the  shore,  the  sea  suddenly  arose  and  dashed  the  boat  against 
a rock,  splitting  it  in  two  from  stem  to  stern.  The  six  men 
spent  the  greater  part  of  the  night  in  trying  to  splice  the  two 
halves  of  the  canoe.  On  the  next  day,  while  endeavoring  to 
regain  the  ship  in  the  damaged  boat,  they  were  rescued  from 
drowning  by  the  sailors  of  the  Triunfo. 

The  Triunfo  and  the  Santa  Barbara  proceeded  on  their 
errand,  and  after  some  time  the  change  in  the  color  of  the 
water,  which  now  appeared  ashy,  then  black,  but  generally 
a muddy  red,  warned  the  navigators  that  they  were  approach- 
ing the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  River.  The  Santa  Barbara 
moved  ahead,  continually  sounding  the  depth  of  the  water. 
Finally,  for  fear  of  running  aground,  both  vessels  steered 
across  the  gulf  to  the  Pimeria  coast  of  Sonora.  In  the  middle 
of  the  sea,  already  very  narrow,  the  water  became  more  tur- 
bulent than  ever.  The  ships  anchored  near  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  where  from  two  outlets  formed  by  an  island,  the  stream 
was  seen  discharging  trunks  of  trees,  grass,  and  driftw'ood 
of  every  kind.  The  current  was  so  strong  that  Father  Ugarte 
refused  to  allow  his  men  to  enter  the  river.  As  he  and  others 
were  suffering  exceedingly  from  rheumatism  and  scurvy,  the 
return  voyage  became  imperative. 

After  all  there  was  no  object  in  exposing  the  frail  vessels 
to  the  impetuous  current  of  the  stream,  since  the  main  purpose 
of  the  expedition  had  been  attained.  It  was  plainly  seen  that 
only  this  river  separated  California  from  Sonora,  and  that  the 
territory  was  not  an  island  around  which  ran  a passage  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  as  some  had  supposed.  The  two  ships  accord- 
ingly turned  to  the  southward  and  began  the  return  voyage 
on  the  feast  of  the  Triumph  of  the  Cross,  July  16th,  just  one 
year  after  the  Triunfo  de  la  Cruz  had  been  blessed  by  Father 
Juan  Ugarte.  She  sailed  down  the  middle  of  the  gulf,  whilst 
the  Santa  Barbara  moved  along  the  coast  to  Loreto.  The 
storms,  which  had  been  threatening  for  some  time,  now  broke 
loose  in  earnest  and  proved  almost  fatal.  Several  times  the 
ship  was  in  imminent  danger.  In  the  neighborhood  of  the  Sal- 


Guadalupe;  Dolores;  Gonzaga;  Santiago  183 


si-puedes  Islands  the  scurvy-stricken  men  had  to  cast  anchor 
to  avoid  being  driven  ashore.  During  the  tempest  the  sailors 
drew  courage  from  the  so-called  St.  Elmo’s  Fire,  which  played 
about  the  masthead,  and  which  they  attributed  to  the  favor 
of  Heaven.  Only  five  men  were  now  able  to  work,  and 
Ugarte’s  sufferings  had  grown  so  unbearable  that  he  deter- 
mined to  make  his  way  to  Guaymas  by  land,  but  this  resolu- 
tion depressed  the  men  so  much  that  he  promised  to  remain 
on  board.  At  last,  on  Saturday,  August  18th,  a favorable 
wind  brought  them  clear  of  the  islands  where  destruction  had 
threatened  them  for  twenty-four  days. 

The  worst  trial  occurred  near  the  Bahia  de  la  Concepcion, 
where  a water-spout  was  rapidly  approaching  the  ship.  The 
Triunfo  was  enveloped  in  dark  clouds,  and  noonday  appeared 
as  black  as  midnight.  All  gave  themselves  up  as  lost.  Father 
Ugarte  himself  declared  that  this  was  the  greatest  danger  so 
far  encountered.  Every  one  called  upon  the  Blessed  Virgin 
Mary  and  the  holy  Cross  for  protection.  As  though  in  answer 
to  their  prayer  the  storm  changed  its  course,  and  the  clouds 
were  seen  discharging  their  torrents  upon  the  distant  moun- 
tains of  California.  Finally,  in  the  beginning  of  September, 
the  worn-out  explorers  found  refuge  and  rest  with  Father 
Sistiaga  at  Mission  Santa  Rosalia,  where  the  sick  were  soon 
restored  to  health.  About  the  middle  of  the  same  month  all 
reached  Loreto,  where  the  Santa  Barbara  had  arrived  a few 
days  before.  ® 

Ugarte,  however,  was  determined  to  find  a port  for  the 
Philippine  galleon.  He  equipped  another  expedition  as  soon 
as  he  returned  to  Loreto.  The  Pacific  coast  was  this  time  to 
be  examined  as  far  north  as  possible.  Captain  Lorenzo  and  a 
number  of  soldiers  set  out  for  Mulege,  whence  Father  Sebastian 
de  Sistiaga  accompanied  them  to  Guadalupe.  Father  Ever- 
ardo  Helen  here  joined  the  expedition  on  November  19th, 
1721.  They  traveled  up  the  coast  as  far  as  latitude  twenty- 
eight  degrees.  After  enduring  many  hardships  in  the  barren 
country,  the  explorers  had  the  satisfaction  of  discovering  three 

5 Venegas,  “Noticias,”  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  sec.  xv,  336-365;  Clavijero, 
lib.  iii,  70-72. 


184  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


suitable  harbors  with  sufficient  timber  and  fresh  water  in  the 
neighborhood;  but  the  soil  round  about  was  unfit  for  cultiva- 
tion. The  largest  and  safest  port  lay  closer  to  the  Indian 
pueblo  of  San  Miguel  than  any  other,  so  that  ocean  vessels 
could  be  supplied  with  provisions  from  there.  A full  report 
of  the  discovery,  as  well  as  of  the  explorations  in  the  Gulf  of 
California,  with  maps  and  explanations,  were  prepared  by 
Ugarte  and  Pilot  William  Strafort,  and  transmitted  to  the 
king  and  the  Council  of  the  Indies  through  Viceroy  Valero. 
It  is  not  known  whether  these  reports  and  maps  ever  reached 
Madrid.  At  all  events,  no  action  was  taken.  ® 

While  some  of  the  missionaries  were  engaged  in  these  ex- 
plorations, the  others  continued  to  spread  Christianity  and 
civilization  among  the  natives.  Intercourse  with  the  different 
Indian  groups  had  revealed  different  characteristics  according 
to  the  latitude  in  which  they  roved.  Those  in  the  north  ap- 
peared more  active,  docile,  peaceful,  faithful,  and  less  vicious, 
and,  therefore,  better  disposed  to  receive  the  Gospel  and  more 
willing  to  subject  themselves  to  the  requirements  of  a civil 
and  Christian  life ; whilst  the  Pericii  tribes,  such  as  the  Guai- 
curos,  Uchities,  Coras,  and  the  Islanders  of  the  south,  were 
especially  noted  for  their  indolence,  fickleness,  ingratitude, 
malice,  duplicity,  continual  warfare  which  threatened  to  anni- 
hilate them,  and  above  all,  for  their  dissoluteness.  Hence  it 
seemed  wiser  to  bring  the  light  of  the  faith  first  to  the  savages 
of  the  north.  Nevertheless,  the  missionaries  thought  it  more 
advisable  for  the  safety  and  tranquillity  of  the  existing  mis- 
sions to  gain  the  remaining  southern  tribes,  particularly  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  they  had  failed  to  convince  the  viceroy 
of  the  necessity  of  a military  post  in  the  region  of  La  Paz  or 
Cape  San  Lucas. 

The  Uchities  had  already  tried  to  cut  off  communication 
between  Loreto  and  the  mission  at  La  Paz ; the  Guaicuros  fre- 
quently molested  the  Coras ; and,  in  the  absence  of  Father 
Guillen,  the  savages  of  the  islands  of  San  Jose,  Espiritu  Santo, 

6 Venegas,  tom.  it,  pte.  iii,  369-372;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  70;  Ban- 
croft, “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  450-452;  Hittell,  “History  of 
California,”  vol.  i,  219-227. 


Guadalupe;  Dolores;  Gonzaga;  Santiago  185 


and  Cerralvo  had  three  times  sacked  Mission  San  Juan  Bau- 
tista de  Ligui.  The  captain  with  a few  soldiers  had  come 
fiom  Loreto  and  killed  three  or  four  of  the  enemies,  and  had 
captured  eleven  others  and  fourteen  canoes ; but  this  punish- 
ment only  restrained  them  until  greed  exceeded  their  fear. 
There  was  no  other  way  of  taming  the  unbridled  spirit  of 
these  barbarians  except  by  bringing  them  under  the  yoke  of 
the  Gospel.  Hence  it  was,  that  two  new  missions  were  estab- 
lished in  the  southern  part  of  Lower  California,  at  about  the 
same  time  when  Father  Juan  de  Ugarte  was  battling  with 
the  storms  on  the  gulf  in  .search  of  a safe  harbor. 

After  the  business  failure  of  Juan  B.  Lopez,  who  had  en- 
dowed San  Juan  de  Ligui,  or  Malibat,  this  mission  was  con- 
tinued under  Father  Guillen  by  dint  of  much  privation ; but 
the  Indians  dwindled  away  rapidly  on  account  of  the  epidemics 
and  their  constant  dread  of  the  island  savages.  It  was,  there- 
fore, deemed  advisable  to  remove  the  survivors  to  a safer 
locality,  and  to  found  a new  mission  among  the  Uchities  and 
Guaicuros,  whose  conversion  was  so  important  for  the  peace 
of  the  country.  Happily  the  generous  benefactor  of  Califor- 
nia, the  Marques  de  Villapuente,  donated  the  funds  for  en- 
dowing two  missions,  which,  as  he  directed,  should  be  located 
between  Loreto  and  Cape  San  Lucas.  Guillen  again  accepted 
the  task  of  erecting  the  buildings,  gathering  the  natives,  and 
civilizing  and  Christianizing  them.  In  the  month  of  August, 
1721,  he  founded  the  establishment  on  the  eastern  shore  at  a 
place  called  Apate,  forty  leagues  south  of  Loreto  and  more 
than  sixty  leagues  from  La  Paz.  He  named  the  new  mis- 
sion Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores  del  Sur,  to  distinguish  it 
from  another  of  the  same  title  in  the  north.  Later  the  mis- 
sion was  removed  to  Tahuetia  about  ten  leagues  to  the  west, 
and  twenty-five  leagues  from  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  is  impossi- 
ble to  describe  the  hardships  which  Father  Guillen  endured  in 
cultivating  this  part  of  the  Lord’s  vineyard ; but  they  resulted 
in  transforming  the  native  population  of  the  whole  region. 
He  would  search  for  families  on  either  coa.st  and  in  the  Sier- 
ras, and  did  not  rest  until  he  had  them  all  united  in  six  pueb- 


7 Clavijero  has  seven  leagues. 


1 86  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


los  or  towns.  These  settlements  were  Mission  Dolores,  and 
the  towns  of  La  Concepcion,  La  Encarnacion,  La  Trinidad, 
La  Redempcion,  and  La  Resurrecion.  The  Indians  of  Lig^i 
or  Malibat  abandoned  their  ancient  home  and  joined  Dolores, 
whereupon,  as  we  have  already  indicated.  Mission  San  Juan 
Bautista  ceased  to  exist. 

The  energetic  missionary  also  converted  and  instructed 
other  savages  who  were  collected  in  three  pueblos,  at  one  of 
which  Mission  San  Luis  Gonzaga  was  founded  in  1737.®  The 
endowment  fund  of  ten  thousand  dollars  was  donated  by 
Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  Conde  de  Santiago,  a resident  of  the 
city  of  Mexico.  In  the  course  of  time  Father  Guillen  won 
over  all  the  savages  roving  between  Mission  San  Xavier  and 
the  territory  of  the  Coras,  enlisted  them  as  catechumens,  and 
thus  prepared  the  way  for  another  mission  which  it  was  his 
intention  to  start,  because  the  new  converts  could  not  be 
attended  from  the  other  missionary  centers.  In  this  manner 
one  solitary  priest  wiped  out  paganism  from  a region  which 
was  forty  leagues  wide  and  extended  from  the  gulf  to  the 
ocean.  The  soil  in  this  latitude  was  worthless,,  and  the  in- 
habitants naturally  poorer  than  elsewhere ; only  near  Apate 
a little  corn  could  be  raised.  These  Guaicuros  and  Uchities, 
who  before  their  conversion  had  been  the  most  warlike  tribes, 
now  proved  so  faithful  to  the  teachings  of  Father  Guillen 
that,  during  the  subsequent  rebellion  of  several  native  tribes. 
Mission  Dolores  del  Sur  became  a refuge  for  all  Christian 
fugitives.  ® 

The  same  consideration  that  gave  rise  to  Mission  Dolores, 
also  caused  the  founding  of  another  mission  in  the  Coras 
territory  not  far  from  Cape  San  Lucas.  Anxious  to  have 
it  established  as  soon  as  possible.  Father  Rector  Ugarte,  be- 
fore setting  out  on  his  voyage  of  exploration,  had  directed 
Father  Ignacio  Maria  Napoli,  a recent  arrival,  to  proceed 
by  way  of  La  Paz  to  the  Ensenada  de  Palmas,  the  locality 
chosen  for  the  new  settlement.  On  July  21st,  1721,  Napoli 
embarked  with  Captain  Rodriguez  and  four  soldiers,  and  ar- 

8 Clavijero  gives  the  year  1747,  doubtless  a misprint. 

9 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  372-379;  Clavijero,  lib.  ii,  72-73. 


Guadalupe;  Dolores;  Gonzaga;  Santiago  187 


rived  at  La  Paz  on  August  2d.  The  neophytes  received  the 
priest  with  much  reverence,  kneeling  and  kissing  his  hands, 
and  then  conducted  him  and  the  soldiers  in  procession  to  the 
church,  where  Father  Jayme  Bravo  awaited  the  visitors. 
After  discharging  her  freight,  the  bark  sailed  over  to  Sinaloa 
to  procure  provisions  for  Loreto.  This  compelled  the  mis- 
sionary to  transfer  his  supplies  to  Ensenada  de  Palmas  by 
means  of  small  boats  hired  from  a pearl-fisher,  while  he  and 
the  guards  made  their  way  by  land.  They  reached  their  des- 
tination on  August  24th. 

When  they  arrived  no  Indians  could  be  seen  for  four  days ; 
nor  had  any  appeared  along  the  road.  On  the  evening  of 
the  fourth  day,  while  Napoli  was  walking  alone  on  the  beach 
some  distance  from  the  camp,  a crowd  of  naked  savages 
rushed  towards  him.  Their  leader,  taller  and  fleshier  than 
the  rest,  was  painted  all  over  his  body  with  black  and  red 
stripes.  His  only  clothing  was  a cape  made  of  tufts  of  hair. 
He  wore  a girdle  from  which  dangled  a number  of  deer  hoofs. 
In  one  hand  he  held  a fan  made  of  feathers,  and  in  the  other 
a bow  and  arrow.  When  this  figure  approached  with  threat- 
ening gestures  and  hideous  shouts,  in  which  he  was  joined 
by  his  companions,  poor  Napoli,  who  had  never  seen  an  In- 
dian sorcerer,  and  half  suspected  that  a demon  was  directing 
the  savages  to  slaughter  him,  thought  his  last  hour  had  ar- 
rived. He  quickly  but  silently  asked  God  to  pardon  his  sins, 
and  made  an  offering  of  his  life.  Then,  remembering  his  in- 
structions never  to  exhibit  fear  of  the  Indians,  he  blessed 
himself,  boldly  faced  the  mob,  and  by  means  of  signs  accused 
them  of  wanting  to  murder  him.  He  then  offered  them 
whatever  he  happened  to  have,  and  spoke  in  such  gentle  and 
persuasive  tones  that  all  were  taken  aback,  and  by  degrees 
became  quite  friendly.  He  invited  them  to  his  tent,  where 
he  distributed  food  and  trinkets  for  themselves  and  their  rela- 
tives at  the  rancherias.  Through  Napoli’s  interpreter  they 
promised  to  return  with  their  friends,  but  demanded  that  the 
mules  and  a dog,  animals  which  they  had  never  before  seen, 
and  for  which  they  professed  fear,  should  be  removed.  On 
the  following  day  the  savages  came  in  groups  until  five  hun- 


i88  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

dred  had  assembled  at  the  camp.  They  brought  gifts  of 
wild  fruits,  and  in  return  received  pozole,  pieces  of  cloth, 
knives,  and  other  articles. 

The  country  was  now  examined.  A suitable  spot  was 
found  within  reach  of  good  water,  and  work  was  begun  on 
the  church  and  the  huts  for  the  missionary  and  his  guards; 
but  the  Indians,  who  had  commenced  to  visit  the  missionary 
regularly,  one  day  remained  away.  Accompanied  by  a sol- 
dier and  the  interpreter,  Napoli  went  out  to  discover  the 
cause.  He  learned  that  fear  of  their  old  enemies,  the  Guai- 
curos,  had  seized  the  people,  when  they  found  out  that  the 
missionary  had  come  to  their  territory  in  company  with  some 
Guaicuros,  whence  they  concluded  that  the  Father  wanted 
to  gather  the  Coras  in  one  place  in  order  to  kill  them  all. 
He  managed  to  undeceive  them  for  a while ; but  on  another 
occasion,  when  Father  Bravo  arrived,  whom  the  Coras  con- 
sidered the  head  of  the  hated  Guaicuros,  as  he  was  stationed 
among  them  and  spoke  their  language,  Napoli’s  flock  again 
scattered  without  giving  notice.  He  saw  that  it  was  useless 
to  reason  with  the  Coras.  Instead  of  talking  to  them,  he 
began  a novena  to  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  on  the  31st  of 
August  in  preparation  for  the  feast  of  her  nativity.  Soon 
the  timid  people  began  to  reappear,  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren, not  for  their  customary  rations,  but  asking  that  their 
little  ones  be  baptized  like  those  at  La  Paz.  The  change  was 
so  thorough,  that  Napoli  even  succeeded  in  making  peace 
between  the  two  warring  tribes.  On  the  feast  of  Santa  Rosa- 
lia, September  4th,  baptism  was  administered  for  the  first 
time  in  that  region  to  twenty-nine  children,  and  on  the  fol- 
lowing days  Indian  mothers  brought  more  little  ones  for 
the  same  purpose. 

When  he  had  distributed  whatever  he  had  brought  along, 
not  even  sparing  the  linen  intended  for  the  altar,  in  order 
to  quiet  and  attract  the  distrustful  savages,  Napoli  was  forced 
to  have  recourse  to  La  Paz  for  fresh  supplies.  Promising  to 
return,  the  missionary  made  the  long  trip  overland  with  barely 
enough  to  eat.  At  La  Paz  he  was  detained  for  two  months. 


10  Clavijero  has  “cinquenta” — fifty. 


Guadalupe;  Dolores;  Gonzaga;  Santiago  189 


during  which  time  he  collected  provisions  and  endeavored 
to  learn  the  Coras  language. 

Before  the  arrival  of  Napoli  Father  Bravo  once  paid  a 
visit  to  him,  as  we  have  said  on  the  preceding  page.  While 
absent  at  Ensenada  de  Palmas  forty  savages  of  Cerralvo 
Island  fell  upon  the  rancheria  of  Mission  Dolores  at  La  Paz. 
They  sacked  the  village  and  killed  one  man,  two  women,  and 
five  children,  and  carried  off  a boy.  The  captain  with  some 
troops  from  Loreto  passed  over  to  the  island  in  order  to 
punish  the  robbers ; but  the  inhabitants  had  fled.  Three  or 
four  Indians  were,  nevertheless,  killed  and  the  rest  fright- 
ened so  much  that  they  ceased  to  molest  their  neighbors. 

In  November  Father  Napoli  returned  to  Ensenada,  but  de- 
cided to  establish  his  mission  temporarily  at  Santa  Ana,  half- 
way between  La  Paz  and  Ensenada  and  five  leagues  from 
the  gulf.  Two  years  later,  in  1723,  he  removed  to  a site  still 
farther  from  the  sea.  Here  an  unfortunate  disaster  nearly 
ruined  all  past  endeavors  and  frustrated  all  his  prospects. 
The  walls  of  the  new  church  had  been  erected  of  adobe,  and 
the  timbers  for  the  roof  were  already  in  place,  when,  during 
the  absence  of  the  missionary  on  a sick-call,  one  of  those 
furious  hurricanes,  which  frequently  sweep  the  country, 
visited  the  rancheria.  The  neophytes  fled  to  the  new  church 
for  shelter,  but  the  tempest  raged  so  violently  that  it  brought 
down  the  whole  structure  upon  the  unfortunate  people.  Some 
were  killed,  others  wounded,  and  the  rest  terrified.  On  hear- 
ing the  cries  of  pain  and  terror  Napoli  hastened  to  liberate 
from  the  ruins  those  catechumens  that  were  still  alive,  and 
to  baptize  those  mortally  wounded.  Although  every  one  was 
a witness  to  the  anxiety  and  compassion  of  the  missionary, 
a conspiracy  was  formed  among  the  relatives  of  the  dead 
against  Father  Napoli,  as  though  he  had  caused  the  calamity. 
Happily,  the  survivors  took  the  part  of  the  missionary  and 
declared  that  he  had  not  urged  any  one  to  enter  the  building ; 
that  they  had  taken  shelter  there  on  their  own  account ; and 
that  he  could  not  be  blamed  for  what  they  had  done.  Thus 
he  escaped  further  annoyance  from  the  enraged  and  un- 
reasoning savages.  The  new  church  arose  on  a more  conve- 


190  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


nient  spot,  and  was  dedicated  in  honor  of  St.  James,  the 
Apostle,  and  thereafter  the  settlement  was  known  as  Mis- 
sion Santiago.  The  usual  buildings  were  erected  and  some 
land  was  brought  under  cultivation  frorh  which  fair  crops 
were  obtained. 

The  spiritual  fruit  of  Father  Napoli’s  exertions  proved  dess 
satisfactory,  because  the  brutish,  changeable,  indifferent,  and 
carnal  nature  of  these  Indians,  wedded  to  abject  idleness, 
would  not  readily  adapt  itself  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel, 
though  the  poor  priest  toiled  and  prayed  incessantly.  By  the 
year  1726,  when  the  superiors  sent  Father  Napoli  to  the 
missions  of  Sonora,  he  had  baptized  four  hundred  children, 
but  only  about  ninety  grown  people.  The  others  had  given 
little  security  of  persevering  in  the  faith  and  less  hope  of 
changing  their  morals.  Rev.  Lorenzo  Carranco,  S.  J.,  suc- 
ceeded Napoli  and,  as  we  shall  see  later,  was  destined  to  irri- 
gate this  vice-covered  field  with  his  blood. 

Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  379-390;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  73-74.  This 
writer  always  spells  the  missionary’s  name  Napoles. 


CHAPTER  X. 


Father  Luyando,  S.  J. — Founding  Mission  San  Ignacio. — Incidents. 
— Agriculture. — Medicine-Men. — Opening  Roads. — Notable  Con- 
versions.— Epidemics. — Indian  War. — How  It  Ended. 

From  1706,  when  Father  Piccolo  visited  the  Cochimi  In- 
dians, it  was  the  desire  of  the  Jesuits  to  plant  a mission 
at  Kada-Kaaman,  or  Arroyo  del  Carrizal,  in  the  Sierra  of 
San  Vincente,  forty  leagues  northwest  of  Santa  Rosalia  and 
twenty-five  leagues  north  of  Mission  Guadalupe ; but  the 
scarcity  of  priests  and  funds,  and  the  necessity  of  first  con- 
verting the  Edues  and  Pericues  in  the  south,  rendered  a post- 
ponement imperative.  The  missionaries  had  to  content  them- 
selves with  occasional  visits  until  the  year  1728,  when  Rev. 
Juan  Bautista  Luyando,  S.  J.,  arrived  in  California.  This 
Father  belonged  to  a wealthy  noble  family.  He  had  not  only 
donated  a part  of  his  inheritance  for  the  founding  of  a mis- 
sion on  the  peninsula,  but  had  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus 
and  offered  himself  for  the  toilsome  and  cheerless  life  of  a 
missionary.  His  desire  was  granted,  and  he  was  appointed 
to  the  new  mission  to  be  established  among  the  Cochimis. 

Early  in  January,  1728,  he  left  Loreto  with  nine  soldiers, 
and  on  the  20th  of  the  same  month  he  reached  the  place 
selected  by  Father  Sistiaga.  The  Indians  welcomed  the 
stranger  with  demonstrations  of  great  satisfaction,  and  a few 
days  after  as  many  as  five  hundred  savages  from  different 
rancherias  presented  themselves  for  instruction.  They 
learned  the  Doctrina  with  eagerness,  and  practised  the  exer- 
cises of  a Christian  life  with  such  devotion  that  very  soon 
a number  of  adults  were  deemed  worthy  of  baptism,  after 
they  had  proved  their  sincerity  by  fetching  all  the  articles  of 
their  previous  superstition  to  the  missionary.  The  large  num- 
ber of  his  catechumens  gave  Father  Luyando  much  consola- 
tion, but  it  also  caused  him  much  anxiety,  inasmuch  as  he 
was  expected  to  maintain  them  during  the  six  or  more  months 
of  instruction.  To  lessen  the  burden,  he  dismissed  seven  of 
the  nine  soldiers,  after  they  had  constructed  the  necessary 


192  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

buildings  with  the  aid  of  the  natives.  The  converts  who  had 
received  baptism  were  directed  to  return  to  their  villages  and 
continue  the  lessons  in  doctrine  and  morals  at  their  homes; 
but  others  would  quickly  take  their  places,  so  that  for  some 
time  the  poor  missionary  obtained  little  relief.  The  new 
church,  which  had  been  erected  on  an  elaborate  scale,  was 
blessed  with  much  solemnity  on  the  feast  of  the  Nativity  of 
our  Lord  in  1728,  and  like  the  mission  was  placed  under  the 
patronage  of  San  Ignacio. 

One  day,  only  two  months  after  his  arrival,  the  missionary 
was  surprised  by  the  appearance  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  a 
distant  rancheria  demanding  baptism.  Luyando  explained 
that  this  could  be  done  only  after  they  had  learned  what  was 
necessary  and  had  given  up  all  the  superstitious  things  thrust 
upon  them  by  the  sorcerers.  They  replied  that  an  Indian 
boy  had  already  told  them  all  this ; that  they  knew  the  Doc- 
trina ; and  that  they  had  brought  along  the  tablets,  false  hair, 
etc.,  used  by  the  medicine-men,  because  they  knew  that  other- 
wise they  should  be  refused  baptism.  The  missionary,  indeed, 
found  them  so  well  instructed  that  he  baptized  them  three 
weeks  later. 

No  less  remarkable  was  the  conversion  of  a young  woman 
deaf  and  dumb  from  her  birth.  All  noticed  her  persistence 
and  devotion  in  joining  the  Christians  and  catechumens  at 
holy  Mass,  catechism,  the  Rosary,  litanies,  processions,  and 
other  religious  exercises  at  which  she  was  the  first  to  appear. 
Whenever  any  catechumens  were  baptized  this  poor  creature 
would  kneel  among  them,  and  placing  her  hand  upon  her 
head  would  mutely  ask  for  baptism.  Father  Luyando  himself 
explained  the  mysteries  of  the  Christian  religion  to  her  as  well 
as  possible  by  means  of  signs ; but,  as  he  could  not  satisfy 
himself  that  she  understood  everything,  he  dared  not  baptize 
ber.  She  wept  bitterly  whenever  she  saw  others  obtain  the 
grace  which  she  could  not  procure  for  herself.  At  last,  the 
missionary,  informed  of  her  sinless  life  and  convinced  of  her 
sincere  desire  to  be  a Christian,  decided  to  give  her  the  benefit 
of  the  doubt  and  to  treat  her  as  an  innocent  child.  When 
the  young  woman  presented  herself  the  next  time,  he  bap- 


San  Ignacio;  Conversions;  Epidemics  193 

tized  her  along  with  the  rest.  The  happiness  of  the  poor 
deaf-mute  cannot  be  described.  She  would  leap,  dance,  and 
point  to  heaven,  as  though  she  wished  to  say  that  now  she, 
too,  could  go  to  heaven.  From  that  moment  the  happy  neo- 
phyte would  not  leave  the  temporary  brushwood  chapel  until 
the  day  of  her  death,  which  occurred  only  two  months  later. 

Such  incidents  not  only  encouraged  Luyando  in  his  labors 
for  the  neophytes  at  Kada-Kaaman,  but  urged  him  to  look 
for  catechumens  everywhere.  On  one  of  his  visits  to  a 
Christian  bitten  by  a poisonous  reptile,  he  came  upon  a pop- 
ulous rancheria  of  pagans.  They  had  never  seen  a horse 
and  were  considerably  frightened  to  see  the  stranger  on 
horseback.  He  quieted  their  fears,  and  made  himself  so 
agreeable  that  they  prevented  him  from  sleeping  all  night. 
The  next  day  was  passed  in  their  midst  with  the  result  that 
they  were  all  persuaded  to  become  Christians  and  have  them- 
selves instructed  at  San  Ignacio. 

The  docility  of  the  Cochimis,  together  with  their  compara- 
tively greater  vivacity,  contributed  much  to  the  spiritual  and 
material  progress  of  the  mission.  There  was  also  more  land 
capable  of  cultivation  on  account  of  the  abundance  of  water. 
Had  it  not  been  for  the  scarcity  of  agricultural  implements, 
the  innate  indifference  and  indolence  of  the  Indians,  and  the 
necessarily  frequent  absence  of  the  Father  on  his  missionary 
tours  to  his  widely  scattered  flock,  enough  grain  might  have 
been  raised  to  maintain  the  whole  population  of  the  mission. 

Father  Sistiaga  had  already  sowed  wheat  and  planted  corn 
on  a piece  of  land.  The  harvest  gathered  by  Luyando 
amounted  to  one  hundred  fanegas.  ^ The  product  of  the 
fourth  year  reached  one  thousand  fanegas.  The  Indians 
worked  with  a will,  since  they  noticed  that  all  the  grain,  ex- 
cept a small  quantity  consumed  by  the  missionary  and  two 
soldiers,  was  distributed  among  the  neophytes.  On  a sep- 
arate piece  of  land  the  Father  raised  pumpkins,  vegetables, 
grapes,  olives,  figs,  and  sugar-cane.  In  the  pastures  cattle 
and  sheep  furnished  meat  and  the  material  for  clothing.  For 

1 Fanega,  a Spanish  measure  varying  considerably.  It  is  here 
taken  as  equal  to  one  hundred-weight. 


194  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

a long  time  two  priests  were  stationed  at  San  Ignacio;  this 
explains  the  superior  piety  of  the  neophytes  at  the  mission 
at  that  early  period.  One  great  drawback  with  which  the 
Father  had  to  contend  was  the  scattered  condition  of  the 
converts.  Luyando,  therefore,  organized  pueblos  in  each  of 
which  he  built  a small  church.  He  induced  the  Indians  to 
take  up  their  abode  around  these  chapels  so  that  all  could 
assemble  for  religious  exercises,  and  attend  holy  Mass  when 
the  missionary  made  his  regular  visit.  He  urged  the  people 
to  construct  houses  of  adobe,  but  this  caused  much  difficulty. 
Accustomed  as  they  had  been  from  time  immemorial  to  sleep 
in  the  open  air,  they  reluctantly  consented  to  dwell  under 
a roof. 

Although  this  mission  prospered  from  the  beginning,  ob- 
stacles and  reverses  were  not  wanting.  One  night  eight 
pagans  killed  a catechumen  near  the  house  of  the,  missionary. 
It  was  found  advisable  to  let  the  matter  pass,  lest  a revolt 
follow ; but  Heaven  did  not  permit  the  crime  to  go  unpun- 
ished ; every  one  of  the  eight  murderers  was  carried  off  by 
an  epidemic  in  the  very  ne.xt  year,  1729.  For  two  years  the 
inhabitants  of  a certain  rancheria  stubbornly  refused  to  listen 
to  the  priest ; nor  would  they  visit  the  mission.  When,  at  last, 
three  of  their  number  embraced  Christianity,  they  were  forced 
to  flee  for  their  lives  to  the  house  of  the  missionary.  Kind- 
ness and  patience  overcame  the  animosity  of  the  rancheria; 
but  it  was  not  till  after  seven  years  that  the  old  men  sub- 
mitted. The  old  men  generally  were  the  sorcerers  and  medi- 
cine-men, whose  morals  and  habits  were  so  loose  and  brutal 
that  it  required  greater  effort  on  their  part  to  conform  their 
lives  to  the  teachings  of  the  Gospel.  Another  difficulty  arose 
from  the  fact  that  these  old  men  had  been  the  guides  and 
teachers  of  the  people  in  their  superstitious  practises.  Hence 
they  were  loth  to  become  the  pupils  of  strangers  in  the  midst 
of  children  among  whom  they  were  often  subjected  to  gibes 
and  taunts. 

In  the  first  sermon  which  Father  Luyando  preached  to  the 
Cochimis  in  their  own  language  he  spoke  briefly  of  the  at- 
tributes of  God,  the  mystery  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  the  Incar- 


San  Ignacio;  Conversions;  Epidemics  195 


nation,  the  reward  of  the  good  in  heaven,  the  punishment  of 
the  wicked  in  hell,  the  hatred  of  Satan  towards  mankind,  and 
also  remarked  that  the  devil  makes  use  of  the  guamas,  or  sor- 
cerers, to  deceive  the  people.  His  words  caused  such  a com- 
motion among  the  hearers  that  he  began  to  fear  for  his  life. 
The  instigator  of  the  trouble  was  a notorious  guama,  who 
through  cunning  had  raised  himself  to  the  highest  authority 
among  the  Indians  of  that  region.  When  the  sermon  was 
concluded  he  gathered  all  the  Indians  at  some  secret  place, 
and  then  addressed  them  after  his  own  fashion  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  missionary’s  instruction.  He  used  every  artifice 
to  make  the  people  disbelieve  what  the  priest  had  said,  and 
laid  stress  upon  the  point  that  no  one  had  ever  seen  any  of 
the  things  or  persons  that  the  priest  had  mentioned ; but  he, 
the  guama,  had  seen  and  many  times  spoken  to  Fehual,  the 
spirit  who  directs  all  human  actions,  as  all  the  gramas  taught ; 
and  that  since  the  Christians  had  entered  the  country,  this 
Fehual  was  very  angry,  as  could  be  seen  from  the  fact  that 
all  game  had  disappeared.  The  speech  made  a deep  impres- 
sion upon  the  savages,  who  now  remembered  that  since  the 
founding  of  the  mission  no  game  had  been  seen  in  the  neigh- 
borhood. Just  then  some  Christian  Indians  arrived  from 
Mulege  who  were  highly  respected  by  the  natives  for  having 
been  educated  at  Loreto.  After  learning  what  the  guama  had 
asserted,  the  Mulege  neophytes  declared  that  on  their  ten 
leagues’  march  to  the  mission  they  had  observed  seven  deer, 
from  which  all  could  infer  that  the  medicine-man  was  an  im- 
postor. Thereupon  the  Cochimis  paid  no  more  attention  to 
the  baffled  g^ama. 

Besides  opposing  Christianity,  the  guama  lived  in  concu- 
binage, which  was  despised  by  the  Cochimis  far  more  than  by 
other  tribes.  Luyando  rebuked  him  many  times  for  his  dis- 
solute life  until  he  promised  to  improve  and  asked  for  bap- 
tism. The  kind  missionary  trusted  him  rather  too  soon.  Be- 
sides baptizing  him,  Luyando  appointed  the  ex-guama  chief 
or  governor  of  the  Kada-Kaaman  Christians,  probably  on 
account  of  his  superior  intelligence  and  to  oblige  him  to  per- 
severe. Instead  of  meeting  the  expectations  of  the  mission- 


196  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


ary,  the  chief  soon  fell  back  into  his  former  vices,  and  heeded 
neither  private  reproof  nor  public  denunciation.  Nothing 
being  of  any  avail.  Father  Luyando  assembled  the  Indians, 
and  in  their  presence  charged  the  chief  with  all  the  scandals 
known  to  every  one.  He  added  that  the  crime  was  graver 
in  the  chief  than  in  any  other  person,  and  that  he  should  be 
punished  no  less  than  any  other  criminal,  lest  such  disorders 
seem  to  receive  approval.  All  were  silent,  and  some  trembled, 
because  they  still  dreaded  the  anger  and  power  of  the  former 
medicine-man.  Only  one  Christian  Indian,  named  Thomas, 
raised  his  voice  in  support  of  the  missionary,  and  declared 
that  the  Father’s  demands  were  just.  Thomas  then,  with  the 
assistance  of  the  others,  seized  the  haughty  culprit,  had  him 
publicly  flogged,  and  deposed  from  office.  The  ex-chief  sup- 
pressed his  rage,  and  for  a short  while  appeared  to  have  im- 
proved; then  he  tried  to  rouse  the  neophytes  against  the  mis- 
sionary, and  several  times  attempted  to  kill  Father  Luyando. 
The  Indians,  however,  remained  faithful,  and  God  Himself 
soon  relieved  the  mission  of  the  priest’s  enemy.  He  was  one 
of  the  first  victims  of  an  epidemic,  but  died  repentant  and 
with  the  missionary  at  his  side. 

Another  guama,  who  had  seduced  a Christian  woman  and 
threatened  the  life  of  Luyando,  received  well-merited  pun- 
ishment more  quickly.  The  Indians  caught  him  and  placed 
him  before  a court  composed  of  the  two  guards  and  an  In- 
dian chief.  The  prisoner  confessed  his  guilt,  and  was  sen- 
tenced to  be  flogged.  After  three  or  four  blows  with  the  lash 
had  been  applied.  Father  Luyando,  who  had  absented  himself 
from  the  trial,  ordered  the  execution  of  the  sentence  stopped, 
and  begged  the  court  to  pardon  the  culprit,  as  he'  himself 
-would  give  security  for  the  good  behavior  of  the  guama.  This 
unexpected  leniency  so  thoroughly  touched  and  changed  the 
man,  that  after  his  baptism  he  became  an  exemplary  Chris- 
tian. Similar  action  in  favor  of  another  old  man,  who  had 
endeavored  to  excite  the  natives  against  the  missionary  for 
abolishing  their  ancient  immoral  customs  and  superstitious 
practises,  met  with  a similar  result. 

Father  Luyando  now  induced  the  neophytes  to  open  and 


San  Ignacio;  Conversions;  Epidemics  197 


grade  roads  from  the  mission  to  each  of  the  pueblos,  and 
from  these  to  the  numerous  rancherias  of  his  district,  in 
order  to  make  his  visits  less  burdensome.  To  encourage  the 
Indians,  he  offered  prizes  for  the  party  that  should  finish  the 
work  first.  This  excited  emulation  among  the  different  ran- 
cherias and  led  to  highly  amusing  contests,  which  showed 
that  the  Cochimis  were  by  no  means  as  stupid  and  wanting 
in  ambition  as  the  other  tribes.  In  the  contest,  when  the  men 
of  a certain  rancheria  noticed  that  those  from  another  village 
were  making  greater  headway  on  their  road,  and  would  win 
the  prize  and  praises  of  Father  Luyando,  they  determined  to 
have  recourse  to  artifice  in  order  to  stop  the  progress  of  their 
rivals.  Having  learned  that  letters  spoke  to  those  far  away 
and  served  for  giving  orders,  they  procured  some  writing 
paper  from  the  house  of  the  missionary.  This  they  covered 
with  ink-marks  in  imitation  of  letters,  and  sent  it  to  their  com- 
petitors through  a messenger  with  the  verbal  order  from  the 
Father  that  they  should  stop  work  on  that  road  and  begin  to 
open  another.  The  other  party  suspecting  treachery  returned 
the  paper  with  the  reply  that  the  Father  could  not  have  writ- 
ten the  letter,  since  he  knew  that  they  could  not  read.  In 
return  they  were  informed  that  the  paper  merely  proved  that 
the  order  came  from  the  missionary.  The  rivals  now  sent 
some  of  their  own  men  to  ask  the  Father  himself,  when  the 
deception  was  exposed. 

The  conversion  of  a pagan  and  his  family  from  Walimea, 
or  Hualimea,  otherwise  Santisima  Trinidad,  a rancheria  on 
the  Pacific  Coast,  deserves  special  mention.  From  Christians 
of  other  villages  he  had  heard  of  the  Christian  faith  and  of 
the  necessity  of  baptism.  Convinced  of  these  truths,  though 
he  had  never  seen  a priest,  nor  visited  San  Ignacio,  he  com- 
municated what  he  had  learned  to  his  tribesmen  and  day  and 
night  urged  them  to  proceed  to  the  mission  for  baptism,  offer- 
ing to  be  the  first  to  submit  to  the  new  religion.  The  guamas, 
or  sorcerers,  opposed  his  plan  and  declared  that  all  who 
should  have  themselves  baptized  would  die  from  its  effects. 
The  Indian,  however,  resolved  to  visit  the  mission  with  his 
family  and  to  receive  baptism  even  if  he  should  die  the  same 


198  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

day.  A few  others  joined  him  and  all  were  kindly  received 
by  Father  Luyando.  For  fear  of  the  smallpox,  which  had 
appeared,  the  children  were  baptized  immediately.  On  the 
next  day  the  parents  and  their  friends  were  admitted  among 
the  catechumens.  Soon  after  the  little  daughter  of  the  fer- 
vent Walimean  died,  and  his  wife  and  brother  fell  sick.  Far 
from  cooling  his  ardor,  as  Luyando  had  feared,  these  mis- 
fortunes only  increased  his  desire  for  baptism.  Not  long 
after  the  happy  convert  was  baptized  and  received  the  name 
Cristobal.  Some  weeks  later  the  new  Christian  returned  to 
his  native  village  and  labored  so  zealously  for  the  faith  that 
all  his  tribesmen,  including  the  guamas,  became  Christians. 
As  the  rancheria  lay  too  far  from  San  Ignacio,  Cristobal  was 
appointed  rezador,  or  official  instructor  and  reader.  The 
conversion  of  this  rancheria  facilitated  the  spread  of  Chris- 
tianity all  along  the  coast  to  the  north. 

The  smallpox  epidemic  of  that  year,  1729,  materially  aided 
instead  of  retarding  the  progress  of  the  mission.  Some  of 
the  most  hostile  guamas  were  carried  off ; and  although  the 
Christians  lost  many  of  their  own  number,  they  grew  more 
attached  to  their  faith,  when  they  witnessed  the  heroic  charity 
and  patience  with  which  the  missionary  attended  to  the  spirit- 
ual and  corporal  welfare  of  the  afflicted.  At  first  the  sor- 
cerers spread  the  notion  that  all  the  baptized  and  anointed 
would  die.  This  caused  many  to  conceal  their  children  and 
the  sick,  when  the  missionary  made  his  rounds  in  search  of 
the  dying.  The  Christians  soon  dispelled  the  false  impres- 
sion by  showing  that  fewer  deaths  occurred  among  the  bap- 
tized than  among  an  equal  number  of  unbaptized  and  un- 
anointed sick. 

Some  time  after,  while  the  mission  continued  successful  in 
every  way,  pagan  Indians  from  the  north  attacked  a Christian 
rancheria,  killing  an  old  man  and  a little  girl.  The  inhabitants 
hastily  fled  to  San  Ignacio.  The  neophytes  and  the  catechu- 
mens of  the  mission  at  once  armed  themselves  to  punish  the 
murderers ; but  Father  Luyando,  fearing  that  a general  war 
might  ensue,  persuaded  his  people  like  good  Christians  to 
pardon  their  enemies.  He  believed  that  thereby  the  savages 


San  Ignacio;  Conversions;  Epidemics  199 

would  be  attracted  to  the  Gospel.  He,  moreover,  sent  some 
gifts  to  the  guilty  savages  in  token  of  good  will.  Both  Vene- 
gas and  Clavijero  remark  that  under  the  circumstances  this 
was  not  the  right  way  to  gain  the  barbarians.  The  savages 
naturally  concluded  that  the  missionary’s  action  proceeded 
from  cowardice.  The  result  was,  that  they  grew  more  inso- 
lent, fell  upon  the  other  rancherias,  and  even  threatened  the 
mission  itself.  Finding  himself  alone  with  only  two  soldiers 
and  a number  of  poorly-armed  and  timid  neophytes,  Luyando 
went  to  Mission  Guadalupe,  where  F'ather  Sistiaga  had  charge 
in  the  absence  of  Father  Helen.  Sistiaga,  better  versed  in 
the  habits  of  the  Indians,  immediately  accompanied  his  fear- 
ful brother  missionary  back  to  San  Ignacio. 

In  harmony  with  his  companion,  Sistiaga  directed  that  the 
whole  population  of  the  mission  hold  a novena,  or  nine  days’ 
devotion,  in  honor  of  the  Most  Holy  Trinity,  to  implore  the 
divine  assistance.  At  the  same  time  he  planned  a raid  against 
the  savages  for  the  purpose  of  capturing  and  chastising  them. 
Preparations  were  made  with  all  the  noise  possible,  after  the 
manner  of  the  natives,  in  order  to  encourage  the  timid  neo- 
phytes and  to  impress  the  lurking  enemies.  The  Christians 
of  the  surrounding  rancherias  were  summoned  to  the  mission. 
A large  number  of  bows  and  arrows,  hardwood  lances  and 
shields  of  leather  were  made,  and  the  Indians  were  drilled 
in  the  use  of  the  weapons  by  the  two  soldiers.  The  women 
were  set  to  work  sewing  bags  for  carrying  provisions,  making 
rawhide  sandals  for  the  march  through  the  rocky  regions, 
roasting  corn,  etc.  Seven  hundred  Indians  offered  their  ser- 
vices to  punish  their  savage  persecutors ; but,  for  want  of 
provisions  and  for  fear  of  disorder,  only  three  hundred  and 
fifty  men  were  chosen  to  constitute  the  army.  It  had  been 
the  custom  for  each  rancheria  to  appoint  a leader,  who  acted 
independently  of  the  others.  This  might  now  have  caused 
disaster;  therefore  the  Fathers  selected  one  chief  and  induced 
the  Indians  to  choose  another.  The  neophytes,  accordingly, 
elected  their  bravest  and  most  intelligent  warrior,  whereas 
the  missionaries  named  an  intelligent  young  Indian,  who  had 
been  reared  by  Father  Ugarte,  educated  at  Loreto,  and  had 


200  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

held  the  office  of  gobernador  at  the  mission  during  that  year.  ^ 
When  all  arrangements  had  been  made,  the  little  army  re- 
paired to  the  church  to  receive  the  blessing  of  the  mission- 
aries, and  then,  preceded  by  the  standard  of  the  Cross, 
marched  out  in  search  of  the  enemy  whilst  the  Fathers  re- 
mained at  the  mission.  ^ 

The  warriors  were  instructed  to  kill  no  one,  unless  com- 
pelled, but  to  capture  their  foes  alive.  This  was  faithfully 
carried  out  through  the  shrewdness  of  the  young  Indian  com- 
mander. He  had  sent  out  spies  and  learned  from  them  that 
the  main  force  of  the  enemy  was  camped  on  the  brow  of  a 
hill.  During  the  night  he  divided  his  men  and  quietly  sur- 
rounded the  unsuspecting  savages.  At  sunrise  the  Christians 
came  forth  from  their  hiding-places  and,  yelling  frightfully, 
rushed  into  the  camp.  The  surprised  pagans  quickly  seized 
their  weapons ; but  seeing  themselves  surrounded  by  superior 
numbers,  they  threw  down  their  arms  and  surrendered.  Not 
a shot  had  been  fired.  Only  two  men  escaped  to  tell  the  story 
of  their  defeat.  The  prisoners,  numbering  thirty-four  war- 
riors, were  marched  to  San  Ignacio,  where  the  victors  cele- 
brated their  triumph  by  thanking  God  in  the  church  for  their 
bloodless  victory.  On  the  following  day  a High  Mass  of 
thanksgiving  was  sung  in  honor  of  the  Most  Holy  Trinity. 

Soon  after  the  whole  Indian  population  assembled  in  the 
open  air  around  a tribunal,  where  justice  was  to  be  meted 
out  to  the  prisoners.  The  court  was  composed  of  the  two 
soldiers  and  the  mission  governor.  The  missionaries  would 
take  no  part  in  the  proceedings  and  remained  at  home.  The 
thirty-four  savages  were  tried  and  convicted  of  murder,  rob- 
beries, and  sedition ; but,  as  only  the  captain  of  the  presidio 
could  inflict  capital  punishment,  the  court  directed  that  the 

2 “Era  gobernador  del  pueblo  aquel  ano,”  Venegas  informs  us. 
From  this  it  seems  clear  that,  as  in  New  Mexico  and  other 
Spanish  possessions,  the  Indian  officials  in  California  served  only 
one  year.  This  custom  is  still  observed  in  Southern  California 
and  New  Mexico. 

3 “Quedando  los  Padres  en  el  pueblo,”  Venegas  expressly  af- 
firms. Hittell  would  have  us  believe  that  Sistiaga  led  the  forces 
to  battle,  which  is  an  error.  See  Hittell,  “Hist,  of  Calif.,”  vol.  i,  231. 


San  Ignacio;  Conversions;  Epidemics  201 

prisoners  should  be  taken  to  Loreto.  The  guilty  Indians  then 
gave  way  to  despair,  while  some  of  the  new  Christians  danced 
with  delight  at  the  prospect  of  seeing  their  enemies  suffer. 
The  missionaries  rebuked  them  for  their  unseemly  mirth  and 
spirit  of  revenge,  and  assuring  the  savages  that  they  should 
not  die,  they  encouraged  them  to  partake  of  the  refreshments 
offered  them. 

At  the  request  of  the  missionaries  and  many  Christian  In- 
dians the  prisoners  were  granted  another  trial  on  the  follow- 
ing day.  The  sentence  of  transportation  and  death  was  then 
commuted  to  a severe  flogging.  The  beginning  was  made 
with  the  chief  criminal ; but,  after  a few  blows  with  the  lash 
had  been  applied,  the  Fathers  appeared  and  begged  the 
judges  to  remit  the  rest  of  the  punishment  and  to  pardon  the 
other  criminals.  The  judges  consented,  and  even  restored 
the  weapons  except  those  belonging  to  the  leaders,  which 
were  retained  as  evidences  of  the  victory.  * This  moderation 
taught  both  the  neophytes  and  the  pagans  the  true  spirit  of 
Christianity.  The  liberated  captives  were  hospitably  enter- 
tained during  their  few  days’  stay  at  the  mission,  and  given 
every  opportunity  to  witness  the  love  and  harmony  which 
prevailed  in  a Christian  community.  They  were  so  impressed 
that  they  begged  for  baptism.  When  they  heard  that  they 
must  first  be  instructed  and  prove  themselves  worthy,  they 
set  out  for  their  homes  quite  dejected.  They  soon  returned 
and  asked  that  their  children  at  least  be  given  baptism.  The 
missionaries  consented,  lest  the  savages  imagine  that  they 
w'ere  still  hated,  and  should  not  be  safe  from  the  revenge  of 
the  Christians.  Only  the  child  of  the  leader  was  excepted 
to  try  the  sincerity  of  the  father,  who  had  shown  particular 
vindictiveness ; but  he  returned  a second  time  and  amid  tears 
asked  the  missionaries  to  baptize  the  boy  or  to  kill  the  father. 
Thereupon  the  child  was  baptized  like  the  others.  A few 
months  later  all  the  former  prisoners  reappeared  at  the  mis- 


* Compare  with  this  Spanish  Catholic  treatment  of  the  natives 
the  practice  observed  towards  the  Indians  by  English  Protestants 
under  British  as  well  as  American  rule. 


202  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


sion  with  their  families  and  the  old  people  who  could  barely 
walk,  for  the  purpose  of  placing  themselves  under  instruction. 

The  report  of  the  remarkable  victory  and  the  gentle  treat- 
ment experienced  by  the  vanquished  at  the  hands  of  the 
Christians  was  re-echoed  throughout  the  sierras,  and  spread 
from  the  gulf  to  the  ocean.  It  was  the  most  opportune  ad- 
vertisement which  the  doctrine  and  the  law  of  Christ  could 
have  received.  It  humbled  the  pride  of  the  pagans,  gave  them 
exalted  ideas  of  the  religion  taught  by  the  strangers,  and  was 
the  means  of  attracting  great  numbers  of  wild  natives  to 
Christianity  in  subsequent  years.  Father  Luyando’s  health, 
however,  gave  way  under  the  strain,  so  that  he  had  to  retire 
to  Mexico.  Father  Sistiaga,  formerly  of  Santa  Rosalia  de 
Mulege,  was  appointed  in  his  place.  ® 

According  to  Bancroft,  Father  Luyando’s  signature  ap- 
pears in  the  Loreto  mission  record  in  1727-1728.  The  records 
of  Mission  San  Ignacio  begin  with  a baptism  on  October  22d, 
1716.  Four  hundred  and  nineteen  baptisms  took  place  before 
the  formal  founding  in  1728;  one  hundred  and  six  were  bap- 
tized before  1726;  and  two  thousand  two  hundred  and  ninety- 
two  before  1741.  Luyando  is  named  as  founder,  but  nearly 
all  the  entries  in  the  early  years  are  signed  by  Father  Sis- 
tiaga. Thirty-six  marriages  had  occurred  before  the  found- 
ing, the  date  of  which  may  have  been  July  7th,  instead  of 
Christmas.  J’he  number  of  marriages  down  to  1748  were 
eight  hundred  and  forty-eight.  Down  to  1740  two  thousand 
and  six  deaths  were  entered  in  the  records.  The  site  of  Mis- 
sion San  Ignacio,  called  Kadaa,  according  to  Bancroft,  is  San 
Vincente  Ferrer  Valley.  Father  Taraval  served  there  in 
1732,  and  Father  Fernando  Consag  seems  to  have  been  the 
missionary  from  1736  to  1747.  After  him  came  Father  Pedro 
Maria  Nascimben,  and  still  later  Father  Jose  Gasteiger.  ® 

5 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  391-417;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  74-80;  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  232,  236-237. 

® Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,’’  vol.  i,  454,  note  27. 


CHAPTER  XL 


Death  of  Fathers  Piccolo  and  Ugarte. — Father  Echeverria  Named 
Visitor. — Founding  of  Mission  San  Jose  del  Cabo. — Dullness  of 
the  Indians. — Polygamy. — Father  Taraval  Ordered  to  Write  the 
Mission  History. — His  Tour  to  the  Pacific. — The  Islands. — 
Incidents. — Founding  of  Mission  Santa  Rosa  or  Todos  Santos. — 
Indian  Criminals. — Need  of  a Presidio  in  the  South. 

FTER  a long  life  full  of  merit,  Father  Francisco  Maria 


Piccolo  finished  his  course  at  Loreto  on  February  22d. 
1729,  in  his  seventy-ninth  year.  He  had  come  to  California 
with  the  venerable  Juan  Maria  Salvatierra,  and  labored  among 
the  natives  of  the  peninsula  for  thirty-two  years.  He  was  a 
Sicilian  by  birth.  He  had  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  as  a priest, 
and  had  been  stationed  for  six  or  eight  years  in  the  missions 
of  Taraumara,  Southwestern  Chihuahua,  where,  according  to 
Alegre,  he  founded  Mission  Carichic.  When  Salvatierra  ob- 
tained leave  to  convert  the  Indians  of  California,  Piccolo  was 
selected  to  join  him.  The  good  Father  was  especially  noted 
for  his  meekness  and  purity  of  conscience.  It  was  claimed 
that  he  never  committed  mortal  sin.  He  was  the  first  mis- 
sionary to  die  in  California.  ^ 

On  December  29th  of  the  following  year  California  was 
called  upon  to  part  with  Father  Juan  de  Ugarte,  the  last  of 
the  three  founders  of  the  peninsula  missions.  He  died  at  the 
pueblo  of  San  Pablo,  a station  of  Mission  San  Francisco 
Xavier,  in  the  seventieth  year  of  his  age.  He  spent  the  last 
thirty  years  of  his  life  in  California ; they  may  be  said  to  have 
been  sixty  years,  says  Venegas ; for  he  labored  not  like  one 
man,  but  did  the  work  of  many.  He  was  the  mainstay  of 
the  whole  undertaking,  which  but  for  him  would  have  been 
abandoned  many  times.  Though  of  a different  cast  from  his 

1 Nothing  more  is  on  record  of  his  antecedents.  The  three  Jesuit 
historians  unfortunately  paid  too  little  attention  to  biographical 
notes  and  mission  statistics.  This  is  the  only  reason  why  so  little 
is  offered  in  this  volume.  See  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  418;  Clavi- 
jero,  lib.  iii,  sec.  xix,  80;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  lib.  x,  236. 


204  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

friend  Father  Piccolo,  both  in  mind  and  body,  Ugarte,  like 
his  late  companion,  lived  and  died  a true  religious.  ^ “It  is 
no  disparagement  to  the  others  to  add  that  he  was  the  noblest, 
bravest,  and  greatest  of  them  all.”  ^ “Again  and  again  had 
his  courage,  pertinacity,  and  tact  saved  the  missions  from 
dissolution.  Every  crisis  of  distress  and  despair  had  found 
him  ready.  His  heart  had  been  strong  when  all  others  were 
weak;  his  hand  active  when  others  were  listless.  The  natives 
feared,  respected,  and  loved  him,  for  he  ever  tempered  the 
ruler’s  authority  with  the  friend’s  affability,  the  gentleness  of 
the  priest  with  the  dignity  of  the  man.  He  possessed  in  an 
eminent  degree  the  qualities  indispensable  to  a leader  of 
pioneers.” *  * 

While  the  northern  tribes  gradually  accepted  the  Gospel 
and  generally  remained  faithful,  the  savages  of  the  south  daily 
displayed  more  animosity  towards  Christianity.  Father  Guillen 
of  Mission  Dolores,  Father  Bravo  of  La  Paz,  and  Father  Na- 
poli of  Mission  Santiago,  and  their  successors,  had  succeeded 
in  taming  the  barbarity  of  the  Uchities,  Guaicuros,  and  Coras 
by  leading  them  into  the  fold  of  Christ,  but  the  majority  of 
the  Indians  continued  obstinate.  Among  the  neophytes,  too, 
there  were  not  a few  who  would  not  endure  the  restraints  im- 
posed upon  their  passions  by  the  Christian  religion  and  by 
Christian  civilization.  These  endeavored  to  incite  others  to 
join  them  in  breaking  the  fetters  that  bound  them  to  a rational 
and  decent  mode  of  life.  As  early  as  1723  Captain  Lorenzo 
Rodriguez  had  led  an  armed  force  into  the  territory  of  the 
lately  established  missions  of  Dolores  and  Santiago  for  the 
purpose  of  quieting  the  turbulent  natives.  Similar  visits  had 
to  be  made  in  1725  and  1729.  On  the  last  occasion  the  cap- 
tain tarried  six  months  in  the  country  of  the  Coras.  The 
founding  of  more  missions  in  that  part  of  the  peninsula  seemed 
to  be  the  only  remedy  for  these  periodical  outbreaks  of  pagan 
hatred  and  licentiousness. 

2 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  418;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  80;  Alegre,  tom.  iii, 
240-241. 

3 Hittell,  “History  of  California,’’  vol.  i,  238. 

* Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,’’  vol.  i,  456. 


San  Jose;  Sta.  Rosa;  Indian  Vices  205 

In  1729,  therefore,  when  the  Coras  again  asked  for  mis- 
sionaries, as  they  had  done  before,  the  Fathers  determined  to 
place  two  new  missions  in  the  south.  Hearing  of  this  plan, 
the  generous  benefactor  of  California,  Marques  de  Villapuente, 
at  once  offered  to  endow  the  mission  which  was  to  be  estab- 
lished in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  San  Lucas;  his  cousin.  Dona 
Rosa  de  la  Pena,  almost  equal  to  him  in  piety  and  charity, 
asked  for  the  privilege  of  endowing  the  other  and  of  naming 
it  after  her  patron  saint.  The  request  was  granted.  Her 
mission  was  to  be  located  at  Ensenada  de  Palmas,  once  occu- 
pied by  Mission  Santiago.  At  that  time  the  procurator  for 
California  in  the  city  of  Mexico  was  Rev.  Jose  de  Eche- 
verria,  who  in  October,  1729,  had  gone  to  Sinaloa  to  purchase 
another  ship  in  place  of  one  that  had  been  lost  at  sea  with 
its  whole  cargo.  While  thus  engaged  the  Superior-General 
appointed  him  visitor  for  all  the  Jesuit  missions.  He  resolved 
to  begin  the  visitation  in  California  and  came  to  Loreto  on 
October  27th,  of  the  same  year.  After  visiting  the  seven 
Jesuit  establishments  in  the  north,  Echeverria  gave  vent  to 
his  satisfaction  in  a letter  dated  Loreto,  February  10th,  1730. 
“I  set  out  to  visit  the  missions,”  he  writes,  “commencing  with 
San  Xavier  and  finishing  at  San  Ig^nacio,  which  is  the  farthest 
north,  and  distant  eighty  leagues  from  Loreto.  I passed 
forty-eight  days  on  the  road  going  and  coming;  the  cold  in 
January  was  severer  than  at  Guapango,  but  it  was  well  worth 
while  to  suffer  the  hardships  for  merely  witnessing  the  fervor 
of  these  new  and  happy  Christian  settlements ; and  we  could 
not  help  shedding  tears  of  consolation  on  hearing  so  many 
times  the  praises  of  God  from  the  mouths  of  these  poor  In- 
dians, who  a little  while  before  did  not  know  that  there  is  a 
God.  Through  His  infinite  mercy,  not  only  are  there  accord- 
ing to  my  count  six  thousand  baptized  persons  in  the  seven 
missions,  but  beyond  a doubt  there  is  not  one  able  to  speak 
who  does  not  know  the  Christian  Doctrina  well.” 

Father  Echeverria  now  prepared  to  visit  the  religious  in 
the  south,  and  to  assist  at  the  founding  of  two  missions  in 
that  district.  On  account  of  the  delay  in  the  arrival  of  Rev. 
Sigismundo  Taraval,  who  was  destined  for  the  new  mission 


2o6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


of  Santa  Rosa,  only  the  mission  proposed  for  the  vicinity  of 
Cape  San  Lucas  could  be  established.  This  undertaking  de- 
manded a religious  of  perfect  virtue,  untiring  zeal,  great  pru- 
dence, and  consummate  skill  in  dealing  with  the  natives.  Such 
a man  was  found  in  the  person  of  Father  Nicolas  Tamaral, 
who  had  established  Mission  Purisima  Concepcion ; he  was 
therefore  appointed  for  the  new  mission  of  San  Jose  del  Cabo. 
On  March  10th,  1730,  Echeverria  and  Tamaral  embarked  with 
some  soldiers  and  a few  Indians  on  the  Triunfo  de  la  Cruz, 
and  nine  days  later  reached  the  Bahia  de  la  Paz*,  where  they 
were  welcomed  at  Mission  Nuestra  Senora  del  Pilar  by  Father 
William  Gordon,  the  successor  of  Jayme  Bravo.  After  the 
regular  visitation,  the  two  Fathers  proceeded  to  Mission  San- 
tiago de  los  Coras,  where  they  found  Father  Lorenzo  Car- 
ranco,  who  had  taken  Father  Napoli’s  place  four  years  pre- 
vious. From  here  the  visitor  and  Tamaral  set  sail  for  Cape 
San  Lucas,  where  the  new  mission  was  to  be  located.  On  a 
convenient  site  near  a lagoon  two  huts  were  constructed  of 
palm-leaves  and  roofed  with  reeds  and  dry  grass ; one  was  to 
serve  as  a chapel,  the  other  as  a dwelling  for  the  missionary. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  which  must  not 
be  confounded  with  another  mission  situated  north  of  Loreto 
and  known  as  San  Jose  de  Comundu. 

The  Fathers  had  expected  to  be  welcomed  by  large  numbers 
vOf  Indians,  because  the  natives  had  appealed  so  urgently  for 
-missionaries ; but  during  the  three  weeks’  stay  of  Father  Eche- 
verria only  about  twenty  families  cautiously  visited  the  priests. 
With  these  Tamaral  began  the  instructions,  and  on  Holy  Sat- 
urday had  the  satisfaction  of  baptizing  fifteen  infants  and  a 
•number  of  other  children  three  or  four  years  of  age.  When 
■the  Indians  were  asked  why  all  the  people  did  not  appear  who 
;,in  the  preceding  year  had  petitioned  the  captain  for  a priest, 
■they  said  that  the  rest  had  died.  This  proved  to  be  false; 
for  no  sooner  had  the  Rev.  Visitor  and  the  soldiers  departed, 
than  a great  many  savages  joined  their  friends  at  the  new 
mission.  They  claimed  to  have  feared  that  the  soldiers  had 
come  to  punish  them  for  their  hostility  to  the  neophytes  of 
Mission  del  Pilar  and  Mission  Santiago.  Tamaral  early 


San  Jose;  Sta.  Rosa;  Indian  Vices 


207 


scoured  the  country  for  more  converts  and  for  a more  suita- 
ble locality,  because  the  spot  chosen  was  infested  with  swarms 
of  mosquitoes  and  other  insects,  and  withal  there  was  little 
soil  fit  for  cultivation.  He  accordingly  removed  to  a place 
about  five  ^ leagues  from  the  ocean,  where  he  labored  so 
successfully  that  the  once  roving  Indians  settled  and  received 
instruction  in  two  pueblos,  and  one  thousand  and  thirty-six 
natives  were  baptized  in  the  first  year.  ® This  result  is  the 
more  surprising  inasmuch  as  these  savages  by  reason  of  their 
vicious  habits  appeared  the  least  disposed  to  accept  the  Gospel 
doctrines.  This  we  learn  from  a letter  written  by  Father 
Tamaral  on  June  15th,  1731,  to  the  Marques  de  Villapuente, 
the  great  benefactor  of  the  missions. 

“We  proceed  very  slowly,”  he  says,  “with  these  poor  sav- 
ages because  of  their  remarkable  dullness  to  learn  and  to  make 
themselves  capable  of  grasping  the  sublime  mysteries  of  our 
holy  faith.  This  is  owing  to  the  awful  vices  in  which  as 
pagan  savages  they  are  steeped,  to  the  superstitions  to  which 
they  are  attached,  to  the  wars  and  to  murders  prevailing  among 
them,  but  especially  to  the  mire  of  impurity  into  which  they 
are  plunged.  It  is  extremely  difficult  to  persuade  them  to 
resolve  to  dismiss  the  great  number  of  wives  that  each  one 
has ; for  even  the  poorest  and  lowest  have  two  or  three  and 
more  wives,  because  among  these  Indians  the  feminine  sex  is 
more  numerous. 

“This  obstacle  is  the  most  difficult  to  overcome,  partly  be- 
cause the  men  are  excessively  fond  of  women,  and  partly 
because  the  women  that  are  put  away  by  one  man  do  not 
easily  find  another  who  will  take  them.  Another  reason  is 
that  the  men,  if  reduced  to  one  wife,  according  to  our  holy 
Law,  would  find  themselves  compelled  to  go  in  search  of  food ; 
but,  having  been  raised  in  absolute  idleness,  they  will  lie  in 
the  shade  of  a tree,  whither  the  women  insist  on  bringing  an 

5 Clavijero  has  two  leagues. 

® “Con  improbos  trabajos  junto  en  el  primer  ano  varias  rancherias 
vagantes,  distribuyolas  en  dos  pueblos,  doctrinolas  infatigablemente 
y en  solo  este  ano  bautizo,  entre  parvulos  y adultos,  mil  y treinta  y 
seis  personas.”  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  sec.  xvii,  428. 


2o8  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


abundance  of  seeds  and  wild  fruits,  each  trying  to  fetch  more 
than  the  other  wives.  Hence  to  induce  men  so  lazy  and  in- 
different, and  raised  in  such  a beastly  manner,  to  lead  a ra- 
tional life,  to  put  away  the  women  and  to  be  content  with 
one  wife,  to  take  the  trouble  of  procuring  food  for  themselves 
and  their  children,  to  submit  to  everything  else  that  is  dis- 
agreeable to  a savage  people,  and  to  resolve  to  embrace  the 
faith  and  a Christian  life,  requires  a miracle  of  divine  grace. 

“Thanks  be  to  God,  in  their  rancherias  they  now  recite  the 
Doctrina  at  night  before  going  to  sleep,  and  after  the  Califor- 
nia melody  sing  the  Bendito  * three  times.  At  daybreak  they 
observe  the  same  custom  in  common.  In  their  rancherias 
they  have  the  Cross  planted  upon  some  hill  or  high  elevation 
where  all  may  see  it.  In  several  places  they  have  brushwood 
huts  where  they  meet  for  instructions  when  I go  to  visit  them. 
As  the  melody  of  the  California  Bendito  is  touching,  so  like- 
wise is  the  ordinary  use  of  the  Bendito.  When  I go  to  the 
rancherias  the  whole  community  receives  me  with  the  singing 
of  the  Bendito;  and  when  on  the  road  I meet  one  or  more 
going  about  their  usual  occupations,  they  will,  even  at  a dis- 
tance, drop  on  their  knees,  sing  the  Bendito,  and  then  salute 
me.”  ® 

In  May,  1730,  two  months  after  Visitor  Echeverria  had 
sailed  for  Cape  San  Lucas,  Rev.  Sigismundo  Taraval,  who  was 
destined  for  the  new  mission  of  Santa  Rosa,  arrived  at  Loreto. 
Though  only  thirty  years  of  age,  he  was  well  fitted,  both  cor- 
porally and  mentally,  for  that  critical  undertaking.  He  was 
a native  of  Lodi  in  Lombardy,  Italy,  where  his  father,  Don 
Miguel  de  Taraval,  was  lieutenant-general  of  the  army.  On 
October  31st,  1718,  when  only  eighteen  years  old,  Sigismundo 
entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  at  the  college  of  Ocana  in  the 
province  of  Toledo,  Spain.  While  studying  philosophy  he  was 

7“Cantan  en  el  tono  Californico,”  as  Venegas  writes. 

8 Also  called  “Alabado.”  According  to  some,  the  words  were, 
“Bendito  y Alabado  sea  el  Santisimo  Nombre  de  Jesus.”  Others 
have  another  version.  See  note  12,  chapter  vi. 

9 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  418-432;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  sec.  xx,  80-81; 
Alegre,  tom.  iii,  239-240. 


San  Jose;  Sta.  Rosa;  Indian  Vices 


209 


seized  with  the  desire  of  devoting  his  life  to  the  conversion 
of  the  pagans.  For  this  purpose,  after  receiving  permission 
from  his  superiors,  he  passed  over  to  Mexico,  and  at  the 
conclusion  of  his  studies,  he  was  sent  to  California.  He  la- 
bored with  much  zeal  at  various  missions,  and  by  order  of 
his  superiors  collected  material  for  a history  of  all  the  missions 
of  the  peninsula.  To  his  industry  and  research  is  due  the 
greater  part  of  the  information  which  is  embodied  in  the 
Noticia  de  la  Nueva  California  of  Venegas,  the  standard 
work  on  the  country,  the  inhabitants,  the  products  and  the 
missions  of  Lower  California. 

As  the  founding  of  Mission  Santa  Rosa,  for  want  of  priests, 
had  to  be  postponed.  Visitor  Echeverria  directed  Father  Ta- 
raval  to  take  the  place  of  Father  Tamaral  at  Purisima  Con- 
cepcion, who  had  been  changed  to  San  Jose  del  Cabo ; but 
when  Father  Sistiaga  of  San  Ignacio  became  visitor  in  1732, 
he  called  Taraval  to  replace  him  at  San  Ignacio  during  the 
time  of  the  visitation.  A few  months  after  his  arrival,  some 
Indians  from  an  island  on  the  Pacific  Coast  appeared  at  San 
Ignacio,  and  begged  the  missionary  to  visit  their  people  and 
make  them  Christians.  For  this  purpose  the  zealous  Father 
left  his  mission  on  December  3d  with  a few  Christian  Indians, 
and,  after  wandering  six  days,  reached  a great  bay  which  he 
named  San  Xavier  Bay.  He  discovered  two  islands  at  a 
distance  of  six  or  seven  leagues  from  the  shore.  Here  were 
the  homes  of  his  visitors.  Father  Taraval  and  his  companions 
reached  the  nearest  island  by  means  of  rafts,  but  saw  no  living 
being  save  a great  number  of  birds,  whence  it  derived  the 
name  of  Afegua  Island,  or  Island  of  Birds.  It  was  about 
half  a mile  long  and  without  either  water  or  vegetation.  The 
other  island  was  known  as  Amalgua  (Hualagua),  or  Isle  of 
Fogs.  Father  Taraval  says  it  was  triangular  in  shape,  and 

“A  su  cuidado  y diligencia  se  debe  la  mayor  parte  de  las 
noticias  de  esta  Relacion  ...  a quien  yo  confieso  deudor  ante 
el  Publico  de  muy  buena  gana.”  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  sec. 
xviii,  434. 

San  Sebastian  Bay. 

12  Natividad  Island. 

12  Cedros  Island. 


210*  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

from  cape  to  cape  two  days’  travel  in  length.  From  a very 
high  mountain  in  the  center  he  saw  two  small  islands  eight 
or  ten  leagues  to  the  westward.  In  the  center  of  the  great 
bay  he  found  three  uninhabited  islets  to  which  collectively  he 
gave  the  name  of  Dolores.  Far  to  the  north  he  descried  a 
number  of  larger  islands,  which,  supposing  himself  to  be  in 
latitude  thirty-one  degrees,  he  erroneously  concluded  were  the 
islands  of  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel. 

The  missionary  easily  persuaded  the  inhabitants,  who  were 
few  in  number,  to  remove  to  San  Ignacio.  Only  an  old  sor- 
cerer refused  to  follow  them ; but,  when  he  saw  his  wife  join 
their  tribesmen,  he  would  not  remain  alone  on  the  island. 
While  the  raft,  which  carried  the  people,  passed  near  a sand- 
bank, where  a number  of  seals  were  basking  in  the  sun,  the 
perverse  sorcerer  jumped  into  the  water  to  kill  some  of  the 
animals ; but  the  seals  disappeared  before  he  reached  land. 
Whilst  he  was  swimming  back  to  the  float,  a shark  seized  the 
unhappy  man  and  drew  him  down  to  the  deep.  The  awful 
fate  of  the  guama  grieved  Father  Taraval  exceedingly,  hut 
confirmed  the  Indians  in  their  resolution  to  become  Christians. 
They  were  instructed  and  in  due  time  baptized  at  Mission 
San  Ignacio. 

Early  in  1733  Father  Sistiaga  returned  to  San  Ignacio 
with  a new  assistant  in  the  person  of  Rev.  Fernando  Consag, 
a native  of  Hungary.  Taraval  was  sent  by  the  new  visitor, 
Rev.  Clemente  Guillen,  to  begin  the  new  mission  of  Santa 
Rosa  among  the  Coras,  whose  dialect  differed  from  that 
spoken  by  the  Guaicuros  at  Santiago  Mission.  The  mission 
was  to  be  established  near  Ensenada  de  Palmas  on  the  spot 
where  Father  Napoli  had  begun  Mission  Santiago.’^®  These 
Indians  had  frequently  been  visited  by  Fathers  Carranco  and 
Taraval,  and  appeared  willing  to  receive  instructions;  but,  as 
he  encountered  much  opposition  from  a few  turbulent  natives. 


“Poniente,”  as  Venegas  says;  Clavijero  has  “Oriente.”  These 
are  the  San  Benito  Islands. 

15  Clavijero  claims  that  Taraval  did  not  erect  the  mission  at 
Ensenada  de  Palmas,  but  at  Todos  Santos.  We  follow  Venegas’s 
account. 


San 'Jose;  Sta.  Rosa;  Indian  Vices  21 1 

the  missionary  deemed  it  wise  to  retain  a guard  of  three 
soldiers.  His  prudent  zeal  was  so  successful  that  before  the 
lapse  of  a year  he  was  enabled  to  baptize  the  majority  of  the 
Indians  of  his  district.  'At  the  same  time  he  so  endeared  him- 
self to  the  neophytes  that  in  a subsequent  revolt  they  stood  by 
him  against  their  own  tribesmen. 

As  early  as  the  latter  part  of  1733  indications  of  an  insur- 
rection appeared  among  the  natives  of  Missions  Santiago  and 
San  Jose  del  Cabo,  who  chafed  under  the  restraints  imposed 
by  the  missionaries.  “The  Indians,”  says  Hittell,  “particu- 
larly those  of  the  south,  had  been  accustomed  to  live  in  the 
most  beastly  licentiousness ; and,  especially  at  their  feasts,  their 
conduct  was  entirely  devoid  of  decency  and  shame.  This  the 
missionaries  from  the  beginning  of  their  ministrations  had  en- 
deavored to  reform.  Father  Jayme  Bravo,  the  founder  of 
La  Paz,  and  Father  Napoli,  the  founder  of  Santiago,  had 
placed  themselves  in  uncompromising  opposition  to  the  pre- 
vailing manners ; but  they  had  managed  to  temper  their  zeal 
with  prudence ; during  their  time  no  very  disastrous  outbreaks 
occurred.”  Fathers  Tamaral,  Carranco,  Gordon  of  La  Paz, 
and  Taraval  of  Santa  Rosa,  followed  the  sarqe  course  adopted 
by  their  predecessors,  but  an  additional  element  of  disturb- 
ance had  meanwhile  arisen.  This,  and  not  the  want  of  gentle 
moderation  and  prudent  patience  on  the  part  of  the  mission- 
aries, as  Hittell  would  have  the  reader  believe,  was  the  im- 
mediate cause  of  the  revolt  and  of  many  other  difficulties  en- 
countered by  the  Jesuits  in  subsequent  years. 

Controlled  by  their  unbridled  passions  and  incited  by  the 
medicine-men,  the  natives  frequently  assumed  a hostile  atti- 
tude and  often  attacked  the  southern  missions,  so  that  as 
early  as  1723  and  1725,  and  again  in  1729,  Captain  Lorenzo  of 
Loreto  had  to  proceed  against  them  with  a military  force.  In 
the  last-named  year  the  depredations  of  the  Coras  and  Guai- 
curos,  says  Venegas,  were  principally  due  to  the  influence  of 
mulattoes  and  mestizos  left  on  the  peninsula  by  foreign 

16  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  233. 

1'^  The  offspring  of  a white  person  and  a negro. 

16  The  offspring  of  a white  person  and  an  Indian. 


212  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

navigators  or  pirates.  These  were  the  leaven  which  corrupted 
the  simplicity  of  the  Indians,  already  inclined  to  every  kind  of 
wickedness. 

Father  Carranco  had  appointed  Boton,  the  son  of  a mulatto 
father  and  an  Indian  mother,  chief  or  governor  of  the  Indians 
at  Mission  Santiago,  partly  on  account  of  his  superior  intelli- 
gence, partly  to  oblige  him  to  lead  a regular  life.  Boton  proved 
unworthy  of  the  trust,  and  soon  gave  himself  up  to  the  same 
vices  that  had  controlled  him  before  his  baptism.  Neither 
private  nor  public  rebuke  were  of  any  avail.  Finally,  the  poor 
missionary  was  forced  to  depose  him  and  have  him  publicly 
chastised.  Enraged  at  the  disgrace,  Boton  sought  revenge  by 
plotting  with  some  other  malcontents  for  the  murder  of  the 
missionary.  When  his  scheme  was  detected  he  withdrew 
to  pour  out  his  grievances  before  Chicori,  an  equally  guilty 
pagan  chief  of  a rancheria  in  the  missionary  district  of  San 
Jose  del  Cabo. 

One  of  Chicori’s  many  wives,  a young  woman,  came  to  the 
mission  and  applied  for  baptism.  Father  Tamaral  instructed 
her  along  with  other  catechumens,  and  then  baptized  her. 
Some  time  after,  the  vicious  chief  had  her  taken  by  force  to 
Yeneca,  where  he  resided.  Fearing  to  provoke  greater  dis- 
orders, Tamaral  remained  silent  for  a while  to  await  an  occa- 
sion to  broach  the  matter.  On  a visit  to  Yeneca,  he  mentioned 
the  subject  with  great  moderation.  Chicori  received  the  mis- 
sionary with  contempt,  and  declared  that  he  had  a right  to 
bring  the  woman  back,  as  she  was  his  wife.  Tamaral  replied 
that  if  she  had  been  the  only  wife,  she  would  not  have  been 
permitted  to  stay  at  the  mission,  nor  would  she  have  been  bap- 
tized so  soon ; but  since  the  chief  had  many  wives,  it  was  not 
right  to  take  her  away  against  her  will.  The  Father,  moreover, 
showed  him  how  degrading  such  a shameless  mode  of  life  is 
even  in  the  eyes  of  the  pagans,  and  urged  him  in  his  advanced 
age  to  rise  from  the  mire  of  turpitude  and  to  embrace  Chris- 
tianity. Chicori  was  too  deeply  steeped  in  vice  to  be  moved, 
and  the  visit  of  the  priest  made  him  more  obstinate  than  ever. 


19  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  420. 


San  Jose;  Sta.  Rosa;  Indian  Vices 


213 


He  resolved  not  only  to  kill  the  intrepid  Tamaral,  but  to  rouse 
the  native  tribes  against  all  the  missionaries. 

At  this  juncture  the  equally  furious  Boton,  who  had  already 
created  a rebellious  spirit  at  Mission  Santiago,  appeared  at 
Yeneca.  He  joined  Chicori  in  planning  a general  uprising. 
Hearing  of  the  trouble  at  Santiago,  Tamaral,  ignorant  of  the 
machinations  of  the  two  conspirators  among  his  own  people, 
hastened  to  Father  Carranco  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  him 
in  checking  the  incipient  rebellion.  As  the  prime  instigator 
had  gone  away,  the  two  missionaries  succeeded  in  pacifying 
the  turbulent  members  of  the  mission,  but  when  Tamaral  was 
about  to  return  to  his  flock,  a few  faithful  Guaicuros  gave  him 
warning  that  Boton  and  Chicori  with  two  bands  of  savages 
intended  to  waylay  and  murder  him.  The  information  was 
confirmed  by  other  Indians  who  had  investigated.  The  Father 
sent  word  to  his  neophytes,  who  at  once  came  well  armed  to 
escort  him  back  to  San  Jose.  Thereupon  the  conspirators  fled, 
but  later  on  returned  to  the  mission,  and,  feigning  repentance, 
asked  forgiveness,  which  was  readily  granted.  In  this  man- 
ner the  disaster  was  averted  for  a time. 

These  disturbances,  and  many  others  of  less  danger  with 
which  the  missionaries  were  threatened,  especially  by  those  In- 
dians whose  brutal  excesses  they  had  to  correct,  might  have 
easily  been  avoided,  if  a military  post  or  sufficient  guards  had 
been  provided  for  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula,  as  Father 
Bravo,  doubtless  by  order  of  the  dying  venerable  Juan  Maria 
Salvatierra,  had  proposed  in  1717.  The  restless  and  treach- 
erous Pericues  needed  a stronger  check  than  the  Indians  north 
of  Loreto,  because  the  missionaries  could  not  reduce  a people 
so  devoid  of  shame  and  justice  to  a rational  and  Christian 
manner  of  living  without  exposing  themselves  and  their  mis- 
sions to  certain  destruction.  Owing  to  the  folly  of  the  politi- 
cians in  Mexico,  however,  the  Jesuits  had  no  better  protec- 
tion at  their  respective  stations  than  that  which  the  presence  of 
a solitary  .soldier  could  afford,  and  during  the  last  troubles 

20  “No  tenian  los  Padres  mas  Escolta,  que  la  de  un  Soldado,  y en 
el  tiempo  de  estos  alborotos  ninguno.”  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii, 
449. 


214  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

not  even  that  much,  because  the  small  number  of  soldiers  at  the 
presidio  and  the  need  of  guards  at  the  new  missions  did  not 
permit  the  sending  of  reenforcements  to  the  south.  As  subse- 
quent events  will  show,  the  presidio  of  Loreto,  being  one  hun- 
dred leagues,  or  three  hundred  miles,  distant,  afforded  little 
protection  to  the  missions  around  the  cape.  The  missionaries 
foresaw  the  calamity,  but  awaited  the  storm  with  calmness 
and  Christian  resignation. 

21  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  sec.  xviii,  443-450;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii, 
82-83;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  lib.  x,  252-253. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


The  Philippine  Galleon  Stops  at  Mission  San  Jose  del  Cabo. — In- 
dian Conspiracy. — Murder  of  Soldiers. — An  Intrepid  Mission- 
ary.— Martyrdom  of  Father  Carranco. — Martyrdom  of  Father 
Tamaral. — Flight  of  Father  Taraval. — The  Archbishop-Vice- 
roy’s Inactivity. — Indians  in  the  North  Restless. — Missionaries 
Ordered  to  Loreto. — Indians  of  the  North  Plead  for  their  Re- 
turn.— Philippine  Sailors  Murdered. — Viceroy  Grows  Active. — 
Troops  from  Sonora. — The  King  Orders  Erection  of  a Presidio. 
— Father  Wagner. — Indian  Treachery. — Another  Revolt. 

IN  January,  1734,  the  same  month  in  which  Boton  and  Chicori 
feigned  submission,  the  Philippine  galleon,  ^ on  her  way 
from  Manila  to  Acapulco,  anchored  in  Bay  San  Bernabe  for 
the  first  time.  Lack  of  fresh  water  and  a crew  stricken  with 
scurvy  had  forced  the  captain  to  look  for  relief  in  California. 
It  was  fortunate  that  Mission  San  Jose  del  Cabo  lay  near  by. 
As  soon  as  Father  Tamaral  through  some  Indians  learned  that 
the  seamen  were  in  distress,  he  sent  fresh  meat  and  some  fruits 
to  the  ship,  and  placed  himself  and  his  neophytes  at  the  service 
of  the  commander.  Nearly  all  of  the  sick  soon  recovered  ; only 
three  had  to  be  left  behind  in  the  care  of  the  missionary. 
The  three  sufferers  were  Francisco  de  Baitos,  captain  of  infan- 
try, Antonio  de  Herrera,  an  officer  of  the  ship,  and  Very  Rev. 
Fr.  Domingo  de  Horbigoso,  of  the  Order  of  St.  Augustine, 
who  was  then  procurator-general  for  his  province  in  the  Phil- 
ippines. When  the  galleon  had  reached  Acapulco,  Captain 
Geronimo  Montero,  in  his  report  to  the  viceroy,  with  much 
satisfaction  mentioned  the  timely  aid  received  at  the  mission ; 
but  the  only  result  of  this  report  was  the  order  that  all  Philip- 
pine trading  vessels  should  stop  at  Cape  San  Lucas.  It  had 
been  hoped  that  the  incident  would  convince  the  Mexican  gov- 
ernment that  a military  post  was  necessary  at  the  cape,  both 
for  the  benefit  of  commerce  and  for  the  protection  of  the  mis- 
sions and  missionaries.  Unfortunately,  there  were  some  high 
officials  who  opposed  both  the  Philippine  trade  and  the  Cali- 


1 Name  for  large  Spanish  sailing  vessels  in  the  early  days. 


2i6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


fornia  missions.  Owing  to  the  folly  and  indifference  of  these 
politicians  the  missions  continued  to  be  without  military  pro- 
tection. Captain  Baitos  and  Fr.  Horbigoso  recovered  rapidly 
and  returned  to  New  Spain ; Herrera  suffered  a relapse  and 
died,  after  having  received  the  sacraments.  His  body  was 
buried  in  the  little  mission  church.^ 

In  the  meantime  the  missionaries  in  the  south,  Fathers  Ta- 
maral  at  San  Jose,  Carranco  at  Santiago,  Taraval  at  Santa 
Rosa  (Todos  Santos),  Gordon  at  Pilar  (La  Paz),  and  Guillen, 
the  visitor,  at  Dolores,  continued  their  apostolic  labors.  In  the 
summer  of  1734  Father  Gordon,  leaving  the  soldier  Manuel 
Andres  Romero  in  charge  at  La  Paz,  made  a visit  to  Loreto 
for  the  purpose  of  hastening  supplies  to  the  southern  estab- 
lishments. It  was  this  circumstance  which  saved  the  mission- 
ary’s life  during  the  rebellion  which  soon  after  broke  loose. 

The  Christians  and  catechumens  appeared  perfectly  con- 
tented, and  among  the  savages  themselves  no  sign  was  ob- 
served which  might  have  caused  suspicion ; nor  was  there  any 
rational  excuse  for  an  uprising.  Nevertheless,  there  existed 
intense  hatred  against  the  Christian  law  and  its  teachers,  espe- 
cially among  the  pagans  and  apostates  who  refused  to  put  any 
restraint  upon  their  shameless  and  brutal  passions.  Under 
the  direction  of  Boton  and  Chicori  the  conspiracy  originated 
in  the  rancherias  situated  between  Mission  Santiago  and  Mis- 
sion San  Jose  del  Cabo,  whence,  unsuspected  by  the  Jesuit 
Fathers,  it  spread  over  the  whole  territory  occupied  by  the 
five  southern  missions.  A great  many  neophytes  joined  the 
conspirators,  but  continued  to  assist  at  the  exercises  and  took 
their  meals  with  the  missionaries.  Boton  and  Chicori  deter- 
mined to  begin  their  bloody  work  with  the  murder  of  the 
guards,  which  seemed  to  be  an  easy  matter,  as  there  were 
only  three  soldiers  at  the  newly-founded  mission  of  Santa 
Rosa,  one  at  La  Paz,  none  at  San  Jose,  and  two  weak  mestizos 
at  Santiago.  The  rebels  dreaded  the  fire-arms  of  the  soldiers, 
and  therefore  resolved  to  avoid  an  open  attack  and  to  assas- 
sinate the  guards  one  by  one.  In  the  first  days  of  September 

2 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  sec.  xix,  451-460;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii, 
sec.  xxii,  83-84;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  253-254. 


Revolt;  Martyrs;  New  Presidio 


217 


one  of  the  three  soldiers  who  had  accompanied  Father  Taraval 
to  the  pueblo  of  Todos  Santos  was  murdered  while  strolling 
in  the  mountains.  The  murderers  sent  notice  to  the  mission- 
ary that  a guard  had  suffered  an  accident  and  wished  that  the 
priest  might  come  to  hear  his  confession,  or  send  another  sol- 
dier to  bring  him  to  the  pueblo.  The  messenger  gave  such  a 
poor  account  of  the  fictitious  accident,  that  Father  Taraval, 
who  had  already  been  warned  by  the  faithful  Indians  of  Todos 
Santos,  guessed  the  truth.  He  declined  to  go,  nor  would  he 
send  a soldier;  in  this  way  he  escaped  a violent  death  and 
prevented  the  murder  of  the  guard  which  the  conspirators 
had  intended  to  commit. 

A few  days  later  one  of  the  guards  of  Loreto,  on  his  way 
to  assist  Father  Tamaral,  observed  various  signs  of  an  insur- 
rection. He  informed  the  missionary  and  urged  him  to  escape 
to  La  Paz.  Tamaral  refused  to  abandon  his  people,  and  re- 
solved to  remain  at  his  post  in  the  hope  of  suffering  martyrdom 
if  there  were  such  an  opportunity.  The  soldier  left  the  intrepid 
priest  with  the  declaration  that  he  would  not  stay  to  meet  cer- 
tain death.  On  reaching  La  Paz  he  found  the  doors  broken, 
the  furniture  scattered,  and  traces  of  blood  upon  the  floor. 
Searching  further  he  discovered  the  dead  body  of  the  guard, 
Don  Manuel  Andres  Romero,  who  had  charge  of  the  tem- 
poralities in  the  absence  of  Father  Gordon.  Convinced  that 
an  insurrection  had  commenced,  the  much  frightened  soldier 
fled  to  Mission  Dolores,  sixty  leagues  distant,  and  related  to 
Father  Visitor  Guillen  what  he  had  seen.  Guillen  immediately 
sent  orders  directing  the  three  missionaries  in  the  endangered 
district  to  retire  to  Dolores.  Soon  after  a letter  from  Father 
Carranco  stated  that  a revolt  had  broken  out,  and  that  he 
awaited  orders.  Guillen  repeated  his  command,  and  directed 
him  and  the  other  Fathers  to  proceed  to  La  Paz,  whence  a 
boat  would  take  them  to  Mission  Dolores.  At  the  same  time 
he  sent  the  boat  manned  by  seven  faithful  Indians  to  receive 
the  fugitive  missionaries.  These  letters  did  not  reach  their 
destination,  because  the  conspirators  had  blocked  the  roads. 

When  Carranco  heard  of  the  danger  threatening  Tamaral 
at  San  Jose,  he  despatched  a band  of  trusty  neophytes  to  escort 


2i8  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


him  to  Santiago,  as  Tamaral  had  no  military  protection.  The 
fearless  missionary  by  letter  replied  that  as  yet  he  saw  no 
danger ; that  he  trusted  in  God,  at  whose  service  he  was  in  life 
and  death;  that  His  Divine  Majesty  might  dispose  as  seemed 
good  to  Him ; that,  though  he  had  prayed  all  his  lifetime  for 
the  grace  of  martyrdom,  he  did  not  deem  himself  worthy  of 
the  privilege ; and  that  under  these  circumstances  he  did  not 
feel  justified  to  abandon  the  mission,  especially  since  his  In- 
dians in  the  past  had  proved  loyal.  This  letter,  apparently 
the  last  one  written  by  the  venerable  man,  was  discovered 
among  the  scattered  effects  of  Father  Carranco.  While  re- 
turning to  Santiago  the  messengers  were  stopped  by  the  rebels 
and  questioned  about  their  errand.  They  acknowledged  that 
they  had  gone  to  bring  Father  Tamaral  to  Santiago,  as  Father 
Carranco  had  learned  about  the  conspiracy  from  the  Indian 
boy  in  his  service.  The  conspirators,  who  had  resolved  to 
begin  the  work  of  destruction  with  the  murder  of  Father 
Tamaral,  now  hastened  to  kill  Father  Carranco  first,  lest  he 
have  a chance  to  escape  or  to  get  reenforcements  from  Loreto. 

The  savages  and  their  apostate  friends  reached  Mission  San- 
tiago on  Friday  morning,  October  1st,  between  six  and  seven 
o’clock,  just  after  Father  Carranco  had  finished  holy  Mass 
and  was  about  to  make  his  thanksgiving.  The  two  mestizos 
had  gone  in  search  of  cattle  which  were  to  be  slaughtered  for 
the  catechumens,  children,  and  old  people,  who  made  their 
home  at  the  mission.  The  messengers,  who  had  been  sent 
after  Father  Tamaral,  but  who  now  made  common  cause  with 
the  rebels,  entered  the  missionary’s  room,  pretending  to  give 
an  account  of  their  errand.  The  Father  rose  from  his  knees, 
received  them  kindly,  and  inquired  whether  they  had  brought 
any  message  from  Father  Tamaral.  They  gave  him  the  letter, 
and  while  he  was  reading  attentively  two  of  the  original  con- 
spirators seized  the  amazed  priest  and  carried  him  out  of  the 
house.  Here  they  held  him  while  others  shot  arrows  into  his 
body  until  he  expired.  While  the  Indians  martyred  the  mis- 
sionary he  raised  his  eyes  and  mind  to  heaven,  fervently  offer- 
ing his  life  to  God  for  his  own  faults  and  for  the  sins  of  his 
Indians,  and  fell  to  the  ground  uttering  the  names  of  Jesus, 


Revolt;  Martyrs;  New  Presidio 


219 


Mary  and  Joseph.  The  fiends  then  stoned  him  and  beat  him 
with  sticks  until  he  breathed  his  last. 


The  tumult  attracted  all  the  men,  women  and  children  of 
the  mission.  Some  manifested  grief  at  the  death  of  the 
missionary,  with  whom  that  very  morning  they  had,  as  usual, 
recited  the  Doctrina  and  the  prayers ; but  their  apparent  sor- 
row soon  gave  way  to  their  native  ferocity  and  shamelessness. 
Some  went  in  search  of  wood  to  burn  the  body  of  the  dead 
priest;  others  tore  away  his  clothing,  which  they  appropriated 
to  themselves ; and  then  men  and  women  alike  profaned  the 
corpse  in  a manner  so  abominable  that  only  a demon  could 
have  suggested  the  outrage.  It  proved,  says  Venegas,  that 
the  sole  cause  of  the  rabid  anger  of  the  conspirators  was  no 
other  than  the  Christian  faith  and  law  which  had  been  intro- 
duced by  the  missionaries  and  which  forbade  carnal  excesses. 

Meanwhile  one  of  the  brutalized  crowd  espied  the  little  boy 
-who  had  served  Father  Carranco.  The  child  was  weeping 
bitterly.  “Why  are  you  weeping?”  he  asked.  “Go  now  and 
tell  the  Father  what  we  are  doing  in  the  rancherias.”  “Well,” 
said  others,  “since  he  loves  his  master  so  much,  it  is  better  that 
he  go  and  accompany  him.”  They  then  tied  the  boy’s  feet 
and  grasping  them  the  brutes  beat  the  body  against  the  wall 
of  the  house,  the  rocks,  and  the  ground,  until  the  child  was 
dead.  The  remains  of  the  murdered  priest  and  his  little 


220  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


servant  were  cast  upon  a blazing  heap  of  wood,  which  had 
been  gathered  for  that  purpose.  The  church  and  house  were 
plundered,  and  everything  that  the  mob  could  not  use,  such  as 
crosses,  pictures,  statues,  the  altar,  chalices,  the  missal,  and 
other  church  furniture,  was  thrown  into  the  fire,  to  give  con- 
clusive evidence  of  their  implacable  hatred  for  the  Christian 
religion.  By  this  time  the  two  mestizo  guards  approached 
the  mission  with  two  head  of  cattle.  As  they  came  unarmed, 
save  for  their  butcher  knives,  they  were  surrounded,  forced 
from  their  horses,  killed  with  arrows,  and  thrown  upon  the 
burning  pile.  There  is  little  known  about  the  antecedents  of 
Father  Lorenzo  Carranco.  He  was  born  at  Cholula,  near 
Puebla,  Mexico.  He  passed  his  novitiate  at  Tepotzatlan,  and 
made  his  studies  in  the  colleges  of  San  Geronimo  and  of  San 
Ignacio,  Puebla.  Pictures  of  him  were  preserved  at  Tepot- 
zatlan and  Puebla  until  1767,  when  the  Jesuits  were  expelled. 

Having  satisfied  their  fury  at  Santiago,  the  murderous 


crowd  hastened  to  repeat  the  cruelties  at  San  Jose  del  Cabo. 
They  arrived  at  the  mission  on  the  morning  of  Rosary  Sunday, 
October  3d.  Father  Tamaral  had  already  celebrated  holy 
Mass  and  was  resting  in  a chair,  when  a number  of  conspira- 
tors suddenly  entered  his  room  and  demanded  corn,  blankets, 
knives,  cloth,  etc.  They  expected  a refusal,  which  they  in- 
tended as  an  excuse  for  attacking  the  missionary.  Seeing  that 


Revolt;  Martyrs;  New  Presidio 


221 


the  intruders  were  all  armed  and  unusually  bold,  Tamaral  sus- 

[pected  their  designs  and  endeavored  to  pacify  them  by  saying 
that  everything  in  the  house  was  theirs.  Baffled  at  their  game, 
the  Indians  hesitated ; but  after  a few  moments  the  same  men 
that  had  seized  Father  Carranco  tore  the  defenseless  priest 
from  his  chair  and  threw  him  to  the  floor.  Taking  him  by 
! the  feet  the  savages  dragged  their  victim  out  in  order  to  shoot 

^ him  dead  with  arrows.  After  they  had  driven  a few  missiles 

^ into  his  body,  the  barbarians  changed  their  mind  and  resolved 

to  behead  the  missionary  with  the  large  knives  which  he  had 
distributed  for  the  use  of  the  people.  During  this  torture 
*■  Tamaral  incessantly  implored  the  Lord  for  himself  and  for  his 

wayward  flock,  and  breathed  his  last  uttering  the  name  of 
1*  Jesus.  The  abominations  perpetrated  at  Santiago  were  re- 

I peated  at  San  Jose,  and  the  martyr’s  remains  were  thrown  into 

the  fire  with  all  the  church  goods  which  the  conspirators  could 
not  utilize.  Their  success  was  then  celebrated  in  the  beastly 

i manner  practiced  before  the  coming  of  the  missionaries.  Father 

Nicolas  Tamaral  was  born  at  Sevilla,  Spain,  in  1687.  He 
came  to  Mexico  in  1712,  and  was  sent  to  California  in  1716. 

‘ During  his  eighteen  years  of  zealous  labor  he  founded  two 

missions. 

The  prolonged  exultations  of  the  rebels  at  San  Jose  gave 
) Father  Sigismundo  Taraval  of  Santa  Rosa  time  to  escape 

from  the  mission  station  of  Todos  Santos.  As  soon  as  Father 
' Carranco  had  been  murdered,  a boy  hastened  to  Todos  Santos 

V to  urge  Taraval  to  save  himself.  “Look,  Father,”  he  anx- 

iously  exclaimed,  “they  will  soon  come  to  kill  you ; we  cannot 
defend  you ; if  you  wish,  we  will  take  you  to  an  island  where 
you  will  be  secure.”  A little  while  after  some  faithful  Indians 
arrived  from  San  Jose,  and  described  the  wild  scenes  enacted 
there.  Convinced  of  the  danger  that  now  threatened  him  and 
the  two  guards,  Taraval,  though  desirous  of  the  martyr’s 
crown  already  enjoyed  by  his  two  brethren,  believed  it  impera- 
tive not  to  sacrifice  three  lives  uselessly.  He  accordingly 
packed  up  the  sacred  vessels  and  vestments  and,  during  the 
night  of  October  4th,  he  and  his  two  guards  made  their  way 
to  La  Paz.  Father  Guillen’s  boat,  which  had  arrived  there 


4, 


222  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


two  days  before,  brought  them  to  Espiritu  Santo  Island, 
whence  another  boat  took  the  fugitive  missionary  to  Mission 
Dolores.  The  Father  Visitor  had  already  received  notice  of 
the  glorious  death  of  Father  Carranco,  but  he  now  for  the 
first  time  heard  of  the  martyrdom  of  Father  Tamaral. 

After  the  conspirators  had  finished  celebrating  their  triumph 
at  San  Jose,  they  went  in  search  of  Father  Taraval.  When 
they  learned  that  he  had  made  good  his  escape,  they  vented 
their  fury  upon  the  neophytes  and  catechumens  of  the  mission, 
of  whom  they  killed  twenty-seven,  whilst  the  rest  fled  in  every 
direction.  The  result  was  that  the  relatives  and  friends  of 
the  murdered  natives  rose  to  revenge  their  dead,  and  a war 
ensued  among  the  different  tribes  which  brought  the  southern 
portion  of  the  peninsula  back  to  the  disordered  condition  en- 
countered by  the  first  missionaries. 

No  sooner  had  Father  Visitor  Guillen,  as  superior  of  the 
Jesuits  in  California,  gathered  all  the  facts  about  the  late  dis- 
asters, than  he  reported  to  the  V’^ery  Rev.  Jose  Barba,  the 
provincial  in  Mexico,  and  to  the  viceroy,  who  was  none  other 
than  Archbishop  Juan  Antonio  Bizarron.  Guillen  informefi 
the  archbishop-viceroy  that  a general  revolt  was  feared,  and 
that  Christianity  would  be  wiped  from  the  peninsula  if  the 
Indians  in  the  north  should  follow  the  example  of  those  in  the 
south.  He  implored  Bizarron  to  establish  a military  post  near 
the  southern  missions,  in  order  to  curb  the  rebel  spirit  of  the 
savage  Periciies  and  protect  the  lives  of  the  missionaries  and 
their  neophytes.  Guillen  pleaded  in  vain ; for,  “inasmuch  as 
His  Illustrious  Excellency  was  much  displeased  with  the  Father 
Provincial  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,”  .says  Alegre,  ® “neither 
the  death  of  the  soldiers,  nor  the  peril  of  the  other  missionaries 
and  missions,  nor  of  the  royal  presidio,  nor  of  an  entire  coun- 
try in  which  the  Jesuits  had  already  discovered  and  conquered 


3 “Estando  en  la  actualidad  S.  E.  I.  mal  impresionado  contra  cl 
padre  provincial  de  la  Compania,”  tom.  iii,  256,  which  means  that 
the  archbishop-viceroy  refused  aid  because  of  his  dispute  with  the 
Jesuit  provincial!  “Bien  se  conoce  el  Sr.  Bizarron  estaba  amor- 
dazado  con  los  Jesuitas  por  el  pleito  de  diezmos,"  Alegre’s  editor 
explains,  tom.  iii,  257. 


Revolt;  Martyrs;  New  Presidio 


223 


for  God  and  the  king  more  than  tNvo  hundred  leagues  of  land, 
were  sufficient  motives  for  him  to  take  prompt  action  in  favor 
of  California.”  On  December  8th,  1734,  Bizarron  merely  sent 
a courteous  reply  to  Father  Guillen’s  petition,  in  which  he  said 
“that  he  recognized  the  unhappy  condition  of  the  missions  and 
their  importance  to  God  and  the  king;  that  he  would  gladly 
concur  with  the  Fathers  in  making  the  reports  which  they 
might  consider  expedient,  and  in  urging  His  Majesty  to  employ 
all  means  that  would  accomplish  a work  of  such  importance ; 
and  that,  if  any  royal  decree  were  found  which  gave  him  au- 
thority, he  would  see  that  it  were  executed.” 

Such  a decree  had  already  been  directed  to  Viceroy  Juan  de 
Acuna,  Marques  de  Casafuerte,  the  predecessor  of  Bizarron. 
It  commanded  the  establishment  of  a new  presidio  in  the  south ; 
but,  as  Father  Venegas  sarcastically  remarks,  the  royal  order 
did  not  state  what  a viceroy  should  do,  when  for  neglecting  to 
erect  a presidio  and  to  comply  with  the  royal  decree,  the  In- 
dians had  revolted,  destroyed  the  missions,  and  killed  the  mis- 
sionaries and  soldiers.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  good 
disposition  of  the  viceroy,  he  failed  to  comprehend  the  necessity 
for  adequate  action.  Meanwhile  the  Indians  about  Dolores 
itself  were  growing  restless.  At  the  first  sign  of  trouble  the 
captain  hastened  to  the  south  and  arrived  at  Dolores  a short 
time  before  Father  Taraval.  Much  as  the  officer  desired  to 
punish  the  murderers,  it  was  deemed  imprudent  to  expose  his 
small  force  to  the  great  multitude  of  elated  rebels,  especially 
since  he  could  not  depend  upon  the  Christian  Indians.  The 
captain,  therefore,  merely  endeavored  to  check  the  spread  of 
the  insurrection  until  the  Mexican  government  should  send 
reenforcements. 

The  news  of  the  successful  revolt  in  the  south  spread  to  the 
north  as  far  as  Mission  San  Ignacio,  which  was  more  than 
two  hundred  leagues  from  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  and  strength- 
ened the  discontent  of  those  that  had  always  remained  secretly 
attached  to  their  former  licentious  customs.  They  hoped  that 
the  rebellion  might  become  general,  free  the  peninsula  of  all 
foreign  domination,  and  leave  them  to  gratify  their  passions 
without  restraint.  The  missionaries,  who  noticed  the  unfavor- 


224  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


able  signs,  asked  for  more  guards ; but  as  no  soldiers  could  be 
sent,  Father  Visitor  Guillen,  in  the  beginning  of  1735,  com- 
manded all  the  missionaries  to  retire  to  Loreto,  in  order  to 
prevent  a repetition  of  bloody  scenes.  He  once  more  repre- 
sented the  lamentable  condition  of  California  and  the  extreme 
peril  in  which  the  missionaries  lived  to  the  viceroy,  but  with 
as  little  success  as  before. 

Father  Jayme  Bravo  of  Loreto  took  more  effective  steps. 
He  sent  the  ship  to  the  Rio  Yaqui  with  letters  for  the  governor 
and  the  Jesuit  missionaries,  asking  for  sixty  Indian  warriors 
and  some  white  men  with  fire-arms,  for  the  defense  of  the 
priests  and  colonists  of  the  peninsula.  The  Indian  chiefs  at 
once  offered  five  hundred  braves ; but,  as  the  bark  could  not 
carry  all  the  volunteers,  only  sixty  of  the  best  fighters  were 
selected  and  shipped  to  Loreto,  where  they  found  the  kindest 
welcome.  As  peace  had  already  been  restored  in  the  north,  the 
Yaquis  were  sent  to  Dolores  to  assist  Captain  Lorenzo  in  chas- 
tising the  Pericues. 

In  the  meantime  the  faithful  Cochimis  had  become  aware  of 
the  departure  of  the  missionaries  from  the  several  missions, 
and,  as  the  altar  vessels  and  vestments  had  also  disappeared, 
they  quickly  comprehended  the  reason.  The  more  prominent 
Indians,  especially,  felt  the  loss  of  their  teachers  and  resolved 
to  bring  them  back.  Taking  all  the  crosses  from  the  missions 
of  San  Ignacio,  Guadalupe,  and  Santa  Rosalia,  they  carried 
them  on  their  shoulders  to  distant  Loreto  and  entered  that  town 
in  procession.  With  many  tears  they  begged  the  missionaries 
not  to  abandon  them  after  having  taught  them  the  Christian 
law  and  doctrine  and  made  them  Christians  by  baptism.  They 
protested  that  they  wanted  to  live  and  die  as  Christians ; that 
there  was  no  reason  to  condemn  and  forsake  them  on  account 
of  the  ill-will  of  a few  whom  they  were  ready  to  deliver  to 
the  captain  for  punishment ; that  they  would  care  for  the  Fa- 
thers and  defend  them  ; and  that,  if  the  priests  would  not  return 
to  the  missions,  they  themselves  would  stay  at  Loreto,  as  they 
could  not  live  without  their  spiritual  guides.  The  missionaries 
were  moved  to  tears  at  sight  of  the  simple  piety  of  their  neo- 
phytes ; but,  fearing  that  the  demonstration  might  be  a trap 


Revolt;  Martyrs;  New  Presidio 


225 


devised  by  native  cunning,  they  detained  the  Indians  at  the 
presidio  to  try  their  good  faith.  After  a while  the  Fathers 
accompanied  the  happy  delegation  back  to  their  respective 
northern  missions,  where  they  were  received  with  delight. 
The  guilty  Indians  received  but  slight  punishment ; only  four 
from  San  Ignacio  were  banished  for  a time. 

When  the  Yaquis  arrived  at  Dolores,  Captain  Lorenzo  sent 
them  by  land  to  La  Paz,  whilst  he  took  his  soldiers  to  the  same 
place  by  water.  He  reached  the  port  in  advance  of  the  allies ; 
and  it  was  well  that  the  .soldiers  were  on  their  guard,  for  they 
were  attacked  the  very  first  night,  and  continually  annoyed 
until  the  Yaquis  arrived,  when  the  rebels  fled.  A number  of 
Indians  then  presented  themselves,  and  declared  that  they  had 
remained  faithful,  and  that  the  savages  on  that  account  had  per- 
secuted them.  They  told  the  captain  of  another  outrage  which 
had  been  committed  by  the  conspirators  upon  the  sailors  of 
the  galleon,  and  which  resulted  in  important  changes  for  the 
whole  peninsula.  When  Captain  Montero  had  returned  to 
Manila,  he  directed  the  Philippine  galleon  to  stop  at  Cape  San 
Lucas  on  her  way  to  Acapulco.  The  vessel  reached  the  cape, 
and  as  usual  many  of  the  crew  were  suffering  from  scurvy. 
The  captain  intended  to  land  the  afflicted  men  and  to  take  in 
fresh  water ; but  when  the  customary  signal  was  not  noticed, 
he  sent  thirteen  sailors  ashore  in  a boat  to  .procure  assistance 
from  the  missionary  of  the  neighboring  mission.  The  seamen 
observed  suspicious  signs,  but  thought  that  they  were  due  to 
an  accident ; and  while  a few  stayed  in  the  boat,  the  others  went 
in  search  of  the  mission.  They  had  not  gone  far  when  they 
were  suddenly  attacked,  overwhelmed,  and  massacred  by  sav- 
ages. Those  that  had  remained  on  the  shore  met  the  same 
fate.  After  waiting  a long  time,  the  commander  of  the  ship 
sent  another  boat  with  an  armed  force,  who,  suspecting  the 
truth,  were  on  the  alert.  As  they  approached  the  shore,  the 
sailors  saw  a crowd  of  Indians  breaking  up  the  first  boat  to 
take  away  the  iron.  The  Spaniards  at  once  fell  upon  the 
savages,  killed  one  or  two,  wounded  a number  of  others,  and 
captured  four,  whereupon  the  rest  took  to  flight.  When  the 
sailors  had  returned  to  the  ship,  the  captain  ordered  the  voy- 


226  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


age  to  be  resumed.  At  Acapulco  and  the  city  of  Mexico  the 
news  of  the  disaster  aroused  the  deepest  feeling.  It  opened 
the  eyes  of  the  viceroy  to  the  necessity  of  a military  port  in 
the  southern  part  of  the  California  peninsula,  when  all  other 
motives  had  failed  to  convince  him. 

Bizarron  ordered  Manuel  Bernardo  Huidrobo,  the  governor 
of  Sinaloa,  to  proceed  with  sufficient  troops  to  quell  the  in- 
surrection, but  independent  of  the  Loreto  presidial  commander 
or  the  missionaries.  Don  Huidrobo  accordingly,  requested 
Father  Guillen  to  send  the  bark  to  Sinaloa  for  the  troops,  and 
at  the  same  time  he  directed  that  all  military  operations  at 
La  Paz  should  cease.  Little  progress  had  been  made  in  pacify- 
ing the  rebel  tribes,  because  the  conspirators  could  not  be  in- 
duced to  fight  a battle,  and  the  forces  of  Captain  Lorenzo  were 
too  small  to  compel  them.  When  he  received  the  orders  from 
the  governor  of  Sinaloa,  Lorenzo  withdrew  to  Dolores  to  await 
further  developments. 

The  new  commander-in-chief  and  his  troops  were  received 
at  Loreto  by  the  missionaries  with  all  honor  and  respect,  but 
he  soon  made  the  Fathers  understand  that  he  meant  to  carry 
on  the  warfare  without  their  counsel.  The  result  was  that  he 
wasted  two  years  after  his  own  fashion  without  subduing  the 
rebels,  despite  his  stronger  forces,  and  only  caused  discontent 
among  the  colonists.  It  now  dawned  upon  Huidrobo  that  he 
might  take  counsel  from  the  missionaries  who  had  dealt  with 
the  savages  before.  At  their  suggestion  he  forced  the  rebels 
into  an  open  engagement  and  defeated  them ; but  the  two  years 
of  aimless  warfare  had  so  nourished  their  pride  that  they  ob- 
stinately refused  every  overture  for  peace.  In  a second  battle, 
which  the  savages  were  compelled  to  accept,  their  resistance 
was  at  last  broken.  They  now  sued  for  pardon,  but  it  was 
not  granted  until  the  ringleaders  had  been  delivered  into  the 
hands  of  the  governor.  They  were  banished  to  Mexico,  whilst 
the  others  were  set  at  liberty.  When  the  chief  conspirators 
and  the  murderers  of  the  two  priests  had  been  placed  on 
board  the  ship,  they  tried  to  overpower  the  crew  and  take  pos- 
session of  the  vessel.  This  action  compelled  the  soldiers  to  use 
their  guns  and  to  kill  most  of  the  rebels.  Among  the  survivors 


Revolt;  Martyrs;  New  Presidio 


227 


were  the  two  who  had  first  laid  their  sacrilegious  hands  upon 
the  martyred  missionaries.  One  of  them  later  suffered  a vio- 
lent death  in  Mexico  before  he  could  receive  the  sacraments ; 
the  other  within  the  same  year  fell  from  a palm-tree  upon  some 
rocks,  and  died  impenitent,  like  his  companion  in  crime. 

The  Jesuit  procurators  for  New  Spain,  Fathers  Pedro  Ig- 
nacio Altamirano  and  Bernardo  Lozano,  meanwhile  appealed 
to  King  Philip  V.,  since  the  viceroy  had  taken  no  steps  to 
relieve  the  distress  of  the  California  missionaries.  The  king 
immediately  directed  the  viceroy  to  establish  a presidio  in  the 
southern  part  of  the  peninsula,  under  whose  protection  the 
destroyed  missions  should  be  restored,  and  to  do  everything 
necessary  to  insure  the  conquest  of  California.  The  viceroy 
accordingly  ordered  the  governor  to  found  the  presidio  at  La 
Paz,  but  for  the  convenience  of  the  Philippine  vessels  the 
military  post  was  located  farther  south  at  Cape  San  Lucas. 
Despite  former  royal  decrees,  Bizarron  insisted  that  the  cap- 
tain and  the  soldiers  of  the  new  garrison  should  not  be  sub- 
ordinate to  the  missionaries,  nor  to  the  captain  of  the  Loreto 
presidio,  but  to  the  viceroy  only.  The  new  military  post  was 
to  comprise  thirty  soldiers,  of  whom  ten  were  to  be  sta- 
tioned at  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  ten  at  the  mission  of  Pilar  near 
La  Paz,  and  ten  at  Mission  Santiago  de  los  Coras.  Gov.  Hui- 
drobo  appointed  Bernardo  Rodriguez  Lorenzo,  the  son  of  Cap- 
tain Lorenzo  of  Loreto,  commander  of  the  new  post ; but,  as 
the  young  officer  showed  more  deference  to  the  missionaries 
than  was  agreeable  to  the  Sinaloa  governor,  he  was  relieved 
of  his  position,  and  Pedro  Alvarez  de  Acebedo  placed  in 
charge.  The  Father  Procurator  in  Mexico  protested  against 
the  innovation  as  contrary  to  the  royal  decrees  and  the  system 
under  which  mission  work  had  been  carried  on  in  California ; 
but  the  viceroy  positively  declined  to  revoke  his  orders. 

Viceroy  Bizarron  added  five  soldiers  to  the  force  at  Loreto, 
which  now  also  consisted  of  thirty  men ; but  here,  too,  he  di- 
rected the  captain,  soldiers,  and  sailors  to  act  independently 
of  the  Jesuit  Fathers,  even  when  they  escorted  the  mission- 
aries or  the  Father  Rector  himself.  The  Fathers  submitted ; 
but  in  the  course  of  the  year  and  eight  months  during  which 


228  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


the  remarkable  arrangement  was  in  force,  there  occurred  so 
many  disorders  among  the  soldiers  and  such  ill-treatment  of 
the  Indians,  such  greed  for  pearls  was  displayed,  such  inso- 
lence was  suflfered  from  the  pearl-fishers  who  came  from  Mex- 
ico, and  such  general  confusion  and  mismanagement  prevailed 
on  land  and  sea,  that  the  whole  missionary  undertaking  was 
brought  to  the  verge  of  ruin.  The  disputes  and  complaints  be- 
came so  numerous  that  the  archbishop-viceroy  found  himself 
obliged  to  change  his  mind  and  to  rescind  his  strange  com- 
mands. He,  moreover,  recalled  the  captain  of  the  San  Lucas 
presidio,  abolished  the  office,  had  a lieutenant  appointed  who 
was  to  be  subordinate  to  the  old  captain  of  the  Loreto  pre- 
sidio, and  finally  he  made  everything  and  every  one  again  sub- 
ject to  the  directions  of  the  Father  Visitor,  or  superior  of  the 
missions.  * 

During  the  reign  of  disorder,  on  November  10th,  1736, 
the  saintly  old  Father  Julian  de  Mayorga  passed  to  his  eternal 
reward  at  Mission  San  Jose  de  Comundu.  He  had  founded  this 
mission  in  1707  and  had  governed  in  peace  for  more  than 
twenty-nine  years.  His  great  virtues  gained  for  him  the  re- 
spect and  love  of  the  soldiers  as  well  as  the  affection  of  the 
Indians.  His  successor  was  Father  Francisco  Xavier  Wagner, 
a native  of  Germany.  ® 

When  the  Pericues,  Uchities,  Guaicuros,  and  Coras  had  been 
subdued,  and  the  new  presidio  in  the  south  had  been  estab- 
lished, the  Jesuits  endeavored  to  collect  tne  scattered  neophytes 
in  order  to  reopen  the  missions,  which  had  been  irrigated  not 
only  with  the  sweat  of  the  missionaries,  but  also  with  the  blood 
of  two  martyrs.  By  degrees  the  missions  of  Our  Lady  of 
Pilar  at  the  Bahia  de  la  Paz,  San  Jose  at  Cape  San  Lucas,  and 
Santiago  among  the  Coras,  resumed  the  work  of  Christianiza- 
tion and  civilization.  The  last-named  place  was  entrusted  to 
the  Rev.  Antonio  Tempis,  S.  J.,  a religious  of  most  solid  virtue, 
who  labored  there  until  his  precious  death.  ® 

♦Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  477-496;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  86-90; 
Alegre,  tom.  iii,  256-259;  269-270  ; 275-276. 

6 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  490-491;  Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  89. 

6 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  497-498,  who  gives  no  particulars. 


Revolt;  Martyrs;  New  Presidio 


229 


The  governor  of  Sinaloa  had  meanwhile  concluded  his  task ; 
but  before  his  departure  he  left  another  specimen  of  his  short- 
sightedness in  mission  and  Indian  affairs.  He  commanded 
the  guards  of  all  the  missions  to  retire  to  Loreto,  and  directed 
that  eight  or  ten  soldiers  should  be  stationed  only  at  the  two 
frontier  missions,  San  Ignacio  in  the  north  and  Dolores  in  the 
south.  This  arrangement  left  all  the  other  missionary  estab- 
lishments without  military  protection.  Experience,  however, 
had  shown  that  the  presence  at  the  mission  of  even  one  guard 
acquainted  with  the  character  of  the  natives  insured  greater 
safety  to  the  missionary  than  a number  of  soldiers  at  a dis- 
tahce.  Later  events  at  San  Jose  proved  that  the  absence  of 
every  military  protection  at  the  mission  itself  was  a source  of 
the  gravest  danger  to  the  missionary,  though  there  was  a gar- 
rison at  the  cape. 

Father  Wagner,  following  in  the  footsteps  of  his  predecessor, 
Father  Mayorga,  devoted  himself  to  the  work  of  fortifying  the 
neophytes  in  Christian  doctrine  and  morals,  but  he  found  him- 
self much  hampered  by  the  guamas  or  medicine-men.  Some 
of  these  had  deceived  the  missionary  and  received  baptism,  but 
secretly  continued  the  barbarous  and  superstitious  practices 
forbidden  by  the  Christian  Law.  It  happened  time  and  again 
that,  after  Father  Wagner  had  administered  the  last  sacra- 
ments and  given  other  spiritual  and  corporal  assistance,  a 
guama  appeared  on  his  own  account,  or  invited  by  the  relatives 
of  the  dying  person,  and  applied  his  fumigations  and  other 
ridiculous,  superstitious  remedies,  meanwhile  urging  the  suf- 
ferer to  abjure  the  Christian  faith  and  all  that  the  missionary 
had  taught  him.  The  Father  exposed  the  impotence  and  the 
deception  of  these  arch-enemies  of  Christianity,  and  warned 
the  neophytes  to  shun  them.  In  return  the  medicine-men 
hated  him  intensely,  and  often  sought  to  take  his  life.  For 
fear  of  the  people,  who  loved  their  missionary,  the  imposters 
made  no  open  attempts,  but  tried  to  do  away  with  him  secretly. 

One  night,  while  Father  Wagner  stood  in  the  doorway  of 
his  little  dwelling  to  breathe  the  fresh  air,  a guapia  availed 
himself  of  the  darkness  to  shoot  an  arrow  at  him.  The  missile 
fortunately  missed  its  aim  and  struck  a stone  in  the  wall  within 


230  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

four  or  five  inches  of  the  priest’s  head.  A few  neophytes 
heard  the  arrow  strike  the  wall ; suspecting  the  cause  they 
gathered  around  the  missionary,  whilst  a chief  at  once  sent 
notice  to  Loreto.  Lieutenant  Bernardo  with  a number  of  soL 
diers  and  some  Indians  hastened  to  San  Jose.  After  search- 
ing for  some  time  the  perpetrator  of  the  murderous  deed,  an 
Indian  named  Juan  Bautista,  was  identified  by  means  of  the 
arrow.  Juan  confessed  his  crime  and  was  condemned  to 
death.  A few  Indians,  who  appeared  to  be  implicated  in  the 
crime,  were  flogged.  The  troops  returned  to  Loreto,  but  three 
weeks  later  they  were  called  to  Comundu,  where  a number  of 
natives  had  given  trouble.  Three  of  the  leaders  were  banished, 
and  the  rest  kept  the  peace  ever  after.  Such  incidents  moved 
the  captain  of  the  Loreto  presidio  to  place  one  soldier  at  each 
mission  for  the  protection  of  the  missionary,  notwithstanding 
the  contrary  orders  of  the  Sinaloa  governor. 

The  lesson  taught  at  Comundu  was  lost  on  the  Indians  else- 
where. Four  tribes  of  the  Pericu  nation,  which  roved  between 
San  Jose  del  Cabo  and  Santiago,  again  rebelled  and  commuted 
various  depredations.  They  began  at  Mission  San  Jose  by 
crushing  the  head  of  a sleeping  vaquero  (cowherd)  with  a 
large  stone.  The  next  attempt  at  murder  was  made  upon  an' 
Indian  shepherd,  who  guarded  the  flocks  belonging  to  the  new 
presidio.  He  fortunately  escaped  and  notified  the  garrison. 
The  soldiers  were  greatly  frightened,  especially  when  they  dis- 
covered that  all  the  Indians  of  both  sexes  had  disappeared  from 
the  pueblo  of  San  Jo.se.  It  was  feared  that  the  conspiracy 
might  be  general ; but  the  missionary  ascertained  that  the  con- 
spirators had  deceived  the  inhabitants  into  the  belief  that  the 
soldiers  intended  to  slaughter  all  the  Indians.  The  people 
believed  the  story  and  fled  to  the  mountains.  The  missionary 
succeeded  in  undeceiving  the  fugitives,  and  induced  them  to 
return  to  the  pueblo  and  mission.  A similar  commotion  was 
experienced  at  the  missions  of  Santa  Rosa  and  Santiago.  The 
commander  of  the  southern  presidio  now  asked  for  reenforce- 
ments from  Loreto,  especially  for  a strong  body  of  well-armed 
Guaycuro  Indians,  who  were  hostile  to  the  Pericues,  as  he 
could  not  rely  upon  the  Christian  Pericues,  who  would  only 


Revolt;  Martyrs;  New^  Presidio 


231 


help  their  misguided  tribesmen  to  escape.  His  request  was 
granted.  When  the  new  force  arrived  the  rebels  fled  to  their 
inaccessible  haunts  in  the  mountains.  Nevertheless  a great 
many  were  killed  or  taken  prisoners.  Four  of  the  eleven  cap- 
tured ringleaders  were  put  to  death,  and  the  other  seven  ban- 
ished from  the  peninsula.  The  rest  of  the  conspirators  sur- 
rendered and  submitted  to  a flogging,  in  order  to  escape  the 
death  which  they  feared  and  merited.  This  terminated  the 
disorders  among  the  turbulent  natives  in  the  south.  The  fugi- 
tives returned  to  their  respective  missions  and  resumed  the 
quiet  life  which,  under  the  guidance  of  the  fatherly  missionary, 
brought  peace  and  contentment. 

7 Clavijero,  lib.  iii,  90-91;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  288-289.  Neither  Clavi- 
jero,  who  relates  the  occurrences  at  Santiago  and  San  Jose  del 
Cabo,  nor  Alegre,  Who  mentions  them  briefly,  gives  any  dates. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


Orders  from  the  Council  of  the  Indies  and  the  King. — The  Jesuit 
Provincial’s  Report  and  Recommendations. — Father  Consag’s 
Voyage. — The  Missions  and  Missionaries  in  1745. — The  South- 
ern Missions  Depopulated. — Two  Missions  Abandoned. — Death 
of  Fathers  Bravo,  Wagner  and  Tempis. — Departure  of  Father 
Sistiaga. — Death  of  Father  Guillen. — Death  of  the  Marques  de 
Villapuente,  Captain  Rodriguez  Lorenzo  and  Captain  Bernardo. 

VICEROY  BIZARRON  sent  his  reports  of  the  insurrec- 
tions in  California  to  the  King  of  Spain  on  April  23d, 
1735,  and  April  10th,  1737.^  The  provincial  of  the  Jesuits 
likewise  addressed  the  sovereign  on  the  same  subject,  and  im- 
plored him  to  send  relief  to  the  missionaries,  as  extraordinary 
expenditures  were  required  to  re-establish  the  destroyed  mis- 
sions. The  monarch  not  only  ordered  a new  presidio  to  be 
speedily  erected,  but  on  April  2d,  1742,  ^ directed  that  all  ex- 
penses incurred  for  suppressing  the  rebellion  should  be  paid 
from  the  royal  treasury.  He,  moreover,  instructed  the  Council 
of  the  Indies  to  propose  efficacious  means  for  the  pacification 
of  the  whole  territory  and  the  rapid  progress  of  Christianity 
among  the  natives. 

After  mature  deliberation  the  Council  of  the  Indies  made 
four  recommendations,  which  King  Philip  V.  accepted  and 
embodied  in  a decree  dated  November  13th,  1744,  and  ad- 
dressed to  the  Conde  de  Fuenclara,  Viceroy  of  New  Spain. 
The  document  covers  sixteen  pages  in  Venegas’s  Noticia. 
Besides  expressing  the  king’s  appreciation  of  the  labors  of  the 
Jesuits  among  the  Indians,  the  decree  briefly  goes  over  the 
whole  ground  covered  by  former  royal  orders  concerning  Cali- 
fornia, which,  like  the  payment  of  stipends  to  the  missionaries, 
had  not  been  obeyed,  but  henceforth  should  be  promptly  car- 
ried out.  The  decree  then  states  that  the  Council  had  decided 
( 1 ) that,  in  order  to  insure  the  tranquillity  of  the  peninsula, 

1 Venegas,  “Noticia,”  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  502. 

2 Venegas,  tom.  ii.  pte.  iii,  499.  Bancroft  gives  the  year  1743; 
Clavijero,  1741. 


Royal  Orders;  Missions  in  1745 


233 


missionary  work  should  continue  in  charge  of  the  Jesuits,  who 
had  toiled  successfully  among  those  people  as  well  as  among 
many  others  in  America  ^ ; (2)  that  colonies  of  Spaniards  should 
be  founded  near  all  convenient  ports  and  protected  by  military 
posts  (3)  that,  in  order  to  make  quicker  progress  in  the  con- 
version of  the  Californians,  Jesuit  missionaries  should  enter 
the  peninsula  from  the  north,  establish  missions  as  they  pro- 
ceeded until  they  united  with  those  of  the  southern  portion ; ^ 
(4)  and  finally  that,  to  insure  the  more  rapid  spread  of  Chris- 
tianity in  California,  as  well  as  in  Sonora,  the  number  of  the 
missionaries  should  be  doubled,  so  that  two  priests  might  be 
stationed  at  each  mission,  one  to  take  care  of  the  neophytes' 
and  catechumens,  the  other  to  go  in  search  of  the  pagans 
and  induce  them  to  embrace  the  Christian  faith,  for  which 
purpose  the  soldiers,  who  should  always  be  subject  to  the 
missionaries,  should  escort  and  protect  them.  ® The  viceroy, 

3 “Que  se  debe  ser  la  basa  fundamental  y solida  la  conversion  de 
aquellos  naturales  a nuestra  Fe,  por  medio  de  los  propios  mision- 
eros  Jesuitas,  que  tanto  ban  adelantado  con  ellos,  y con  quantas 
naciones  infieles  ban  tornado  a su  cargo  en  toda  la  America.” 

♦This  project,  says  Clavijero,  would  have  been  very  beneficial 
to  the  missions  on  two  conditions:  that  the  sterility  of  the  land 
did  not  prevent  such  colonization,  and  that  the  colonists  were 
selected  from  the  decent  and  industrious  portion  of  society,  and 
not  from  the  scum,  as  was  customary.  “Si  las  colonias  se  hubieran 
de  componer  de  familias  morigeradas,  y no  como  suele  hacerse  de 
malhechores,  bandidos  li  holgozanes  sacados  de  la  hez  del  pueblo.” 

5 This  had  been  the  aim  of  Fathers  Salvatierra  and  Kino  forty 
years  before. 

® “Ser  muy  importante  el  que  en  todas  Reducciones  de  Indios 
se  hallen  los  Doctrineros  duplicados,  lo  es  mucho  mas,  y aun 
absolutamente  necesario,  para  hacer  progreso  en  las  Reducciones 
fronterizas  a los  Indios  aun  no  reducidos:  porque  en  estas,  ademas 
de  las  utilidades  generales  de  todas,  se  sigue  la  especial,  de  que 
pueda  uno  de  los  Misioneros  hacer  entradas  en  las  tierras  de  los 
Infieles,  para  irlos  atrayendo  y ganando,  sin  que  queden  los  ya 
poblados  sin  la  Doctrina  y regimen  que  necesitan,  y les  dara  el 
otro  Religioso,  y aun  tambien  para  que  no  queden  sin  quien  pueda 
vigilar,  a fin  de  que  no  maquinen  alguna  trayicion  6 levantamiento, 
de  que  hay  tanto  riesgo  quedandose  ellos  solos.  . . . Convi- 

niendo  asimismo  el  que  en  las  propias  Reducciones  fronterizas  asista 


234  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


on  the  other  hand,  was  directed  to  have  a complete  report 
and  description  drawn  up  and  sent  to  Spain,  in  order  that 
the  court  might  obtain  a better  view  of  the  situation  in  the 
California  missions. 

These  regulations  prove  that  the  king  and  his  council  were 
animated  by  a sincere  desire  to  benefit  the  missions  and  their 
Indians.  Had  the  same  spirit  prevailed  in  Mexico  the 
progress  hoped  for  by  the  sovereign  might  easily  have  been 
realized.  In  compliance  with  the  king’s  orders  Rev.  Chris- 
tobal  de  Escobar  y Llamas,  provincial  of  the  Society  of  Jesus 
in  Mexico,  under  date  of  November  30th,  1745,  forwarded 
a report  with  observations  of  his  own  concerning  the  pro- 
visions contained  in  the  royal  decree  of  November  13th,  1744. 
The  Informe,  or  report,  deals  principally  with  the  Jesuit 
missions  of  Sonora  and  the  present  .territory  of  Arizona,  but 
also  touches  California.  As  to  the  latter.  Father  Escobar 
explains  that  colonizing  the  peninsula  with  Spaniards  would 
be  impracticable  on  account  of  the  sterility  of  the  soil,  as  the 
missionaries  had  learned  during  their  fifty  years’  stay  in  the 
country.  Even  now  they  had  to  maintain  themselves  and 
their  neophytes  by  means  of  contributions  from  Mexico  and 
the  meager  proceeds  of  the  estates  of  the  Pious  Fund.  Nor 
was  it  feasible  to  begin  missionary  operations  in  the  north 

Escolta  de  soldados,  que  guarde  la  persona  de  los  Misioneros,  y 
los  lugares  pegados  de  los  Indios,  y que  acompane  a los  que 
hicieren  entradas  a los  fines  mismos,  estando  siempre  a la  obedien- 
cia  de  los  Religiosos,  sin  emprender  accion,  que  ellos  no  les 
manden,  etc.” 

7 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  505-508;  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  91-93.  In 
the  paper  entitled  “Establecimiento  y progresos  de  las  misiones 
de  la  Antigua  California,  dispuestos  por  un  religioso  del  Santo 
Evangelio  de  Mexico,”  which  forms  the  fifth  volume  of  the  “Docu- 
mentos  para  la  historia  de  Mexico,  cuarta  serie,”  the  receipt  of 
the  foregoing  cedula  is  mentioned  as  follows:  “On  the  3d  of  No- 

vember, 1744  (?),  a royal  decree  arrived  which  was  very  honorable  to 
California,  and  in  terms  which  would  have  been  very  useful,  if 
they  could  have  been  carried  out  without  expense  to  the  royal 
treasury,  for  which  reasons  its  execution  was  suspended.”  Quoted 
in  “.'Appendix  II,  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States,  1902, 
in  the  matter  of  the  Pious  Fund  of  the  Californias,”  page  354. 


Royal  Orders;  Missions  in  1745  235 

from  Sonora  by  way  of  the  Rio  Colorado  until  the  savages 
occupying  the  district  between  Sonora  and  this  river  had 
been  subdued  and  converted.  Moreover,  as  the  Jesuits  were 
already  in  charge  of  one  hundred  missions,  and  had  not 
enough  priests  to  supply  these  properly,  it  would  be  impos- 
sible to  proceed  farther  north ; in  order  to  comply  with  the 
king’s  wishes,  however,  the  provincial  offered  to  cede  twenty- 
two  Indian  missions  in  the  diocese  of  Durango  to  the  bishop 
so  that  the  twenty-two  Fathers  might  go  to  the  heathen  peo- 
ple in  the  north  and  west.  ^ Finally,  Father  Escobar  declared 
that  the  stipend  of  three  hundred 'dollars  for  each  missionary, 
especially  in  the  beginning,  was  too  small  in  the  missions 
which  were  located  as  many  as  six  hundred  leagues  from  the 
capital,  because  more  than  half  the  amount  was  consumed 
for  transporting  the  goods  in  which  form  the  stipends  were 
paid.  ® 

The  Father  Provincial’s  report  did  not  reach  Madrid  until 
July  9th,  1746,^®  when  King  Philip  V.  had  already  died;  but 
his  son  and  successor,  King  Fernando  VI.,  after  reading 
Father  Escobar’s  statement,  on  December  4th,  1747,  reissued 
the  decree  of  his  predecessor  and  sent  it  with  a copy  of  the 
provincial’s  report  to  Don  Juan  Francisco  de  Guemes  y Hor- 
casitas,  the  new  viceroy.  “I  have  determined,”  the  king 
writes,  “to  transmit  to  you  a copy  of  the  aforesaid  report  of 
the  Father  Provincial,  and  to  direct  and  command  you,  as  in 
fact  I do,  that  having  become  acquainted  perfectly  with  its 
contents,  you  inform  yourself  about  the  persons  who  appear 
to  you  most  suitable  to  attain  the  desired  result,  and  that  you 
consider  and  deliberate  fully  upon  all  the  points  in  the  Rep- 
resentation of  the  aforesaid  Father  Provincial ; and  that  after 

8 This  was  called  secularizing  Indian  missions,  that  is  to  say, 
the  substituting  of  secular  priests  for  priests  of  religious  Orders 
in  those  missions  whose  Indians  had  been  considered  sufficiently 
advanced.  The  temporalities  were  managed  as  before  without 
interference  from  white  men  other  than  the  respective  pastors  or 
curates. 

9 Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  518;  536-542;  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  92-93; 
Alegre,  tom.  iii,  287. 

10  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  287. 


236  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

considering  the  possibility  or  impossibility  of  the  means  and 
expedients  proposed,  you  yourself  shall  determine,  without 
awaiting  further  orders,  upon  the  execution  of  those  that 
may  be  considered  most  practicable  for  the  accomplishment 
of  the  object  set  forth  in  the  decree,  above  inserted,  as  far 
as  possible  and  as  far  as  it  may  not  have  very  serious  incon- 
veniences and  dangers,  bearing  in  mind  the  condition  of  my 
royal  treasury  in  your  provinces,  so  that  no  exorbitant  or 
superfluous  expenses  may  be  incurred ; and  you  will  report 
as  often  as  opportunity  may  offer  upon  the  progress  that  is 
made  in  this  important  matter,  in  which  at  the  same  time 
the  propagation  of  the  holy  faith,  my  royal  service,  and  the 
security  and  defense  of  the  tribes  already  conquered  and  con- 
verted are  concerned  . . . and,  in  the  same  manner,  I 

direct  you  to  use  your  authority  with  the  new  bishop  of 
Durango  in  order  that  he  at  once  accept  the  transfer  which 
the  same  Father  Provincial  made  to  your  predecessor  of 
twenty-two  missions,  which  are  ready  to  be  given  in  charge 


11  With  this  proviso  the  king  himself  furnished  a welcome  excuse 
to  the  officials  in  Mexico  to  nullify  any  of  his  decrees  that  required 
money  expenditures  for  the  missions.  Hence  we  need  not  wonder 
to  see  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  465-466,  acknowledging: 
“I  find  no  evidence  even  that  a stipend  was  paid  to  any  Jesuit 
missionary,  or  that  any  additional  expense  was  incurred  by  the 
government  for  garrison  or  maritime  services.”  It  is  but  just  to 
remark  with  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  431,  that  “it  was 
easy  for  the  pious  king  to  issue  orders  for  the  payment  of  large 
sums  of  money  for  distant  missions,  but  it  was  another  matter 
to  obey,  with  the  treasury  depleted  by  exactions  of  the  Spanish 
court.  His  Majesty  must  have  money,  and  California  must  go 
without.  The  viceroy  and  his  councillors  were  often  at  their  wits’ 
end  to  raise  funds  for  more  urgent  demands.  The  king’s  orders 
could  not  be  disobeyed;  there  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  postpone 
their  fulfilment  on  every  possible  excuse.”  See  also  Note  7. 

12  Rt.  Rev.  Pedro  Anselmo  Sanchez  de  Tagle,  according  to 
Alegre,  tom.  iii,  289.  His  predecessor,  who  refused  the  missions, 
was  Rt.  Rev.  Martin  de  Elizacoechea. 

13  The  transfer  of  the  missions  took  place  “dos  anos  adelante,” 
says  Alegre,  without  giving  the  year.  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,” 
vol.  i,  587,  has  1753. 


Royal  Orders;  Missions  in  1745 


237 


of  curates  of  the  secular  clergy,  as  far  as  is  expedient ; for 
such  is  my  will.” 

Nevertheless,  the  provincial,  in  order  to  comply  with  the 
royal  recommendations  in  every  particular,  commanded  the 
missionaries  in  Sonora  and  California  to  draw  up  a full  state- 
ment of  the  conditions  at  their  respective  missions.  He  also 
directed  Father  Consag  to  make  a voyage  of  exploration  to 
the  Colorado  River  in  order  to  survey  the  eastern  coast  of 
the  peninsula.  The  expedition  was  undertaken  and  carried 
out  at  the  expense  of  the  missionaries,  each  contributing  ac- 
cording to  his  means.  Consag,  the  companion  of  Father 
Sistiaga  at  Mission  San  Ignacio,  sailed  from  the  port  of 
Loreto  accompanied  by  Captain  Bernardo  Lorenzo,  the  son 
of  the  Loreto  commander,  as  far  as  San  Carlos,  a shallow 
inlet  northeast  of  Mission  San  Ignacio  and  near  the  twenty- 
eighth  degree.  From  here  Consag  with  a number  of  soldiers, 
sailors,  and  Yaqui  Indians  on  June  9th,  1746,  set  out  in  four 
open  boats.  They  kept  close  to  the  shore  and  frequently 
landed  in  order  to  make  a thorough  examination.  In  two  or 
three  places  the  natives  showed  themselves  hostile  under  the 
impression  that  the  navigators  were  detested  pearl-fishers ; but 
they  were  soon  changed  by  the  kindness  of  Consag  and  his 
men.  He  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Colorado  on  July  14th 
and  remained  in  the  neighborhood  until  the  25th.  His  men 
made  some  attempts  to  enter  the  river,  but  after  one  of  the 
boats  had  been  upset  in  the  violent  current,  the  occupants 
barely  saving  their  lives,  they  abandoned  further  efforts  in 
that  direction.  Moreover,  the  dreaded  scurvy  now  afflicted 
the  crew.  As  the  object  of  the  expedition  had  been  attained. 
Father  Consag  ordered  the  boats  to  return  to  San  Carlos 
Beach.  On  the  voyage  back  to  the  starting-point  the  survey 
was  repeated,  and  in  this  manner  the  Jesuit  explorer  was 
enabled  to  prepare  very  accurate  charts  and  descriptions 
which  were  of  inestimable  benefit  to  navigators.  Father  Con- 
sag also  kept  a diary  of  this  voyage  which  may  be  seen  in  the 
third  volume  of  Venegas’s  Noticia. 

Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  517-520;  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  93. 

15  Pages  140-195;  also  briefly  in  “Apostolicos  Afanes  de  la  Com- 


238  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Meanwhile  the  Fathers  in  California  prepared  the  report 
on  the  state  of  their  respective  missions,  as  prescribed  by  the 
Father  Provincial.  From  this  document  we  learn  that  in  1745 
the  following  missions,  mission  stations,  and  Jesuit  mission- 
aries existed  in  Lower  California : 

I.  Niiestra  Seiiora  de  Loreto  in  latitude  twenty-five  and 
one-half  degrees.  Here  the  governor  resided  at  the  pre- 
sidio. Near  Loreto  was  the  port  of  San  Dionisio,  where  ships 
entered  and  left  in  the  service  of  the  missions.  The  mission- 
ary in  charge  was  the  Rev.  Caspar  de  Truxillo. 

II.  San  Francisco  Javier  in  latitude  twenty-five  and  one- 

half  degrees.  Missionary,  the  Rev.  Miguel  de  Barco.  Mis- 
sion Stations:  1.  Santa  Rosalia,  seven  leagues  to  the  west; 

2.  San  MiguH,  eight  leagues  to  the  north;  3.  San  Agustin, 
ten  leagues  to  the  southeast ; 4.  Dolores,  two  leagues  to  the 
eastward ; 5.  San  Pablo,  eight  leagues  to  the  northwest. 

III.  Nuestra  Seiiora  de  los  Dolores  del  Sur,  formerly  San 

Juan  Bautista  de  Malibdt,  or  Ligut,  in  latitude  twenty-four 
and  one-half  degrees.  Missionary,  the  Rev.  Clemente  Guillen. 
Mission  Stations:  1.  La  Concepcion;  2.  La  Encarnacion  de 

El  Verbo;  3.  La  Santisima  Trinidad;  4.  La  Redempcion;  5. 
La  Resurreccion. 

IV.  San  Luis  Gonzaga  in  twenty-five  degrees.  Mission- 
ary, the  Rev.  Lamberto  Hostell.  Mission  Stations:  1.  San 

Juan  Nepomuceno;  2.  Santa  Maria  Magdalena,  at  the  bay 
of  the  same  name. 

pania  de  Jesus,”  384-388;  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  550-552;  Clavi- 
jero,  lib.  iv,  93;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  286-287.  See  also  Villa-Senor, 
“Teatro  Americano,”  lib.  v,  cap.  39,  276-294. 

16  Rather  in  twenty-six  degrees  latitude  and  one  hundred  and 
eleven  degrees  and  twenty-one  minutes  longitude  west  of  Green- 
wich, according  to  Arthur  North,  who  traveled  through  Lower 
•California  and  reported  his  observations  for  the  “Sunset  Maga- 
zine,” 1906-1907. 

17  Twenty-five  degrees  and  fifty-two  minutes  latitude  and  one 
hundred  and  eleven  degrees,  thirty-three  minutes  longitude.  (A.  N.) 

16  Latitude  24  degrees,  50  minutes;  longitude  112  degrees,  5 
minutes,  about  seventeen  leagues  east  of  Magdalena  Bay,  and 
thirty-five  leagues  northwest  of  La  Paz.  (A.  N.) 


Royal  Orders;  Missions  in  1745 


239 


V.  San  Jose  de  Comundu  in  twenty-six  degrees.  The 
visiting  missionary,  after  the  'death  of  the  Rev.  Francisco 
Javier  Wagner,  was  the  Rev.  Jacobo  Druet,  who  resided  at 
La  Purisima  Concepcion.  Mission  Stations:  1.  a pueblo  not 
named,  one  league  to  the  west ; 2.  another  pueblo,  ten  leagues 
to  the  east  on  the  shore  (playa)  ; 3.  a third  pueblo  not  named, 
seven  leagues  to  the  north. 

VI.  Santa  Rosalia  de  Mtdege,  in  twenty-six  degrees  and 

fifty  minutes.  20  Missionary,  the  Rev.  Pedro  Maria  Nascim- 
ben.  Mission  Stations:  1.  Santisima  Trinidad,  six  leagues 

south-southeast;  2.  San  Marcos,  eight  leagues  to  the  north. 

VII.  La  Purisima  Concepcion  in  twenty-six  degrees, 
Missionary,  the  Rev.  Jacobo  Druet.  Six  mission  stations 
were  attached  to  this  mission  at  distances  of  eight  leagues ; 
but  the  names  are  not  given. 

Vni.  Nuestra  Seiiora  de  Guadalupe  in  twenty-seven  de- 
grees latitude.  Missionary,  the  Rev.  Joseph  Gasteiger.  Mis- 
sion Stations:  1.  La  Concepcion  de  Nuestra  Senora,  six 

leagues  to  the  south ; 2.  San  Pedro  y San  Pablo,  six  leagues 
to  the  west;  3.  San  Miguel,  six  leagues  to  the  southwest;  4. 
Santa  Maria,  five  leagues  to  the  north. 

IX.  San  Ignacio  in  twenty-eight  degrees.  22  Missionary, 

the  Rev.  Sebastian  de  Sistiaga.  Mission  Stations:  1.  San 

Borja,  eight  leagues  (the  direction  is  omitted)  ; 2.  San  Joa- 
chin,  three  leagues ; 3.  San  Sabas,  three  leagues ; 4.  San 
Atlianasio,  five  leagues ; 5.  Santa  Monica,  seven  leagues ; 6. 
Santa  Marta,  eleven  leagues ; 7.  Santa  Lucia,  ten  leagues ; 8. 
Santa  Ninfa,  five  leagues. 

X.  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores  del  Norte  in  twenty- 
nine  degrees.  This  mission  lay  thirty  leagues  north  of  San 
Ignacio.  It  was  administered  by  Fathers  Sistiaga  and  Con- 
sag;  the  latter  had  already  five  hundred  baptized  Indians  in 
his  district. 

XI.  Santa  Maria  Magdalena.  This  mission  was  begun  in 

Lat.  26  deg.,  5 min.;  long.  Ill  deg.,  51  min.  (A.  N.) 

20  Lat.  26  deg.,  55  min.;  long.  112  deg.  (A.  N.) 

21  Lat.  26  deg.,  10  min.;  long.  112  deg.,  5 min.  (A.  N.) 

22  Lat.  27  deg.,  30  min.;  long.  113  deg.,  30  min.  (A.  N.) 


240  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


the  north  ^3  by  Father  Fernando  Consag ; but  no  suitable  site 
had  as  yet  been  found,  when  the  report  was  made,  though  the 
Indians  thus  far  converted  were  organized  like  those  of  San 
Ignacio. 

XII.  Santiago  del  Sur  in  twenty-three  degrees.  Mis- 
sionary, the  Rev.  Antonio  Tempis.  Mission  Stations:  1. 

Surgidero  (anchorage,  port)  de  Santa  Maria  de  la  Luz ; 2. 
Surgidero  de  San  Borja. 

XIII.  Nuestra  Seitora  del  Pilar  de  la  Paz.  Concerning 
this  mission  no  reports  had  reached  Mexico  by  the  year  1745, 
when  Venegas  closed  his  history  on  the  missions  of  Califor- 
nia. The  same  is  to  be  said  of  the  three  following  missions, 

XIV.  Santa  Rosa  de  la  Ensenada  de  Palmas. 

XV.  San  Jose  del  Cabo  de  San  Lucas.  Here  the  south- 
ern presidio  was  located  a short  distance  from  the  cape  and 
near  the  gulf. 

XVI.  San  Juan  Bautista.  This  mission  was  just  begun 
at  the  pueblo  of  the  same  name  in  the  north.  The  Indians 
were  prepared ; but  as  yet  there  were  no  funds  assigned ; nor 
was  there  a missionary  appointed. 

While  the  missions  of  the  north  prospered,  and  Christianity 
spread  in  the  interior,  the  southern  establishments  were  al- 
most depopulated  by  the  epidemics  which  visited  the  turbu- 
lent Pericues  during  the  years  of  1742,  1744,  and  1748. 
Scarcely  one-sixth  of  the  natives  escaped.  It  is  not  possible 
to  describe  the  hardships  of  the  missionaries  at  this  period ; 
they  were  occupied  all  day  long  and  a great  part  of  the  night 
in  administering  to  the  corporal  and  spiritual  needs  of  the 
suffering  and  dying.  The  Uchities  suffered  even  more  than 
the  Pericues.  They  took  up  arms  against  the  Christian  In- 

23  It  was  situated  ten  leagues  east  of  Guadalupe.  (A.  N.,  in 
“Sunset  Magazine,”  December,  1906,  p.  148.) 

2<  Lat.  23  deg.,  40  min.;  long.  110  deg.,  5 min.  (A.  N.) 

25  Mission  del  Pilar  was  situated  southwest  of  the  present  La 
Paz,  in  lat.  24  deg.,  10  min.;  long.  110  deg.  20  min.  (.\.  N.) 

26  It  was  southwest  of  La  Paz  near  the  Pacific  Ocean,  in  lat.  23 
deg.,  24  min.;  long.  110  deg.,  13  min.  (A.  N.) 

27  Lat.  23  deg.,  3 min.;  long.  109  deg.,  40  min.  (A.  N.) 

28  Venegas,  “Noticia,”  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  sec.  xxii,  546-550. 


Royal  Orders;  Missions  in  1745 


241 


dians,  so  that  the  lieutenant  of  the  San  Jose  presidio  found 
himself  compelled  to  wage  war  upon  the  obstinate  rebels. 
Very  many  of  them  were  killed,  and  many  others  died  in  the 
subsequent  epidemics.  The  population  began  to  dwindle  away 
so  steadily,  that  in  1767  only  one  individual  of  this  tribe  sur- 
vived. All  agreed  that  these  disasters  had  come  upon  the 
people  in  punishment  for  their  crimes. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Indians  in  the  south  had  so 
considerably  decreased,  it  became  necessary  to  reduce  the 
number  of  the  missions.  San  Jose  del  Cabo  was  accordingly 
abandoned ; its  few  Pericu  survivors  and  those  of  Santa  Rosa 
were  transferred  to  Mission  Santiago.  Mission  Nuestra 
Sehora  del  Pilar  de  la  Paz,  where  fresh  water  had  become 
scarce,  was  closed ; the  missionary  with  the  Guaycuro  neo- 
phytes removed  to  Santa  Rosa ; but  as  the  principal  Indian  set- 
tlement of  this  missionary  district  was  Todos  Santos,  the  newly- 
organized  mission  took  the  name  Todos  Santos,  and  was 
known  as  such  ever  after.  Besides  benefiting  the  natives, 
who  thereby  obtained  better  lands,  the  change  enabled  two  of 
the  missionaries  to  labor  with  more  advantage  in  localities 
where  the  Indian  population  was  greater,  or  where  Christi- 
anity had  not  secured  a strong  foothold. 

Before  the  missions  of  Pilar  and  San  Jose  were  suppressed, 
California  suffered  the  loss  of  several  men  who  deserved  well 
of  the  country.  The  first  was  the  Rev.  Jayme  Bravo,  a native 
of  Arag6n,  Spain,  who  in  1705  had  been  sent  to  the  penin- 
sula as  a lay-brother,  and  had  filled  the  office  of  procurator 
at  Loreto.  Later  on  he  was  ordained  priest,  and  labored  as 
missionary  at  La  Paz,  which  he  founded,  and  at  Loreto. 
While  stationed  at  Loreto  he  erected  a large  church  and  a 
substantial  building  for  the  procurator.  He  died  at  Mission 
San  Francisco  Javier  on  May  13th,  1744,  as  piously  as  he 
had  lived,  after  reaching  the  age  of  sixty-one  years.  The 
body  was  brought  to  Loreto  and  buried  in  the  church  which 


29  Clavijero,  lib.  iv.,  sec.  iii,  93-94;  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  288. 

30  Clavijero,  lib.  iv.,  94. 


242  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


he  had  erected,  in  the  center  of  the  sanctuary,  one  and  one- 
half  varas  from  the  lowest  step  of  the  altar.  32 

Another  Jesuit  who  passed  to  his  reward  in  the  same  year 
was  the  Rev.  Francisco  Xavier  Wagner,  a native  of  Germany. 
He  died  at  San  Jose  de  Comundu  on  October  12th,  1744.  No 
particulars  about  his  life  and  death  are  given  by  Venegas, 
Clavijero,  or  Alegre.  33 

The  next  to  pass  away  at  his  post  was  the  Rev.  Antonio 
Tempis.  He  was  born  of  noble  parents  at  Olmuetz,  Mora- 
via. 34  He  made  his  studies  at  Prague,  Bohemia,  and  distin- 
guished himself  both  as  a scholar  and  i teacher.  In  1736  he 
came  to  Mexico  and  in  the  same  year  was  sent  to  California, 
in  order  to  reestablish  Mission  Santiago  which  had  been  de- 
stroyed by  the  savage  Pericues.  His  charity,  extraordinary 
gentleness,  and  exemplary  life  soon  won  over  the  embittered 
Indians,  so  that  in  three  or  four  years  the  mission  was  in  bet- 
ter condition,  materially  and  spiritually,  than  before  the  re- 
volt. Knowing  well  that  the  most  powerful  means  to  im- 
prove a people  is  a good  Christian  education.  Father  Tempis 
took  particular  pains  with  the  children,  whom  he  instructed 
in  the  catechism  and  then  exercised  in  manual  labor  agreeable 
to  their  age  and  strength.  All  classes  experienced  his  fatherly 
solicitude,  but  none  more  so  than  the  sick  and  the  feeble. 
While  the  epidemics  raged  Tempis  allowed  himself  no  rest, 
though  often  so  weak  that  he  could  scarcely  walk.  The  na- 
tives regarded  him  as  a saint,  and  would  relate  extraordinary 
things  about  their  missionary  which  not  a few  deemed  miracu- 
lous. On  July  6th,  1746,  after  ten  years  of  apostolic  labor, 
he  died  a saintly  death  at  the  age  of  only  forty-three  years. 
In  1749  a sketch  of  his  holy  life  was  published  in  Mexico.  33 
Rev.  Sebastian  de  Sistiaga,  36  one  of  the  most  painstaking 

31  The  vara,  or  Spanish  yard,  has  between  thirty-three  and  thirty- 
four  inches. 

32  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  94;  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  462. 

33  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  547;  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  90. 

34  Clavijero  has  Bohemia. 

35  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  94-95;  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i, 
462. 

36  Clavijero  spells  Sestiaga. 


Royal  Orders;  Missions  in  1745 


243 


and  famous  of  the  California  missionaries,  was  born  in  1684 
at  Teposcolula  in  the  Mixteca  country  of  Oajaca,  Mexico. 
He  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  quite  young,  and  soon  gained 
the  esteem  of  all  by  his  virtue  and  great  talents.  In  1718, 
while  professor  of  literature  at  the  college  of  Mexico,  he 
was  selected  for  the  California  missions,  which  was  the  desire 
of  his  heart  though  unknown  even  to  his  superiors.  During 
the  twenty-nine  years  that  Father  Sistiaga  passed  in  the  mis- 
sions of  Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege  and  of  San  Ignacio  he 
succeeded  in  converting  a considerable  number  of  savages. 
Frequently,  provided  only  with  a little  bag  of  corn  and  meat, 
he  would  go  in  search  of  the  natives  dwelling  twelve  or  more 
leagues  distant,  and  remain  with  them  as  long  as  necessary 
to  preach,  instruct,  baptize,  and  hear  confessions,  meanwhile 
adopting  their  mode  of  life  and  exposed  to  all  kinds  of  priva- 
tions. He  usually  slept  without  undressing  in  order  that  he 
might  rise  so  much  the  quicker.  He  rose  two  hours  before 
daybreak,  and  then  devoted  himself  to  devotional  exercises 
in  preparation  for  holy  Mass.  His  ardor  for  the  salvation  of 
the  natives  was  so  great  that  sometimes  while  out  searching 
for  more  converts  he  would  exclaim,  “Come  all ! come  to  the 
faith  of  Christ  Jesus!  Oh!  would  that  some  one  made  Chris- 
tians of  you  all  and  brought  you  to  heaven !”  Unfortunately 
his  extreme  delicacy  of  conscience  developed  into  undue  scru- 
pulousness, possibly  the  result  of  overwork  and  want  of  sleep, 
which  rendered  him  almost  unfit  for  missionary  duties  dur- 
ing the  last  years  of  his  stay  in  California.  The  superiors  in 
1747  found  themselves  obliged  to  transfer  the  good  Father 
to  Mexico  much  against  his  wishes.  Clavijero  met  the  ven- 
erable man  at  Puebla,  and  obtained  from  him  much  of  the 
information  embodied  in  the  Historia  de  la  California.  He 
was  also  present  at  Sistiaga’s  death,  which  occurred  at  Puebla 
on  June  22d,  1756. 

Rev.  Clemente  Guillen,  the  fifth  Jesuit  whom  California  lost 
betw'een  1744  and  1748,  was  a native  of  Zacatecas,  Mexico. 
He  entered  the  Jesuit  community  when  about  nineteen  years 
of  age.  While  teaching  philosophy  at  the  college  of  Mexico, 


37  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  95. 


244  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

he  was  appointed  for  the  California  mission  field,  which  he 
reached  in  1714,  after  having  suffered  shipwreck  in  the  gulf. 
He  founded  Mission  Dolores  among  the  ferocious  Guaycuros, 
and  converted  the  majority  of  that  tribe  during  the  twenty- 
five  years  of  his  administration.  In  1746  he  had  become  so 
feeble  from  labors,  hardships,  and  infirmities  that  the  supe- 
riors relieved  him  of  the  onerous  mission,  and  sent  him  to 
rest  at  Lxjreto ; but  even  here  the  zealous  man  endeavored 
to  make  himself  useful.  Clavijero  relates  an  example  of  the 
old  man’s  zeal.  Once  from  a remote  part  of  the  peninsula 
an  old  Indian  woman  came  whose  language  the  missionaries 
found  unintelligible.  Good  Father  Guillen  went  to  work  to 
learn  her  language  for  the  sole  purpose  of  being  able  to  in- 
struct this  one  poor  creature.  It  was  while  thus  engaged  that 
death  overtook  him  at  Loreto  on  April  8th,  1748,  at  the  age 
of  seventy-one  years,  fifty-two  of  which  he  had  passed  in  the 
Society  of  Jesus  and  thirty-four  in  California. 

Besides  these  five  Jesuits,  three  laymen  merit  special  men- 
tion as  benefactors  of  the  missions  and  the  country.  The 
pious  and  wealthy  Marques  de  Villapuente,  on  account  of  his 
numerous  contributions,  doubtless  stands  at  the  head  of  the 
laymen  who  deserved  well  of  California.  Even  at  his  death, 
which  occurred  at  the  royal  college  of  Madrid  in  1739,  while 
on  his  way  to  Rome,  he  bequeathed  the  sums  necessary  for 
founding  two  Jesuit  missions  in  the  Pimerias,  the  territory 
comprising  the  northern  part  of  Sonora  and  the  southern  part 
of  Arizona  to  the  Rio  Gila. 

The  loss  of  the  veteran  Captain  Estevan  Rodriguez  Lorenzo 
is  next  to  be  noted.  He  was  born  at  Algarve,  Portugal.  He 
came  to  Mexico  and  for  some  years  acted  as  mayordomo,  or 
steward,  of  a plantation  belonging  to  the  Jesuit  college  at 
Tepozatlan  of  which  the  venerable  Father  Salvatierra  was 
the  rector.  In  1697  Lorenzo  came  to  California  with  Salva- 
tierra. The  soldiers  elected  him  as  their  captain  and  he  filled 
the  office,  which  also  included  the  duties  of  governor  of  the 
peninsula,  for  nearly  half  a century  to  the  satisfaction  of 

38  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  95;  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  462. 

39  Venegas,  tom.  ii,  pte.  iii,  sec.  xxii,  525. 


Royal  Orders;  Missions  in  1745 


245 


the  missionaries,  soldiers,  and  neophyte  Indians.  He  was  as 
brave  and  prudent  as  he  was  pious,  and  thoroughly  devoted 
to  the  missionaries,  who  attributed  to  his  assistance  much  of 
the  progress  of  Christianity  on  the  peninsula.  When  in  1744 
Captain  Lorenzo  had  become  blind,  the  superior  of  the  mis- 
sions secured  the  office  of  governor  for  his  worthy  son  Ber- 
nardo; but  he  could  not  obtain  a pension  for  Captain  Estevan 
from  the  king  whom  the  octogenarian  soldier  had  faithfully 
served  during  forty-seven  years.  It  was  well  that  the  ex-cap- 
tain did  not  need  even  that  much  appreciation  of  his  services ; 
the  love  of  his  son  and  the  gratitude  of  the  missionaries  re- 
lieved him  of  all  temporal  anxieties,  inasmuch  as  they  pro- 
vided for  him  until  he  passed  away  like  a good  Christian  on 
the  feast  of  All  Saints,  November  1st,  1746. 

Don  Bernardo  Rodriguez  inherited  all  the  Christian  vir- 
tues and  the  military  qualifications  of  his  noble  father,  except 
robust  health.  Infirmities  began  to  afflict  him  after  the  death 
of  Governor  Estevan  Lorenzo  to  which  he  finally  succumbed 
on  December  10th,  1750.  He  was  succeeded  as  captain  of 
the  troops  and  governor  of  California  by  Fernando  Javier 
de  Rivera  y Moncada,  who  had  already  seen  service  on  the 
peninsula,  and  who,  as  Clavijero  affirms,  proved  himself  wor- 
thy of  the  trust. 

Of  the  subsequent  decade  and  more  we  must  say  with  Ban- 
croft “It  is  not  possible  to  form  a connected  and  com- 
plete narrative  of  mission  annals  from  year  to  year  for  the 
remainder  of  the  Jesuit  period.  Only  a few  events  are  pre- 
served in  the  records ; but  they  are  naturally  the  most  im- 
portant, and  from  them  and  the  details  of  the  past  the  reader 
may  picture  to  himself  the  monotony  of  peninsula  happenings 
and  progress  in  these  years.  Even  the  Jesuit  chroniclers 
found  nothing  of  interest  in  the  dry  record.” 

^0  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  sec.  iii,  95-96;  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,” 
vol.  i,  462. 

Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  96;  Bancroft,  ut  supra,  p.  463. 

42  “History  of  Texas  and  the  North  Mexican  States,”  vol.  i,  468. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


Father  Consag’s  Search  for  Mission  Sites. — Founding  of  Mission 
Santa  Gertrudis. — Agriculture. — Donations. — Consag’s  Death. — 
Ship-building. — Shipwrecks. — Death  of  Brother  Mugazabal. — 
Founding  of  Mission  San  Francisco  de  Borja. — Indian  War. — 
Incidents. — Father  Link  Tries  to  Reach  the  Colorado  River. 

HE  Jesuits  had  long  desired  to  establish  more  missions 


in  the  interior  of  the  peninsula ; but  revolts,  the  insta- 
bility of  the  southern  tribes,  successive  epidemics,  and  above 
all  the  scarcity  of  priests  prevented  activity  in  that  direction. 
Father  Sebastian  Sistiaga  and  Father  Fernando  Consag  had, 
indeed,  made  several  trips  inland  in  order  to  find  suitable 
mission  sites  and  to  dispose  the  savages  towards  the  north 
for  the  reception  of  the  Gospel,  but  nothing  definite  was  ac- 
complished. In  1747,  however,  when  Father  Sistiaga  retired 
to  Mexico,  Consag  devoted  himself  with  such  ardor  to  the 
conversion  of  the  pagans,  who  dwelt  far  away  from  the  mis- 
sion centers,  that  by  the  year  1751  he  had  instructed  and  bap- 
tized four  hundred  and  forty-eight  Indians  with  whom  he  ex- 
pected to  organize  a new  mission.  The  only  convenient  place 
discovered  lay  twenty-seven  leagues  north  of  San  Ignacio, 
and  though  there  was  not  sufficient  water  to  irrigate  the  land, 
the  zealous  missionary  resolved  to  erect  the  mission  in  that 
locality.  Fortunately  the  necessary  funds  were  assured 
through  the  closing  of  Mission  San  Jose  del  Cabo.  The  Mar- 
ques de  Villapuente,  who  had  endowed  San  Jose,  had  also 
directed  that,  in  case  it  had  to  be  abandoned,  the  capital 
should  be  used  for  the  founding  of  a mission  in  the  territory 
of  the  Cochimis  which  should  be  known  as  Santa  Gertrudis. 

Early  in  1751,  when  the  Very  Rev.  Juan  Antonio  Baltasar, 
provincial  of  the  Jesuits  in  Mexico,  held  the  canonical  visita- 
tion on  the  peninsula,  he  directed  Father  Consag  to  make 
another  effort  to  find  a better  location  for  Mission  Santa  Ger- 
trudis before  deciding  the  matter.  He  accordingly  set  out 
from  San  Ignacio  on  May  22d,  accompanied  by  Captain  Fer- 


Explorations;  Sta.  Gertrudis;  San  Borja  247 


nando  Rivera,  some  soldiers,  and  one  hundred  neophytes,  and 
followed  by  a well  supplied  train  of  pack-mules.  The  expe- 
dition made  its  way  across  the  sierra  and  up  the  barren  val- 
leys of  the  Pacific  Coast  until  it  reached  a point  in  the  thir- 
tieth degree  of  latitude.  No  suitable  place  with  more  water 
was  discovered ; nevertheless,  the  march  proved  beneficial  in 
that  it  befriended  the  savages  all  along  the  road,  and  brought 
salvation  to  a number  of  children  whom  Father  Consag  found 
in  a dying  condition  and  baptized.  ^ 

Having  returned  to  San  Ignacio  about  July  8th,  the  mis- 
sionary immediately  made  preparations  to  establish  the  long- 
desired  mission  on  the  spot  selected  before.  He  sent  a num- 
ber of  neophytes  to  put  up  a church  and  necessary  habitations. 
The  superintendent  of  the  work  was  Andres  Comanaji,  a blind 
Indian,  who  also  called  himself  Sistiaga,  out  of  afifection  for 
his  former  teacher,  the  Rev.  Sebastian  de  Sistiaga.  This  In- 
dian had  been  a catechist  at  Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege  and  at 
San  Ignacio.  His  exemplary  conduct,  his  extraordinary  zeal 
for  the  conversion  of  his  countrymen,  his  great  talent  to  make 
the  mysteries  of  religion  comprehensible,  his  perseverance  in 
teaching,  his  patience  with  the  children  and  catechumens,  made 
the  name  of  Andres  Comanaji  famous,  and  endeared  him  to 
the  missionaries,  soldiers,  and  Indians  alike.  He  frequently 
received  the  sacraments,  and  passed  all  the  time  which  he 
could  spare  from  catechism  and  other  duties,  in  the  church, 
where  he  was  seen  to  pray  with  remarkable  devotion. 

This  was  the  man  whom  Father  Consag  selected  to  manage 
the  construction  of  the  buildings  at  the  new  mission.  No 
one  need  wonder  at  the  choice  of  a blind  man  for  such  a posi- 
tion. The  structures  to  be  erected,  though  an  improvement 
over  the  brushwood  huts  with  which  missions  usually  began 
operations,  were  of  the  simplest  and  rudest  make.  Andres 
was  so  clever  at  this  kind  of  work  by  means  of  his  touch,  that 
the  lack  of  sight  was  not  noticeable  in  the  result.  The  frame- 
work of  the  buildings  was  of  timbers,  the  walls  of  mud  and 

1 Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  96-97.  “,\postolicos  Afanes,”  lib.  iii,  390-391. 
Consag’s  Diary  of  this  exploring  tour  may  be  found  in  the  “Apos- 
tolicos  Afanes,”  lib.  iii,  capp.  ix-xi,  391-429. 


248  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


small  stones,  and  the  roof  consisted  of  timbers  across  which 
were  laid  reeds  and  bulrushes  or  titles.  Neither  hammer  nor 
nails  were  required.  First,  at  the  four  corners  forked  tree- 
posts  were  driven  into  the  'ground  at  right  angles.  Timbers 
or  poles  were  laid  into  the  forks  on  the  four  sides  and  tied 
with  thongs  of  leather.  Across  these  poles  timbers  were 
placed  at  equal  distances  and  fastened  in  the  same  manner. 
Reeds  were  next  laid  across  these  rafters  and  covered  with 
tides  or  dried  grass.  The  walls  were  then  filled  in  with  mud 
and  stones  or  sticks,  after  which  the  structure  was  ready  for 
occupation.  As  it  hardly  ever  rained,  these  cabins  afforded 
sufficient  shelter  for  the  missionaries  and  soldiers ; the  Indians 
preferred  to  sleep  in  the  open  air.  Later  on,  when  the  natives 
had  shaken  off  some  of  their  natural  indolence,  and  better  ma- 
terial could  be  obtained,  more  substantial  and  more  convenient 
churches  replaced  these  rude  structures. 

When  this  preliminary  work  had  been  done,  the  Rev.  Jorge 
Retz,  a German  Jesuit,  who  had  spent  a year  at  San  Ignacio 
in  learning  the  language,  in  the  summer  of  1752  was  sent  to 
formally  open  Mission  Santa  Gertrudis.  According  to  cus- 
tom, every  missionary  contributed  from  his  mission  and  store 
whatever  could  be  spared,  such  as  goats,  sheep,  cattle,  horses, 
mules,  or  a quantity  of  provisions.  Retz  began  his  labors  in 
the  midst  of  six  hundred  neophytes  already  instructed  and 
baptized  by  Father  Consag.  Soon  the  pagans,  hearing  of  the 
new  doctrine  and  the  kindness  of  the  missionary,  flocked  to 
Santa  Gertrudis  from  every  quarter,  sometimes  in  groups  of 
thirty  and  more,  demanding  baptism,  which  was  bestowed 
after  the  usual  course  of  instruction,  so  that  in  a few  years 
Father  Retz,  assisted  by  the  blind  catechist  Andres  Comanaji, 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  fourteen  hundred  neophytes. 
When  a catechumen  had  been  baptized,  he  received  from  the 
missionary,  in  accordance  with  a long-established  custom,  a 
little  cross,  which  he  had  always  to  wear  as  a sign  of  his  faith 
and  as  a reminder  of  his  redemption  through  Christ. 

Nothing  but  agriculture  was  wanting  to  make  the  mission 
self-supporting  and  prosperous.  Unfortunately,  besides  being 
rocky,  the  region  was  lacking  in  water,  as  we  have  already 


Explorations;  Sta.  Gertrudis;  San  Borja  249 


stated.  After  searching  for  two  months  the  missionary  dis- 
covered a small  spring  about  a mile  from  a piece  of  good 
land  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  mission.  The  water  was  con- 
ducted to  this  little  field  by  means  of  a narrow  aqueduct,  which 
Retz  had  hewn  out  of  the  solid  intervening  rock  lest  any  of 
the  precious  liquid  be  wasted.  Near  the  little  field  another 
patch  of  land  was  formed  by  spreading  good  soil  over  the 
rocky  surface;  this,  too,  was  carefully  irrigated  from  the  tiny 
stream.  Father  Retz  also  planted  some  fruit-trees  and  vines ; 
the  latter  in  due  time  produced  good  wine.  Gradually  the 
fields  thus  laboriously  cultivated  yielded  all  the  wheat  and 
corn  needed  by  the  people  of  the  mission ; but  it  was  necessary 
to  plant  by  rotation  on  the  same  piece  of  land  and  in  the 
same  year.  The  season  for  wheat  extended  from  October, 
when  it  was  sown,  to  May,  when  it  was  harvested.  The  soil 
was  then  immediately  prepared  for  the  planting  of  corn  in 
June.  The  corn  was  ready  for  the  reapers  in  September, 
when  the  field  was  again  put  in  condition  for  the  sowing  of 
wheat  ii>  October.  The  manufacture  and  storing  of  grape- 
wine  likewise  called  for  the  ingenuity  of  the  missionary. 
Casks  being  unknown,  and  earthen  jars  used  at  other  mis- 
sions not  obtainable.  Father  Retz  had  some  huge  rocks  hol- 
lowed out  after  the  manner  of  tombs.  The  wine  was  poured 
into  these,  the  opening  covered  with  large  slabs,  and  cemented 
with  pitch.  In  tanks  of  this  kind  the  wine  was  kept  in  a very 
good  condition.  ^ 

Bancroft  ^ asserts  that  Father  Jorge  Retz  was  superior  of 
the  Jesuit  missions  from  1756  to  1762,  and  that  he  con- 
firmed one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  forty  persons ; but 
Clavijero  * writes  that  Father  Fernando  Consag  happened 
to  be  superior  in  1758.  It  is  strange  that  the  Jesuit  historians 

2 Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  97.  Mission  Santa  Gertrudis  is  situated  in 
latitude  28  degrees  and  3 minutes,  and  longitude  113  degrees  and 
5 minutes,  twenty-nine  leagues  from  San  Ignacio,  and  eleven 
leagues  from  the  visita  of  San  Pablo,  according  to  Arthur  North, 
in  “Sunset  Magazine.” 

3 “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  469,  referring  to  “Libros  de  Mision 
de  Santa  Gertrudis.” 

* Lib.  iv,  sec.  v,  98. 


250  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


nowhere  make  mention  of  any  confirmations  in  the  missions 
of  California.  If  Father  Retz  confirmed,  he  would  seem  to 
have  been  the  first  ecclesiastic  who  bestowed  that  sacrament 
in  California.  Later  Dominican  and  Franciscan  superiors, 
though  not  bishops,  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  giving  confirma- 
tion for  periods  of  ten  years  by  virtue  of  special  Papal  Indults. 
It  is  more  probable  that  Bancroft’s  agent,  instead  of  con- 
firmed, meant  to  report  baptized. 

The  success  of  this  establishment  stimulated  Consag  to  find 
favorable  sites  for  more  missions.  His  voyage  to  the  Colo- 
rado in  1746  had  not  disclosed  a single  suitable  place  on  the 
whole  eastern  coast.  His  tour  of  exploration  inland  west  of 
the  mountain  range  in  1751  had  no  better  results.  He,  there- 
fore, made  another  trip  to  the  interior,  but  this  time  east  of 
the  sierra,  in  the  spring  of  1753.  After  penetrating  as  far 
as  the  thirty-first  degree  of  latitude,  he  found  that  he  had 
only  succeeded  in  wearing  out  himself  and  his  poor  beasts.  ® 

While  the  restless  Consag  was  planning  Mission  Santa  Ger- 
trudis,  the  Duchess  of  Gandia,  Maria  de  Borja,  learned  from 
a servant,  who  had  been  a soldier  on  the  peninsula,  about  the 
apostolic  labors  of  the  missionaries  and  the  sterility  of  the 
territory.  After  deliberating  on  the  subject,  she  concluded 
that  she  could  dispose  of  her  wealth  in  no  better  way  than  by 
furnishing  the  means  to  found  and  maintain  more  missions 
in  California.  In  her  last  will,  which  she  made  in  1747,  the 
duchess  accordingly  directed,  after  providing  a pension  for 
each  of  her  servants,  that  the  remainder  of  her  property 
should  be  used  to  endow  missions  in  California;  and  that  the 
capital,  whose  revenue  furnished  the  pension  for  her  servants, 
after  their  death  should  be  added  to  the  mission  fund.  In 
return  she  only  requested  that  one  of  the  new  missions  should 
be  named  in  honor  of  her  distinguished  ancestor,  San  Fran- 
cisco de  Borja.  The  amount  thus  unexpectedly  acquired  by 
the  mission  fund  down  to  the  year  1767  exceeded  $70,000, 
and  as  much  more  was  to  be  expected  after  the  death  of  the 
servants  for  whom  the  pious  lady  had  provided  so  generously.  ® 

5 Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  98. 

® Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  98;  but  Father  Francisco  Palou,  O.  F.  M., 


Explorations;  Sta.  Gertrudis;  San  Borja  251 


Father  Retz  meanwhile  learned  from  some  neophytes  that 
about  three  days’  journey  north  of  Santa  Gertrudis,  at  a place 
called  Adac,  there  was  a spring  with  a copious  flow  of  water 
which  he  thought  might  be  utilized  by  a new  mission.  In 
1758  he  sent  a few  trustworthy  persons  to  investigate.  The 
spring  was  found  at  the  edge  of  a hill  not  far  from  the  port 
of  Los  Angeles,  but  the  water  was  warm  and  had  a disagree- 
able smell  like  sulphur.  When  it  had  cooled,  however,  the 
fetid  odor  disappeared  and  the  water  became  quite  palatable. 
It  did  not  flow  as  plentifully  as  the  Indians  had  reported,  but 
it  sufficed  to  irrigate  the  land  in  the  neighborhood  which  was 
fit  for  cultivation.  Father  Fernando  Consag,  who  happened 
to  be  the  superior  of  the  missions  at  the  time,  wished  to 
establish  a mission  at  Adac,  but  was  prevented  by  his  death, 
which  occurred  on  September  10th,  1759.  He  was  born  in 
Hungary  in  1703  as  the  son  of  an  army  officer.  He  entered 
the  Society  of  Jesus  in  Austria,  came  to  Mexico  in  1730,  and 
was  sent  to  California  in  1732.  During  the  first  five  years 
he  assisted  at  various  missions,  and  then  for  twenty-two  years 
attended  San  Ignacio,  whence  he  made  frequent  tours  of  ex- 
ploration into  the  interior  and  one  voyage  to  the  Rio  Colorado. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  state  the  number  of  leagues  even  ap- 
proximately which  this  indefatigable  missionary,  though  al- 
ways in  ill  health,  traversed  while  in  California.  As  superior 
he  had  to  visit  every  mission ; but,  when  his  attendants  and 
their  beasts  took  needed  rest.  Father  Consag  would  devote 
himself  to  prayer  on  his  knees.  On  account  of  his  exemplary 
virtues  and  apostolic  labors,  says  Clavijero,  the  name  of  Con- 
sag deserves  to  be  placed  among  those  that  have  become  illus- 
trious in  California.  * 


“Noticias  de  la  Nueva  California,”  tom.  i,  192,  says,  “Ano  de  1747, 
la  Exma  Senora  Dona  Maria  de  Borja,  duquesa  de  Gandia,  dejo  en 
su  testamento  por  herederas  las  misiones  de  Californias,  y solo 
consta  ban  percibido  $62,000.” 

7 “Padre  Consag  casualmente  era  superior  de  la  California  cuando 
se  descubrid  este  lugar  (Adac).”  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  sec.  v,  98. 

8 Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  98.  The  name  is  also  written  Konsag  and 
Konschak,  according  to  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  457. 


252  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

For  some  time  more  seaworthy  vessels  were  needed  to  ply 
between  the  peninsula  and  the  mainland  to  bring  supplies 
for  the  missions,  as  little  could  be  raised  in  the  country.  The 
bark  Lauretana,  built  by  Father  Bravo,  after  twenty-five  years 
of  service,  had  become  almost  useless ; and  the  San  Jose,  pur- 
chased at  the  expense  of  the  king,  was  not  only  too  small,  but 
needed  frequent  repairs.  The  Rev.  Juan  Armesto,  who  had 
formerly  been  stationed  in  California,  but  now  acted  at  the 
capital  as  procurator  for  the  missions,  succeeded  in  moving 
the  king  to  have  a ship  constructed  for  the  Fathers.  It  was 
built  at  the  port  of  Realejo,  Nicaragua,  for  $19,000,  not  count- 
ing the  expense  of  bringing  it  to  Acapulco.  From  there  it 
was  taken  to  California  at  the  cost  of  the  missions ; but  before 
it  reached  its  destination  it  was  dashed  to  pieces  by  a storm 
on  the  rocks  of  Purum,  near  Cape  San  Lucas.  The  crew  es- 
caped to  Mission  Santiago,  and  was  maintained  for  two 
months  by  the  Rev.  Francisco  de  Escalante.  When  informed 
of  the  disaster,  the  king  permitted  another  vessel  to  be  con- 
structed at  the  expense  of  the  royal  treasury.  As  it  was  to  be 
built  in  California,  the  Rev.  Lucas  Ventura,  procurator  of 
the  missions  at  Loreto,  had  a considerable  quantity  of  lumber 
brought  from  Matanchel.  Some  of  the  material  was  prepared 
at  Londo  from  mezquites  and  acacias.  The  constructor  was 
Caspar  de  Molina,  a native  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  building  a large  and  strong  vessel,  which  proved  to 
be  a fast  sailer.  The  expenditures  amounted  to  $18,000,  of 
which  the  king  paid  $10,000.  Encouraged  by  the  success  of 
this  venture.  Father  Ventura  had  Molina  construct  another 
somewhat  smaller  ship,  which  proved  as  satisfactory  as  the 
first ; the  expenses  were  borne  by  the  missions. 

In  1759,  when  the  Realejo  ship  was  destroyed.  Mission 
Dolores  del  Sur  suffered  the  loss  of  a vessel  which  had  been 
used  in  bringing  supplies  from  Mexico  directly  to  the  mission. 
A quarrel  had  arisen  among  the  crew,  which  the  captain,  a 
Sinaloa  Indian,  tried  to  allay.  In  reward  for  his  good  inten- 
tion a sailor  threw  a stone  at  the  head  of  the  peacemaker  and 
killed  him.  To  conceal  their  crime,  the  sailors,  composed  of 
Guaycuro  Indians,  decided  to  report  that  a storm  had  wrecked 


Explorations;  Sta.  Gertrudis;  San  Borja  253 


the  vessel,  and  that  the  captain  had  drowned,  because  he  was 
a poor  swimmer.  The  governor,  however,  suspecting  this  to 
be  untrue,  investigated  the  matter  closely  and  thus  discovered 
what  had  happened.  The  murderer  was  then  condemned  to 
death,  whilst  the  rest  of  the  men  escaped  with  but  slight  pun- 
ishment. To  avoid  similar  troubles,  the  Rev.  Lambert  Hos- 
tell,  who  was  in  charge  of  Mission  Dolores,  would  have  no 
ship ; he  had  all  supplies  brought  overland,  though  the  road 
was  bad  and  the  distance  considerable. 

More  grievous  was  the  loss  which  California  sustained  in 
the  death  of  Brother  Juan  Bautista  Mugazabal,  who  passed 
away  at  the  end  of  1761.  He  was  born  in  the  province  of 
Alava,  Spain,  and  came  to  California  as  a soldier,  where  after 
a few  years  he  was  made  ensign  of  the  troops.  In  1720  he 
pleaded  for  admission  into  the  Society  of  Jesus,  which  grace 
he  had  merited  by  his  irreproachable  conduct  as  a soldier. 
He,  therefore,  enjoyed  the  distinction  of  having  been  the  first 
novice  on  the  northwestern  coast.  He  learned  the  science  of 
the  saints  under  the  guidance  of  the  Rev.  Juan  de  Ugarte,  and 
became  as  perfect  a religious  as  he  had  been  a soldier.  During 
the  forty-one  years  that  he  spent  in  the  missions  as  a lay- 
brother,  Mugazabal  had  charge  of  the  warehouse  belonging 
to  the  mission  and  the  presidio,  acted  as  paymaster  for  the 
soldiers  and  sailors,  purchased  the  supplies,  and  distributed 
the  provisions.  He,  ijioreover,  held  the  office  of  sacristan 
and  occasionally  taught  the  catechism,  always  conducting  him- 
self with  humility,  modesty,  and  piety.  His  love  of  prayer 
w'as  remarkable,  as  is  evidenced  from  the  fact  that  the  tiles 
upon  which  he  usually  knelt  in  devotion^ appeared  worn  away. 
Nevertheless,  the  constant  application  of  his  mind  to  things 
celestial,  his  manifold  occupations,  his  disciplines,  the  wearing 
of  hair-cloth  next  to  his  body,  and  the  unhealthiness  of  the 
climate,  did  not  prevent  him  from  reaching  the  age  of  nearly 
eighty  years,  ® of  which  he  passed  fifty-seven  in  California, 


9 “pasase  de  los  ochenta  anos,”  Clavijero  says,  whilst  Bancroft 
has  “seventy-seven  years.” 


254  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

and  forty-one  as  a Jesuit.  His  body  was  buried  in  the  church 
of  Loreto  near  that  of  the  Rev.  Jayme  Bravo. 

Meanwhile  the  project  of  opening  Mission  San  Francisco 
de  Borja  was  not  forgotten.  The  Rev.  Jose  Rotea,  who  had 
come  to  California  in  1759,  had  been  destined  for  this  post; 
but  he  was  now  called  upon  to  fill  the  vacancy  which  had 
been  caused  at  San  Ignacio  by  the  death  of  Father  Consag. 
Father  Retz,  who  had  converted  nearly  all  the  natives  in  his 
vast  territory,  went  to  Adac  to  dispose  the  various  tribes  for 
the  reception  of  the  Christian  doctrine.  After  opening  a road 
from  Santa  Gertrudis  to  Adac,  he  erected  the  church,  the 
habitations  for  the  priest  and  the  soldiers,  the  warehouse,  and 
the  hospital,  and  finally  began  to  cultivate  a little  field  for 
planting  corn.  When  everything  had  been  arranged,  the  new 
mission  was  entrusted  to  the  Rev.  Wenceslao  Link,  a native 
of  Bohemia.  Link  had  come  to  California  in  1762,  and,  after 
staying  at  Santa  Gertrudis  for  some  months  to  acquire  the 
language  of  the  Cochimis,  he  went  to  take  up  his  new  posi- 
tion in  the  summer  of  the  same  year  accompanied  by  a few 
guards.  He  began  his  missionary  work  with  three  hundred 
neophytes  already  instructed  and  baptized  by  Father  Retz. 
Thereafter  other  Indians  came  in  such  numbers  that  the  es- 
tablishment, situated  in  an  exceedingly  sterile  district,  was 
unable  to  maintain  them.  Rabbits,  hares,  and  similar  wild 
animals  abounded,  but  pitahayas,  or  prickly-pears,  mezcal,  and 
a kind  of  tasteless  dates  had  to  take  the  place  of  vegetables. 
Timber  was  scarce,  and  there  was  so  little  land  for  grazing 
that  the  sheep  and  goats  would  have  perished  had  they  not 
been  led  away.  For  want  of  subsistence  the  neophytes  had 
to  depend  upon  the  charity  of  others ; but  the  nearest  mission, 
Santa  Gertrudis,  lay  thirty  leagues  distant  and  scarcely  had 
anything  to  spare.  The  next  establishment,  Guadalupe, 
eighty  leagues  away,  sent  a little  dried  meat.  Loreto,  more 
than  one  hundred  leagues  south,  forwarded  provisions,  tools, 
agricultural  implements,  clothing  for  the  priest  and  the  sol- 
diers, and  everything  necessary  for  divine  worship.  These 

10  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  98-99;  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i, 
470-472. 


Explorations;  Sta.  Gertrudis;  San  Borja  255 


goods  were  shipped  by  sea  to  the  port  of  Los  Angeles,  on  the 
g;ulf  coast,  and  then  transported  to  Adac  eight  leagues  into 
the  interior. 

Despite  the  difficulties,  a small  crop  was  harvested  in  the 
first  year  from  the  corn  planted  by  Father  Retz.  By  follow- 
ing the  methods  observed  at  Santa  Gertrudis  he  obtained  a 
much  larger  quantity,  though  not  sufficient  for  the  whole 
community.  Father  Link  himself  cultivated  a small  vegetable 
garden  and  planted  various  seeds  procured  from  Mexico 
hoping  to  transplant  the  shoots ; but  all  his  work  was  made 
void  through  the  indolence  or  simplicity  of  the  neophytes. 
One  day,  as  he  was  about  to  bring  the  Holy  Viaticum  to  a 
dying  soldier,  the  missionary  directed  the  Indians  to  sweep 
the  road  and  to  strew  green  leaves  upon  the  path  in  honor  of 
the  Blessed  Sacrament  after  the  custom  observed  in  Mexico. 
While  the  priest  was  busy  in  church,  the  neophytes  did  as  they 
were  told ; but,  not  finding  green  leaves  close  by,  they  went 
into  the  vegetable  garden,  tore  up  the  plants,  and  scattered 
them  over  the  road.  On  coming  out  with  the  Holy  Eucharist, 
Father  Link  noticed  with  pain  that  his  much  cherished  plants 
had  been  destroyed.  There  was  nothing  to  be  done  but  to 
walk  on  in  silence. 

Eighteen  months  after  the  founding  of  Mission  San  Borja 
no  pasturage  had  as  yet  been  discovered  in  the  whole  region. 
Link  once  more  set  out  to  remedy  the  sore  need  by  searching 
the  country  more  closely.  He  was  fortunate  enough  to  find 
on  a hill  eight  leagues  from  Adac  a level  stretch  of  ground, 
which  afforded  sufficient  feed  for  eight  hundred  head  of  cattle. 
As  soon  as  the  other  missionaries  heard  of  the  happy  dis- 
covery, they  donated  horses  and  cattle  so  that  there  was  an 
abundance  of  meat  ever  after.  When  in  December,  1763,  the 
first  cattle  were  driven  to  the  newly-found  pasture  on  the 


Mission  San  Francisco  de  Borja  was  situated  on  a broad 
arroyo  surrounded  by  forbidding  mountains  thirty  leagues  north- 
west of  Santa  Gertrudis,  where  the  peninsula  measured  only 
twelve  leagues  in  width,  in  latitude  28  degrees  52  minutes,  and 
longitude  113  degrees  53  minutes.  (Arthur  North,  “Sunset  Maga- 
zine,” December,  1906,  page  152.) 


256  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

hill,  snow  was  seen  to  fall  there,  an  observation  which  hitherto 
had  not  been  made  anywhere  in  California  as  far  as  explored. 

The  prosperity  of  Mission  San  Borja  in  temporal  matters 
was  surpassed  by  its  progress  in  religious  affairs.  Father 
Link  even  found  himself  compelled  to  build  a more  spacious 
church  in  order  to  accommodate  all  the  converts.  Thirty 
neophyte  families  lived  at  the  mission  proper ; this  did  not 
include  the  catechumens  who  were  maintained  during  their 
more  or  less  lengthy  course  of  instruction.  As  all  the  con- 
verts for  want  of  subsistence  could  not  reside  at  the  mission, 
the  outlying  rancherias  presented  themselves  by  turns  for  ex- 
amination and  further  instruction.  On  Saturday  the  inhabit- 
ants of  one  or  more  rancherias  would  arrive  and  stay  until 
the  next  Saturday,  when  another  party  of  neophytes  took 
their  places  for  a week,  to  be  in  turn  relieved  by  another 
company  on  the  following  Saturday. 

One  tribe  of  savages  living  about  thirty  leagues  to  the 
northwest  of  San  Borja  had  not  only  obstinately  continued 
their  pagan  ways,  but  even  resolved  to  drive  Christianity  out 
of  their  territory,  because  it  rebuked  their  licentious  customs 
and  sought  to  abolish  them.  They  began  to  wage  war  against 
the  few  Christians  and  their  friends,  who  then  fled  to  San 
Borja.  The  appearance  of  the  fugitives  brought  consterna- 
tion to  the  neophytes  of  the  mission.  Father  Retz  of  Santa 
Gertrudis,  whom  Father  Link  consulted,  decided  that  the 
persecutors  needed  a lesson  which  would  discourage  all  fu- 
ture hostilities  against  the  Christians.  He  ordered  a band  of 
well-armed  Indians  from  his  own  mission  to  join  the  sol- 
diers and  neophytes  of  San  Borja,  and  to  march  against  the 
enemies.  The  little  army  received  instructions  to  kill  no  one, 
but  to  capture  as  many  of  the  hostile  warriors  as  possible  and 
to  bring  them  to  Adac.  From  their  spies  the  Christians 
learned  where  the  enemy  camped.  They  silently  surrounded 
the  place,  and,  falling  upon  the  unsuspecting  savages,  they 
captured  every  one  without  firing  a shot.  The  brushwood 
huts  or  cabins  were  destroyed,  and  the  prisoners  led  in  tri- 
umph to  San  Borja,  where  they  were  locked  up  in  the  sol- 
diers’ quarters.  A trial  was  instituted  at  which  the  corporal. 


Explorations;  Sta.  Gertrudis;  San  Borja  257 


who  acted  as  judge,  declared  that  the  captives  deserved  death, 
but  that  he,  being  a Christian,  would  commute  the  sentence 
to  a whipping.  The  punishment  was  to  be  executed  upon  a 
dozen  of  the  more  guilty  ones ; but  scarcely  had  eight  or  ten 
blows  been  applied,  when  Father  Link  appeared  and  begged 
the  judge  to  remit  the  remainder.  The  prisoners  were  made 
to  understand  that  they  owed  the  leniency  to  the  missionary, 
and  then  locked  up.  Although  Father  Link  visited  the  cap- 
tives and  provided  them  with  food,  they  acted  very  disorderly, 
and  one  especially  appeared  beside  himself  with  fury ; this 
provoked  another  flogging.  Father  Link  then  spoke  kindly  to 
the  embittered  savages,  and  succeeded  in  pacifying  them. 
After  some  time  they  were  released,  when  they  returned  to 
their  people  with  little  desire  to  renew  hostilities.  Indeed, 
they  reappeared  at  San  Borja  after  a while  with  their  fam- 
ilies and  friends  and  asked  for  baptism.  They  were  baptized 
after  they  had  attended  the  usual  course  of  instruction,  and 
had  given  proof  of  their  sincerity. 

A guama,  or  medicine-man,  felt  so  aggrieved  at  the  loss  of 
his  prestige  and  power  with  the  people  that  he  determined  to 
frighten  them  back  to  paganism.  One  night  he  approached 
Mission  San  Borja,  gathered  a heap  of  combustibles  and  set 
them  afire.  While  the  flames  were  lighting  up  the  neighbor- 
hood, the  guama  ran  around  the  burning  pile  emitting  the 
most  unearthly  yells.  Some  neophytes  who  happened  to  be 
near  fled  in  terror  to  the  house  of  the  missionary.  Father 
Link,  whip  in  hand,  at  once  hastened  to  the  scene,  but  the 
guama  quickly  disappeared  in  the  darkness.  Reassured  that 
no  harm  would  befall  them,  the  Indians  lost  all  fear  of  gramas. 
This  particular  medicine-man  himself  reappeared  at  the  mis- 
sion, requested  baptism,  and  after  its  reception  proved  a good 
Christian. 

About  June,  1764,  the  Rev.  Victoriano  Arnes  came  to  assist 
Father  Link  at  San  Borja.  He  had  just  arrived  from  Mexico 
in  company  of  the  Rev.  Francisco  Javier  Franco,  who  was  to 
aid  the  infirm  Father  Carlos  Neumayer  at  Todos  Santos. 
Father  Link,  at  liberty  to  leave  his  mission  for  some  time, 
seized  the  opportunity  to  find  sites  for  new  missions.  Indians 


258  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

had  brought  the  information  that  fires  had  been  observed  in 
the  direction  of  Angel  de  la  Guarda  Island,  eight  leagues 
from  the  coast.  Supposing  the  island  to  be  inhabited,  Link 
embarked  in  1765  at  the  port  of  Los  Angeles  with  a few  sol- 
diers and  some  Christian  Indians.  After  exploring  the  island 
and  finding  neither  water  nor  inhabitants,  he  returned  to  his 
mission. 

Link  was  now  ordered  by  his  superiors  to  try  to  reach  the 
Colorado  River  by  land  in  order  to  find  places  suitable  for 
new  missions.  The  lieutenant  of  the  presidio  at  Loreto  in- 
sisted on  going  along  with  fifteen  soldiers  to  protect  the  mis- 
sionary against  hostile  Indians.  To  make  the  expedition  a 
success  all  the  missions  contributed  provisions  and  cattle  ac- 
cording to  their  means.  Father  Link  in  February,  1766,  set 
out  with  his  military  guard  and  a large  number  of  Christian 
Indians.  Going  up  the  valleys  between  the  mountain  range 
and  the  Pacific  Ocean,  Link  and  his  men  for  several  days 
made  their  way  through  a desert  country  equally  devoid  of 
water  and  vegetation,  where  men  and  beasts  suffered  exceed- 
ingly. The  following  days  brought  the  explorers  through  a 
more  agreeable  region,  where  water  and  grass  was  plentiful. 
One  place  which  abounded  in  verdure  was  called  San  Juan 
de  Dios,  probably  on  account  of  the  saint  of  the  day,  March 
8th.  A still  better  location  for  a mission  was  discovered  four 
leagues  beyond,  on  a mountain  stream  from  which  the  land 
on  both  sides  could  be  irrigated.  Several  species  of  timber 
grew  near  by  which  might  furnish  the  lumber  necessary  for 
the  buildings.  This  locality  was  called  Guiricata  by  the  In- 
dians, and  was  thought  to  be  in  latitude  thirty-two  degrees, 
about  forty  leagues  from  Adac,  or  Mission  San  Francisco  de 
Borja.  Farther  north  the  country,  which  appeared  to  be  fer- 
tile, was  inhabited  by  savages  who  manifested  some  hostility. 
They  were  soon  pacified,  and  Father  Link  believed  that  they 
could  be  easily  converted.  The  march  was  continued  until 
Link  and  his  men  concluded  that  they  must  have  reached  the 
latitude  of  the  Colorado  River.  They  then  turned  to  the  right 
and  attempted  to  cross  the  sierra  eastward,  but  when  they 
failed  to  find  a pass  through  tb<*  mountain  range,  and  the 


Explorations;  Sta.  Gertrudis;  San  Borja  259 

water  was  becoming  scarce,  they  decided  to  postpone  further 
efforts  to  the  following  year.  Father  Link  kept  a diary,  which 
is  of  special  interest  for  the  fact  that  it  records  the  first  ex- 
ploration of  the  northern  part  of  the  peninsula.  It  was  for- 
warded to  the  King  of  Spain,  who  must  have  received  it  just 
as  he  was  about  to  sign  the  iniquitous  decree  which  expelled 
his  most  loyal  subjects  from  California. 

12  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  99-102;  106-107. 


I 


CHAPTER  XV. 


Founding  of  a Mission  at  Calagnujuet. — Its  Removal. — Founding 
of  Mission  Santa  Maria. — Death  of  Father  Neumayer. — The 
Colonists  in  the  South. — The  Jesuits  Call  for  a Secular  Priest — 
Animosity  of  the  Miners. — They  Excite  the  Indians  against 
the  Jesuits. — Foolish  Demands. — Other  Causes  of  Dissatisfac- 
tion.— Indians  Cross  the  Gulf  to  Complain. — How  They  Fared. 

WHEN  Father  Wenceslao  Link  made  his  report  and 
showed  that  Guiricata  was  available  for  a mission,  the 
Jesuits,  who  had  long  desired  to  reach  the  Indians  of  that 
region,  resolved  to  found  a mission  midway  between  San 
Francisco  de  Borja  and  Guiricata,  and  to  settle  at  the  latter 
place  in  the  course  of  time.  Accompanied  by  ten  soldiers  and 
fifty  armed  neophytes  under  their  chief,  the  brave  Juan  Nepo- 
muceno.  Fathers  Victoriano  Arnes  and  Juan  Jose  Diez,  who 
had  learned  the  language,  arrived  at  Calagnujuet  in  October, 
1766.  The  spot  selected  was  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  lofty 
Mount  Juzai  in  latitude  thirty  degrees  and  forty  minutes,  ^ 
three  or  four  leagues  from  the  gulf.  The  district  was  barren 
and  the  water  bad,  but  it  was  the  only  place  that  answered 
the  purpose  at  all. 

After  the  necessary  structures  had  been  erected,  the  mis- 
sionaries went  to  work  gathering  and  instructing  the  savages ; 
but  the  supplies  were  so  scant  that  the  utmost  economy  had  to 
be  practised  to  maintain  the  priests,  soldiers,  and  catechumens. 
The  Fathers  endeavored  to  raise  at  least  some  of  the  neces- 
sary provisions ; wheat  was  accordingly  sown  and  soon  sprang 
up ; but  when  it  was  irrigated  the  plants  were  killed  by  the 
salts  contained  in  the  water.  Pastures  were  entirely  wanting 


1 Arthur  North  in  “Sunset,”  December,  1906,  p.  153,  locates  it 
on  the  edge  of  an  arroyo  in  latitude  29  degrees,  22  minutes,  and 
longitude  114  degrees,  22  minutes,  four  leagues  from  Bay  San  Luis 
and  twenty-six  leagues  northwest  of  San  Francisco  de  Borja.  He 
spells  it  Calafnyet. 


Mission  Santa  Maria;  Indian  Demands  261 


for  the  few  horses  used  by  the  missionaries  and  soldiers  and 
for  a few  sheep  which  Link  had  donated.  The  savages  came 
in  considerable  numbers  to  be  instructed  and  baptized.  The 
scarcity  of  food  did  not  permit  so  long  a time  of  probation 
as  was  observed  at  other  missions ; but  the  Fathers  were  care- 
ful to  admit  none  that  was  not  sufficiently  instructed.  As 
soon  as  a group  of  Indians  had  received  baptism,  they  re- 
turned to  their  rancherias  to  make  room  for  others.  In  this 
manner  as  many  as  two  hundred  children  and  adults  were 
baptized  within  a few  months.  Good  Father  Diez  broke  down 
under  the  strain,  and  had  to  be  removed  to  Adac  and  then  to 
Guadalupe;  after  his  recovery  he  was  sent  to  Purisima  Con- 
cepcion. 

Besides  being  deprived  of  a companion.  Father  Arnes  was 
now  annoyed  by  some  hostile  savages  who  occupied  a region 
called  Cagnajuet,  twenty  leagues  from  the  mission.  When 
the  men  of  this  tribe  noticed  that  many  of  the  girls  had  be- 
come Christians  and  had  abandoned  their  former  loose  con- 
duct, they  grew  furious  and  resolved  to  stamp  out  a religion 
which  interfered  with  their  brutish  pleasures,  by  killing  the 
priest  and  his  guards.  Not  believing  themselves  strong 
enough,  they  tried  to  enlist  two  other  tribes,  notably  the  nu- 
merous Guiricatas,  in  their  bloody  plot.  The  latter,  however, 
declared  that  they  would  not  raise  a hand  against  people  who 
were  kind  and  did  harm  to  no  one.  Thereupon  the  hostile 
savages  dropped  their  plan,  but  began  to  persecute  all  of  their 
own  tribe  that  had  become  Christians.  Before  Arnes  had 
even  heard  of  the  persecution  and  could  devise  means  to  stop 
it,  the  faithful  old  chief,  now  gobernador  of  the  neophyte 
village,  unknown  to  the  missionary  took  steps  to  put  an  end 
to  the  outrages  of  the  Cagnajuets.  He  ordered  six  of  his 
bravest  warriors  to  the  territory  of  the  enemies.  When  Arnes 
heard  of  this  action  of  Nepomuceno  he  was  amazed  at  the 
bold  scheme,  and  anxious  about  the  fate  of  the  six  Indians  in 
a multitude  of  enraged  savages.  His  amazement  and  anxiety 
were  turned  into  admiration  when  he  heard  the  result.  The 
six  warriors  had  made  the  attack  at  night  with  such  impetu- 
osity that  the  savages  were  thrown  into  complete  disorder  and 


262  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


fled  in  every  direction ; six  families  were  captured  and  brought 
to  Calagnujuet.  Father  Arnes  persuaded  the  corporal,  who 
acted  as  judge,  to  punish  only  the  most  guilty  ones  slightly, 
and  to  pardon  the  rest.  Accordingly  only  eight  blows  were 
given  to  the  first  and  then  all  were  set  at  liberty,  after  receiv- 
ing some  advice  from  the  missionary.  The  poor  captives 
manifested  such  gratitude  to  the  priest  that  they  decided  to 
remain  and  to  have  themselves  instructed. 

Father  Arnes,  convinced  of  the  impossibility  of  subsisting 
at  a place  so  sterile  as  Calagnujuet,  began  to  look  for  a more 
favorable  locality.  This  was  discovered  in  May,  1767,  near 
the  arroyo  of  Cabujacaamang  in  latitude  thirty-one  degrees,  ^ 
about  sixteen  leagues  northwest  of  Calagnujuet,  and  thirty- 
five  leagues  to  the  north-northwest  of  Adac.  Though  the 
soil  was  as  barren  and  the  surroundings  were  as  timberless  as 
at  the  former  place,  the  water  at  least  was  wholesome.  Some 
palm-trees  furnished  the  lumber  for  the  buildings,  and  for  the 
want  of  vegetables  compensation  was  found  in  the  abundance 
of  fish  in  the  gulf  which  was  only  four  leagues  distant.  The 
new  mission  was  placed  under  the  protection  of  the  Mother 
of  God  and  named  Santa  Maria  de  los  Angeles.  It  was  en- 
dowed by  the  Duchess  of  Gandia,  that  is  to  say,  the  five  hun- 
dred dollars  interest  from  the  capital  which  she  bequeathed 
was  applied  to  this  mission  in  the  form  of  goods  or  supplies. 
To  omit  nothing  that  might  contribute  to  the  success  of  the 
undertaking,  Arnes  planted  a little  field  with  wheat  and  cotton 
which  in  January,  1768,  when  the  Jesuits  had  to  leave  the 
missions,  promised  good  crops.  Although  Arnes  was  annoyed 
by  the  discontent  of  some  of  the  soldiers  who  were  tired  of 
that  dreary  district,  he  devoted  himself  so  earnestly  and  suc- 
cessfully to  the  conversion  of  the  pagans  that  during  his  stay 
of  a few  months  the  mission  never  lacked  catechumens.  The 
church  and  the  dwellings  of  the  missionary  and  of  the  soldiers, 
however,  were  miserable  structures  of  wood  covered  with 
palm-leaves.  Mission  Santa  Maria  was  the  last  which  the 


2 Latitude  29  degrees,  42  minutes;  longitude  114  degrees,  35  min 
utes.  (A.  N.) 


Mission  Santa  Maria;  Indian  Demands  263 


Jesuit  Fathers  planted  in  California ; for,  even  while  the 
Father  was  organizing  it,  the  royal  order  went  forth  which 
put  an  end  to  the  apostolic  labors  of  the  missionaries. 

The  last  Jesuit  who  died  on  the  peninsula  was  the  Rev.  Car- 
los Neumayer,  a German  by  birth,  who  crowned  a saintly  life 
by  a saintly  death  at  Todos  Santos  on  August  30th,  1764.  He 
had  labored  in  the  missions  about  Topia,  Durango,  for  sev- 
eral years,  and  in  1745  was  transferred  to  California,  where 
he  endeared  himself  to  every  one  by  his  zeal  and  unselfish- 
ness. Father  Francisco  Javier  Franco  succeeded  him  as  mis- 
sionary of  Todos  Santos.  ® 

Epidemics  and  wars  had  proved  great  calamities  for  the 
Indians,  particularly  in  the  territory  of  the  Pericues ; but  these 
calamities  at  most  destroyed  life  and  property.  A new  mis- 
fortune threatened  the  very  existence  of  the  missions  when 
silver  mines  were  opened  in  the  south  after  1748.  Don  Manuel 
de  Ocio,  who  had  been  a soldier  at  the  presidio  of  Loreto,  ob- 
tained permission  from  the  military  authorities  to  fish  for 
pearls  and  grew  wealthy.  When  the  business  became  less 
profitable,  he  opened  a silver  mine  at  a place  called  Santa 
Ana,  twelve  leagues  from  Mission  Santiago.  The  miners  were 
procured  from  the  mainland,  and  with  them  entered  the  wedge 
of  permanent  discord  among  the  southern  natives. 

Ocio  had  not  provided  for  the  spiritual  needs  of  his  laborers, 
so  that  the  missionary  of  Santiago  for  the  sake  of  charity 
acted  as  their  pastor,  frequently  going  to  the  mines  to  cele- 
brate holy  Mass  and  administer  the  sacraments.  When  in 
1756  the  mine  of  San  Antonio  was  opened  at  a still  greater 
distance  from  the  mission,  the  missionary  had  also  to  attend 
the  miners  at  that  place.  Though  he  was  already  heavily  bur- 
dened with  the  care  of  the  Indians,  he  willingly  agreed  to  visit 
both  places  for  the  benefit  of  immortal  souls.  He  not  only 
received  no  compensation,  but  had  to  provide  meals  for  him- 
self and  his  attendants  and  to  pay  his  expenses  both  ways. 
Frequently  he  was  called  upon  to  meet  the  temporal  wants  of 
poor  miners  out  of  his  meager  allowance,  or  from  the  mis- 


3 Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  secs,  xiv-xv,  107-109;  lib.  iv,  sec.  ix,  102. 


264  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

sion  supplies,  a condition  of  things  which  the  wealthy  Ocio 
should  not  have  tolerated.  Fearing  that  the  numerous  and 
unscrupulous  enemies  of  the  Jesuits  in  Mexico,  who  through 
the  action  of  the  missionaries  were  prevented  from  enriching 
themselves  at  the  expense  of  the  natives,  might  calumniate 
the  Fathers  for  visiting  the  workmen  at  the  silver  mines,  the 
superior  of  the  missions  at  length  insisted  that  Ocio  should 
obtain  a secular  priest  for  his  two  mining  settlements.  A 
priest,  whose  name  is  not  given,  was  procured  from  the  bishop 
of  Guadalajara,  but  after  two  or  three  years  he  left  his  charge 
in  disgust,  so  that  the  disagreeable  duty  again  devolved  upon 
the  missionary  of  Santiago. 

Serious  difficulties,  however,  arose  when  the  miners  ran 
short  of  supplies ; in  this  case  they  applied  to  the  missions  of 
Santiago  and  of  Todos  Santos.  The  missionaries  naturally 
did  not  wish  to  sell  the  provisions  which  they  needed  for  their 
neophytes ; but  the  poor  men,  neglected  by  their  employer,  rep- 
resented their  necessities  in  such  a light  that  it  would  have 
been  cruel  to  refuse  them  what  they  needed.  Some,  who  were 
unable  to  pay  anything,  received  the  supplies  free  of  charge ; 
the  others  were  expected  to  pay  a just  price,  because  the  mis- 
sionaries did  not  feel  themselves  justified  to  give  away  the 
property  which  they  declared  belonged  to  the  neophytes.  The 
Jesuits  considered  themselves  administrators  of  the  mission 
property,  who  could  not  dispose  of  it  at  will,  though  it  was 
greatly  the  result  of  their  own  exertions  and  economy.  The 
proceeds  from  the  sales  were  employed  in  purchasing  articles 
for  divine  worship  or  clothing  for  the  Indians.  In  spite  of 
their  precaution  to  avoid  giving  occasion  for  criticism,  the 
missionaries  could  not  escape  the  darts  of  calumny.  When, 
for  instance,  corn  and  other  products  were  sold  to  the  miners, 
who  wanted  them,  the  enemies  in  Mexico  declared  that  the 
Society  of  Jesus  had  become  a great  commercial  company, 
and  was  using  the  missionaries  as  agents.  This  accusation 
was  actually  made,  when  the  missionary  of  Santiago,  in  com- 
pliance with  the  order  of  the  king  and  the  rules  of  Chris- 
tian charity,  furnished  fresh  provisions  to  the  Philippine  ship 
which  annually  entered  the  harbor  of  San  Bernabe.  If,  on 


Mission  Santa  Maria;  Indian  Demands  265 


the  other  hand,  the  goods  were  given  free  of  charge  to  the 
suffering  miners,  the  Jesuits  were  quickly  accused  of  being 
improvident  fools,  who  impoverished  the  missions  and  robbed 
the  neophytes  of  the  necessaries  by  giving  them  to  worthless 
outsiders,  or  of  performing  the  act  of  charity  from  some  sinis- 
ter or  political  motive.  If  the  supplies  had  been  refused  to 
the  miners,  the  Jesuits  would  have  been  blamed  for  decreas- 
ing the  income  of  the  royal  treasury,  inasmuch  as  they  showed 
themselves  hostile  to  the  mines  which  paid  taxes  to  the  king. 

These  were  not  the  worst  evils  which  the  missions  and  mis- 
sionaries suffered  from  the  proximity  of  the  silver  mines.  The 
miners  themselves  were  taken  from  the  scum  of  human  so- 
ciety. Generally  immoral,  they  soon  began  to  spread  discon- 
tent and  disorder  among  the  fickle-minded  Pericues.  In 
their  hostility  to  the  missionaries  these  men  instilled  into  the 
minds  of  the  childish  natives  new  ideas  which  aimed  at  noth- 
ing less  than  the  ruin  of  the  missions.  The  Pericues,  for  in- 
stance, were  told  that  the  Indians  in  Mexico  paid  taxes  to 
the  king  and  maintained  their  own  parish  priests,  but  in  return 
they  enjoyed  absolute  freedom  so  that  they  could  go  whither- 
soever they  liked ; that  the  parish  priest  allowed  them  to  do 
as  they  pleased,  provided  that  they  did  their  duty  to  the  par- 
ish church ; and  that  each  Indian  had  his  own  land,  which  he 
cultivated  as  he  liked,  and  whose  products  he  sold  wherever 
he  could  get  the  most  for  them. 

Such  malicious  tales  led  the  foolish  and  restless  Pericues  to 
make  the  most  extravagant  demands.  A number  of  misguided 
natives  approached  the  missionaries  and  asked  that  the  mis- 
sion lands,  which  formerly  had  never  been  cultivated,  but 
were  now  tilled  through  the  industry,  labor,  and  expense  of 
the  missionaries,  should  be  divided  among  the  Indians ; that 
each  one  should  be  master  of  his  field  and  should  be  at  liberty 
to  sell  the  produce  to  whomsoever  he  pleased ; that  the  mis- 
sionaries should,  nevertheless,  continue  to  feed  and  clothe  the 
women,  children,  the  aged,  and  the  sick;  and  that  furthermore 
they  should  furnish  pack-mules  to  all  so  that  the  Indians  could 
sell  their  produce  anywhere.  “The  absurdity  of  such  demands 
i.s  obvious  enough,”  even  Bancroft  concedes.  “It  was  only  by 


266  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

the  most  unremitting  labors  that  these  lazy  natives  had  been 
induced  to  work  for  a living.  Without  the  urging  and  ex- 
ample and  authority  of  the  padres  they  would  soon  have  re- 
turned to  their  original  savagism ; but  the  miners  would  in 
the  meantime  have  cheated  them  out  of  their  lands  and  cattle, 
which  was  exactly  what  they  desired.”  ^ Not  content  with 
this  much,  the  unreasoning  Indians  demanded  the  liberty  of 
going  not  only  from  mission  to  mission  all  over  the  peninsula, 
but  also  across  the  gulf  to  Sinaloa,  Culiacan,  and  Nueva  Gali- 
cia ; and  that  for  this  purpose  the  Fathers  should  place  at 
their  disposal  the  boat  belonging  to  Mission  Santiago,  which 
had  been  purchased  for  eight  hundred  dollars  from  the  mis- 
sion fund  collected  and  deposited  in  Mexico ! 

One  of  the  demands,  the  division  of  the  land  in  severalty, 
would  have  been  just  and  beneficial  to  the  missionaries  as  well 
as  to  the  Indians,  if  the  latter  had  been  industrious,  provi- 
dent, and  economical.  As  it  was,  these  poor  natives,  only  re- 
cently rescued  from  a life  of  abject  savagery,  accustomed  to 
subsist  upon  the  spontaneous  fruits  of  the  soil,  who  above 
anything  disliked  agricultural  labor,  and  who  never  provided 
for  the  future,  would  squander  in  a week  the  fruit  of  many 
months’  toil.  They  never  would  shake  oflf  their  natural  in- 
dolence, and  could  effect  nothing  unless  kindly  constrained 
and  encouraged  to  work;  much  less  could  they  enjoy  the 
products  of  the  land  all  the  year  round  unless  these  were 
carefully  guarded  and  economically  distributed. 

Their  request  for  liberty  to  wander  about  wherever  they 
pleased  would  seem  only  just  and  due  to  the  natural  rights  of 
man ; but  here  they  demanded  more  than  they  could  boast  of 
in  their  former  savage  state.  Though  but  wandering  vaga- 
bonds then,  without  houses  or  towns,  the  natives  were  re- 
stricted to  the  limits  of  tribal  possessions  or  territory,  so  that 
not  even  these  same  turbulent  Pericues  could  enter  the  land 
of  the  Guaycuros ; nor  could  the  latter  pass  on  to  the  region 
occupied  by  the  Cochimis ; and,  what  is  more  remarkable,  the 
members  of  one  tribe  were  not  permitted  to  enter  the  do- 


* Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  474. 


Mission  Santa  Maria;  Indian  Demands  267 


main  claimed  by  another  tribe  of  the  same  nation.  After  they 
had  become  Christians  the  natives  were  at  liberty  to  go  through 
the  whole  territory  of  the  respective  mission,  and  into  the 
neighboring  settlements.  Only  when  they  wished  to  travel  to 
some  distant  mission,  it  was  necessary,  for  the  sake  of  good 
order,  to  obtain  a permit  from  the  missionary.  Such  a per- 
mit was  readily  granted  when  the  reason  was  deemed  suffi- 
cient, and  nothing  serious  was  to  be  feared.  The  guest  was 
kindly  received  and  treated  as  though  he  belonged  to  the  same 
mission  family.  This  was  in  keeping  with  the  truly  paternal 
character  of  the  system  which  governed  Catholic  Indian  mis- 
sions.® 

Another  source  of  dissatisfaction  was  the  scarcity  of  wom- 
en among  the  Periciies.  It  appears  strange  that  while  the 
women  outnumbered  the  men  in  the  savage  state,  when  polyg- 
amy was  common,  they  decreased  with  the  advent  of  the  white 
people,  so  that  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  decade  of  the  century 
the  females  formed  only  one-tenth  of  the  Indian  population. 
The  principal  reason  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  frequent  epidemics, 
most  of  which  were  due  to  diseases  introduced  by  white  men, 
caused  greater  mortality  among  the  weaker  sex.  In  the 
northern  missions  also,  where  epidemics  had  raged  less  fre- 
quently, the  men  slightly  outnumbered  the  women,  but  ex- 
perienced little  difficulty  in  finding  a partner.  Young  men 
from  Loreto  often  crossed  the  gulf  with  the  permission  and 
recommendation  of  the  missionary  to  obtain  wives  among  the 

5 Theodore  Hittell  calls  the  system  a tyranny,  the  missionary  a 
despot,  and  the  neophytes  slaves!  It  would  be  difficult  to  crowd 
more  unhistorical  and  unjust  statements  into  a like  space  than 
Hittell,  on  pages  207  and  288-289,  vol.  i,  of  his  “History  of  Cali- 
fornia”; but  then  it  would  be  remarkable  if  he  observed  the  rules 
of  simple  justice  in  criticising  any  Catholic  work,  especially  the 
work  of  Catholic  religious.  The  government  of  the  United  States 
has  adopted  the  regulations  of  the  old  missionaries.  Tribal  Indians 
are  not  permitted  to  leave  the  reservation  without  the  permission 
of  the  agent.  Is  the  government  on  that  account  despotic?  I have 
reason  to  believe  that  the  old  man  regrets  writing  as  he  did;  he 
was  personally  helpful  to  me;  but  we  have  to  deal  with  his  state- 
ments as  we  find  them. 


268  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Christian  Yaquis,  who  willingly  gave  their  daughters  to  the 
well-behaved  youths  of  the  missions;  but  neither  the  Yaquis 
nor  the  other  Mexican  tribes  would  readily  allow  their  girls 
to  marry  the  seditious  Pericues,  who  were  universally  despised 
for  their  unruly  spirit.  The  California  missionaries  tried  in 
vain  to  remedy  this  state  of  things  in  order  to  satisfy  the 
importunities  of  their  wild  flock.  One  of  the  Fathers,  after 
writing  to  the  missionaries  of  Sinaloa  without  result,  appealed 
to  the  governor  of  Sinaloa,  and  urged  him  to  send  all  the 
Indian  maidens  captured  in  the  war  with  the  Seris  to  the 
lonesome  Pericu  bachelors  of  his  mission.  The  governor  good- 
naturedly  agreed  to  the  singular  petition,  which  created  much 
hilarity ; but  he  never  succeeded  in  making  the  desired  capture. 

When  the  Pericues  saw  their  foolish  claims  disregarded, 
they  secretly  held  a council,  doubtless  at  the  instigation  of  the 
miners,  and  resolved  to  request  the  government  of  Guadala- 
jara and  Mexico  to  substitute  a secular  priest  for  the  mission- 
ary at  Santiago,  promising  to  maintain  him  and  to  pay  taxes 
to  the  king.  Nothing  more  ridiculous  could  be  imagined, 
inasmuch  as  the  Indians  who  made  this  demand  were  incapa- 
ble of  maintaining  themselves  or  their  families.  To  carry  out 
their  project  they  broke  into  the  store-room  during  the  night, 
took  out  the  sails,  anchors,  oars,  and  other  necessary  articles, 
and  brought  them  to  the  ship.  After  taking  in  fresh  water 
twenty  Indians  boarded  the  vessel  and  sailed  for  the  opposite 
shore.  When  they  landed  at  the  Mission  of  Ahome,  Sinaloa, 
Rev.  Antonio  Ventura,  the  missionary,  learning  their  purpose, 
rebuked  the  audacious  fugitives  for  stealing  a ship  and  then 
kept  them  at  the  mission  for  six  months.  Three  of  them,  how- 
ever, escaped  to  the  presidio  of  Montesclaro,  where  they  pre- 
sented their  demands  to  the  officer  in  charge,  who,  at  the 
advice  of  Father  Ventura,  took  no  steps  in  their  behalf.  Mean- 
while the  procurator  of  Loreto  had  sent  a ship  to  Ahome  which 
brought  the  Pericues  back  to  California.  The  captain  of  the 
Loretan  presidio,  who  was  also  governor  of  California,  had 
resolved  to  chastise  the  rebel  thieves,  but  at  the  intercession 
of  the  missionaries  he  allowed  them  to  go  unpunished ; this 


Mission  Santa  Maria;  Indian  Demands  269 


act  of  leniency,  as  we  shall  see,  made  the  Pericues  even  more 
insolent. 

On  returning  to  the  south  they  presented  their  pretensions 
to  the  Very  Rev.  Ignacio  Lisaxoain,  at  that  time  visitor-gen- 
eral of  the  Jesuits  in  California.  He  replied  that  the  demands 
could  not  be  granted,  because  the  king  and  the  viceroy  had 
given  orders  not  to  make  any  changes  in  the  government  of 
the  peninsula.  The  obstinate  Indians  seized  the  ship  once 
more  and  sailed  for  Sinaloa,  where  they  abandoned  the  vessel, 
which  in  consequence  was  destroyed.  Some  of  them  made 
their  way  to  Durango  and  never  reappeared;  others  went  to 
Tepic,  and  three  at  last  reached  Guadalajara.  One  of  the 
judges  of  the  Audiencia,  an  enemy  of  the  Jesuits,  gladly  gave 
ear  to  the  ridiculous  complaints  of  the  runaways,  and  hastily 
forwarded  them  to  the  court  of  Madrid,  where  such  charges 
at  that  time  were  most  welcome  to  the  unscrupulous  politi- 
cians, who  had  managed  to  ingratiate  themselves  with  the  un- 
fortunate king.  The  Pericues  were  then  dismissed,  when  they 
returned  to  rejoin  their  companions  at  Tepic.  The  latter  had 
meanwhile  separated,  having  learned  that  it  was  necessary  to 
work  in  order  to  live,  and  that  they  would  have  fared  much 
better  had  they  remained  under  the  fatherly  care  of  the  mis- 
sionary. Don  Jose  Manuel  de  Escobar,  the  parish  priest  of 
Guainamota,  near  Matanchel,  at  length  took  pity  upon  the 
poor  dupes  and  returned  them  to  Loreto,  where,  after  an 
absence  of  two  years,  they  arrived  in  a very  penitent  mood. 
One  of  the  fugitives  had  been  devoured  by  some  wild  animal 
near  Guainamota,  and  this  occurrence  depressed  them  still 
more.  Even  now,  at  the  request  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers,  the 
military  authorities  allowed  the  guilty  runaways  to  go  unpun- 
ished. ® 


6 Clavijero,  “Historia,”  lib.  iv,  secs,  x-xi,  102-105. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


The  Surrender  of  the  Missions. — Jesuits  Decline  Grand  Legacy. — 
Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from  Mexico. — Cruel  Treatment. — The 
Jesuits  Expelled  from  California. — Jesuits  not  Guilty  of  Crime. — 
Their  Enemies. — Reasons  for  the  Decree. — Vindication. — List 
of  Jesuits. 

IN  the  meantime  the  Jesuits  were  made  the  victims  of  the 
most  merciless  calumny,  especially  in  France,  Portugal, 
Spain,  and  Mexico.  They  were  accused  of  avarice,  of  utiliz- 
ing the  missions  to  enrich  themselves,  and  of  aiming  at  inde- 
pendent control  of  certain  countries.  To  appease  their  ene- 
mies in  Mexico,  the  Very  Rev.  Francisco  Cevallos,  provincial 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  New  Spain,  in  1766,  after  mature 
deliberation,  offered  to  surrender  the  one  hundred  and  more 
Indian  missions  in  their  charge,  and  particularly  those  in  Cali- 
fornia, in  order  that  his  religious  might  devote  themselves  to 
the  conversion  of  savage  tribes  elsewhere,  or  go  whitherso- 
ever they  could  serve  the  king.  As  the  proposition  was  of 
the  highest  importance.  Viceroy  De  Croix  laid  the  matter  be- 
fore his  council.  This  decided  that  the  opinion  of  the  bishops 
and  governors,  in  whose  territory  the  missions  were  situated, 
must  first  be  obtained.  As  the  bishops  and  the  majority  of 
the  governors  opposed  the  acceptance  of  the  surrender,  De 
Croix  referred  the  whole  question  to  the  royal  court  at  Ma- 
drid. The  Jesuits  of  California,  through  their  procurator  at 
the  capital,  entreated  the  viceroy  to  relieve  them  of  at  least 
the  two  southern  missions  in  the  vicinity  of  the  silver  mines, 
in  case  he  would  not  accept  the  surrender  of  all  the  missions. 
The  request  was  not  granted,  or  rather  no  action  was  taken, 
possibly  in  view  of  the  dark  plans  then  maturing  in  Spain. 

In  the  following  year,  1767,  the  Jesuits  refused  a legacy 
said  to  have  amounted  to  $600,000.  It  had  been  assigned  by 
Dona  Josepha  de  Argnelles  y Miranda,  a devout  Mexican  lady, 
to  the  California  missions  and  the  Jesuit  college  at  Guadala- 
jara. Such  an  amount  of  money  could  have  aided  consider- 
ably in  the  spread  of  Christianity  and  the  improvement  of 


Cruel  Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits 


271 


the  missions  in  California ; but,  fearful  lest  they  should  arouse 
the  anger  of  their  enemies,  the  Jesuits  formally  declined  to 
accept  the  legacy.  The  adversaries  of  the  religious  were  at 
first  amazed,  and  not  a few  expressed  their  admiration ; but 
ere  long  they  attributed  the  action  of  missionaries  to  astute 
politics.  ^ 

This  was  the  situation  in  California  and  Mexico,  when,  to 
the  surprise  of  the  Jesuits  and  the  amazement  of  the  world. 
King  Carlos  III.  of  Spain  issued  a decree  expelling  all  the 
members  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  from  his  dominions,  and 
had  the  brutal  order  carried  out  in  a manner  which  would 
have  disgraced  any  pagan  tyrant  of  old.  In  order  that  the 
blow  might  descend  upon  the  Jesuits  everywhere  on  the  same 
day,  the  maps  of  both  Americas  were  spread  before  the  en- 
raged sovereign  and  his  malicious  councilors;  distances  were 
computed  and  nothing  was  overlooked  that  could  interfere 
with  the  execution  of  the  inhuman  scheme.  Several  regiments 
of  Spanish  veterans  were  hurried  to  Mexico  to  quell  a possi- 
ble uprising;  but  the  secrecy  and  the  haste  with  which  the 
royal  will  was  effected,  took  the  people  as  well  as  the  victims 
by  surprise,  so  that  the  multitude,  even  if  it  had  possessed  the 
courage,  scarcely  thought  of  interfering. 

Regardless  of  all  human  rights.  King  Carlos,  in  his  unrea- 
soning fury,  had  the  decree  executed  in  the  following  manner  : 
“Early  in  the  evening  of  the  24th  of  June,  1767,  the  viceroy, 
Marques  de  la  Croix,  received  in  the  palace  the  Audiencia, 
the  archbishop  of  Mexico,  and  the  rest  of  the  high  officials, 
whom  he  had  summoned  to  a meeting  for  the  consideration 
of  an  important  and  confidential  affair  of  State.  Croix  then 
produced  a sealed  package  which  he  had  received  from  the 
supreme  government.  Upon  the  removal  of  the  outer  envel- 
ope there  was  found  another,  upon  which  were  written  the 
following  words : ‘So  pena  de  la  vida,  no  abrireis  este  pliego 
hasta  el  24  de  Junio  a la  caida  de  la  tarde.’  ^ This  cover  being 

1 Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  sec.  xii,  105-106. 

2 “Under  penalty  of  death,  you  will  not  open  this  wrapper  till 
the  24th  of  June  at  nightfall.”  The  same  day  is  universally  cele- 


272  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


removed  there  were  found  instructions  concerning  the  meas- 
ures to  be  adopted  in  the  arrest  of  the  Jesuits,  naming  the 
men  who  were  to  do  the  work,  and  telling  how  they  should 
do  it.  Upon  the  removal  of  the  last  wrapper  the  full  order 
was  found  expressed  in  the  following  terms : ‘I  invest  you 

with  my  whole  authority  and  royal  power  that  you  shall 
forthwith  repair  with  an  armed  force — a mano  armada — to 
the  houses  of  the  Jesuits.  You  will  seize  the  persons  of  all 
of  them,  and  despatch  them  within  twenty-four  hours  as  pris- 
oners to  the  port  of  Vera  Cruz,  where  they  will  be  embarked 
on  vessels  provided  for  that  purpose.  At  the  moment  of  such 
arrest  you  will  cause  to  be  sealed  the  records  of  said  houses, 
and  the  papers  of  such  persons,  without  allowing  them  to 
remove  anything  but  their  breviaries  and  such  garments  as  are 
absolutely  necessary  for  the  journey.  If  after  the  embarka- 
tion there  should  be  found  in  that  district  a single  Jesuit, 
even  if  ill  or  dying,  you  shall  suffer  the  penalty  of  death. 
Yo  el  Rey.’  The  last  three  words  are  the  sovereign’s  auto- 
graph signature,  and  mean  /,  the  king.”  ^ 

On  the  next  day  the  viceroy,  Don  Francisco  de  Croix,  pub- 
lished the  following  remarkable  edict:  “I  make  known  to  all 
the  inhabitants  of  this  country  that  the  King,  our  Lord,  on 
account  of  past  occurrences,  and  in  order  to  fulfill  the  first 
obligation,  with  which  God  has  granted  him  the  crown,  of 
preserving  intact  its  sovereign  prerogatives,  and  of  keeping  his 
loyal  and  beloved  people  in  subordination,  peace,  and  justice, 
and  for  other  very  grave  reasons  which  he  conceals  in  his 
royal  heart,  has  vouchsafed  to  command,  upon  the  advice  of 
his  royal  council  and  by  decree  issued  on  the  27th  of  last 
February,  that  the  religions  of  the  Company  (of  Jesus), 
priests  as  well  as  coadjutors  or  lay-brothers,  who  have  made 
the  first  vozvs,  and  the  novices  who  desire  to  follow  them, 
shall  be  banished  from  all  his  dominions  in  Spain,  the  Indies, 


brated  by  the  anti-Christian  sect  which  now  tyrannizes  the  Church 
in  France,  Mexico,  Italy  and  some  Central  and  South  .\merican 
States;  it  may  be  only  a coincidence,  however. 

3 Bancroft,  “History  of  Mexico,”  vol.  iii,  4,38-439.  The  unreason- 
ing king  carried  absolutism  and  despotism  to  the  limit,  indeed. 


Cruel  Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits 


273 


the  Philippine  Islands,  and  the  other  adjoining  countries,  and 
that  all  the  property  of  the  Company  in  his  dominions  shall  be 
seized.  His  Majesty,  for  the  sake  of  uniform  execution  every- 
where, having  authorized  exclusively  the  Conde  de  Aranda, 
President  of  Castilla,  and  having  committed  to  me  its  execu- 
tion in  this  realm  with  the  same  plenitude  of  power,  I have 
assigned  this  day  for  the  announcement  of  the  Supreme  Sen- 
tence to  the  expelled  in  their  colleges  and  houses  of  residence 
in  this  New  Spain,  and  likewise  for  the  publishing  of  it  to  its 
people  with  the  warning  that  all  subjects  of  whatever  dignity, 
class,  or  condition  they  may  be,  strictly  obliged  as  they  are 
to  respect  and  obey  the  ever  just  resolutions  of  their  sover- 
eign, must  venerate,  assist,  and  execute  this  one  with  the 
greatest  exactitude  and  fidelity,  because  His  Majesty  declares 
that  the  disobedient  or  the  remiss  in  co-operating  with  its 
fulfillment  incur  his  royal  indignation,  and  I shall  see  myself 
compelled  to  use  the  utmost  rigor  and  military  force  against 
those  that  in  public  or  in  private  for  this  purpose  may  have 
conferences,  meetings,  assemblies,  talks,  or  discussions  by 
word  or  in  writing;  for  the  subjects  of  the  great  monarch, 
who  occupies  the  throne  of  Spain,  must  henceforth  know  once 
for  all  that  they  are  born  to  keep  silent  and  to  obey,  but  not 
to  discuss,  nor  to  judge  the  lofty  affairs  of  government.  Mex- 
ico, June  25th,  1767.  El  Marques  de  Croix.”'* 

A little  before  sunri.se  of  June  25th,  1767,  was  the  time 
appointed  for  executing  the  royal  decree  all  over  Mexico.  At 
the  capital  the  fiscal  of  the  royal  Audiencia,  Don  Jose  Areche, 
appeared  at  the  door  of  the  Casa  Profesa  ® and  notified  the 
Father  Superior  that  the  Jesuits  must  leave  the  king’s  realm. 


4 See  for  the  original  Spanish  text  Elliott  Coues,  “On  the  Trail 
of  a Spanish  Pioneer,”  vol.  i,  58.  The  italics  are  given  in  the  orig- 
inal. If  in  1821  the  Mexicans  remembered  the  arrogant  assump- 
tion in  the  last  clause,  “que  nacieron  para  callar,  y obedecer,  y 
no  para  discurrir,  ni  opinar  en  los  altos  assumptos  del  Gobierno,” 
they  can  hardly  be  blamed.  Compare  Bancroft,  “Hist.  Mex.,”  vol. 
i,  440. 

5 Casa  Profesa,  so  called,  because  this  convent  was  largely  occu- 
pied by  the  aged  and  infirm.  The  street  passing  it  is  still  called 
“Profesa.” 


274  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

The  superior  calmly  informed  his  community  and  with  them 
recited  the  Te  Deum.  He  was  then  told  to  empty  the  ciborium 
of  the  Sacred  Species,  in  order  that  an  inventory  could  be 
made  and  possession  taken.  Father  Minister  Iragori  asked 
the  members  whether  they  wished  to  receive  holy  Communion. 
The  whole  community,  priests  and  lay-brothers,  at  once  knelt 
to  receive  the  Holy  Eucharist  for  the  last  time  in  their  house, 
and  some  for  the  last  time  in  their  lives.  The  sublime  scene 
touched  even  the  heart  of  the  commissioner.  It  was  evidence 
of  their  innocence,  purity  of  heart,  and  utter  detachment  of 
anything  worldly.  It  was  proof  that  they  possessed  the  spirit 
of  martyrs,  since,  at  a moment’s  notice,  and  without  so  much 
as  a protest,  they  could  make  such  a sacrifice  and  leave  what 
must  have  been  dear  to  them — their  convent  and  their  coun- 
try. 6 

From  that  hour  the  Jesuits  were  prisoners  in  their  own 
colleges  throughout  Mexico.  The  very  avenues  to  these 
houses  of  peace  were  occupied  by  military  bodies.  On  the 
28th  the  religious,  who  had  been  collected  at  the  capital,  were 
placed  in  coaches  and  guarded  by  soldiers  as  though  they 
were  dangerous  criminals,  whereupon  began  the  weary  jour- 
ney to  Vera  Cruz.  At  Guadalupe  Don  Jose  de  Galvez,  who 
had  charge  of  the  prisoners,  allowed  a stop  to  be  made,  so 
that  they  might  for  the  last  time  pay  homage  to  the  Patroness 
of  Mexico  at  her  famous  shrine.  After  they  had  recom- 
mended the  people  of  the  country  to  their  heavenly  Queen, 
the  journey  was  resumed.  Meanwhile  great  crowds  sur- 
rounded the  coaches  and  gave  vent  to  their  grief  in  various 
ways.  As  the  road  to  Vera  Cruz  was  not  intended  for  ve- 
hicles, the  Jesuits  were  compelled  to  make  much  of  the  way 
on  horseback  or  on  foot,  which  caused  intense  suffering  to 
the  aged  and  the  sick.  Their  arrival  at  Jalapa  resembled  a 
triumphal  entry,  though  it  was  attended  by  so  much  bitter- 
ness. Streets,  windows,  balconies,  and  roofs  were  crowded 
with  people,  who  showed  in  their  faces  what  they  dared  not 
express  in  words.  The  troops  found  it  necessary  to  force  a 
passage  with  the  butt-end  of  their  muskets. 


6 Carlos  Bustamenta,  “Expatriacion,”  in  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  302. 


Cruel  Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits 


275 


At  Vera  Cruz  thirty-four  of  the  religious  died  in  conse- 
quence of  the  hardships  which  they  had  suffered.  On  October 
24th  the  remainder  embarked  for  Havana,  which,  owing  to 
storms,  was  not  reached  until  November  13th.  The  governor 
of  the  island,  the  pious  and  humane  Antonio  Maria  Bucareli, 
who  later  became  viceroy  of  Mexico,  allowed  the  sufferers, 
who  had  the  appearance  of  skeletons  rather  than  of  men, 
to  recuperate  for  more  than  a month  in  the  convents  of  the 
Bethlehemites.  Nine  of  them  nevertheless  succumbed  and 
were  buried  in  the  various  churches  of  the  city.  On  Decem- 
ber 31st  all  were  re-embarked  and  for  three  months  suffered 
beyond  description  until  they  reached  the  port  of  Santa  Maria 
on  March  31st,  1768.  Of  the  four  hundred  Jesuits  brought 
together  here  fifteen  died.  The  Father  Provincial  of  Mexico, 
Salvador  Gandara,  with  the  bark  Bizarra,  was  driven  upon 
the  rocks  of  the  Portuguese  coast.  In  the  middle  of  June  the 
exiles  were  again  placed  aboard  the  ships  and  hurried  to  Italy. 
During  the  voyage  they  were  subjected  to  the  most  outrageous 
treatment  by  most  of  the  officers.  It  had  become  the  fashion 
to  vilify  the  Jesuits  and  to  treat  them  with  relentless  cruelty. 
On  arriving  at  the  various  points  designated  by  their  perse- 
cutors, the  banished  religious  were  distributed  among  the 
different  colleges  of  the  Order  until  Pope  Clement  XIV., 
yielding  to  the  threats  of  the  Bourbon  kings,  dissolved  the 
Society  of  Jesus  in  August,  1773.  While  in  exile  the  Jesuits 
were  given  a small  annual  allowance,  taken  from  the  income 
of  the  property  confiscated  by  the  king,  on  condition  that 
none  of  their  number  ever  criticized  the  action  of  the  Spanish 
sovereign. 

The  execution  of  the  royal  decree  in  California  was  en- 
trusted to  Captain  Caspar  de  Portola,  a Catalan,  who  at  the 
same  time  was  appointed  governor  of  the  peninsula.  He  was 
ordered  to  take  fifty  well-armed  men,  and  by  force  of  arms 
to  compel  the  Jesuits  to  leave  the  missions,  which  two  years 
before  they  had  voluntarily  surrendered,  and  which  they  had 
retained  only  because  their  renunciation  had  not  been  accepted. 

7 Carlos  Bustamente,  “Expatriacion,”  in  Alegre,  tom.  iii,  301- 
306;  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Mexico,”  vol.  iii,  439-441. 


276  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


The  captain  embarked  with  his  fifty  soldiers  in  three  ships, 
and  was  accompanied  by  fourteen  Franciscans,  who,  by  order 
of  the  viceroy,  were  to  succeed  the  Jesuits.  Violent  storms 
separated  the  vessels ; the  two  ships  which  bore  the  friars  were 
driven  back  to  Sonora;  but  the  third,  which  carried  Portola 
and  twenty-five  dragoons,  managed  to  enter  the  port  of  San 
Bernabe  on  November  30th,  1767.  The  soldiers,  who  had 
come  with  exaggerated  notions  about  the  wealth  of  the  Jesuit 
missions,  ® hastened  to  seize  the  treasures  of  Mission  San 
Jose  del  Cabo;  but,  with  the  exception  of  the  church  orna- 
ments, nothing  of  value  was  discovered.  They  then  proceeded 
to  Mission  Santiago  and  encountered  the  same  poverty.  Like 
all  the  Jesuits  in  the  missions,  Father  Tuersch  of  Santiago 
had  not  the  least  suspicion  of  what  was  coming,  and  no  rea- 
son or  opportunity  for  concealing  anything.  Portola  next  took 
his  men  to  the  silver  mines  and  convinced  himself  of  their 
poverty,  and  the  penury  of  those  that  feebly  worked  them. 
As  to  the  great  power  of  the  Jesuits,  which  he  was  prepared 
to  overcome  by  force  of  arms,  Portola  was  satisfied  that  a 
simple  letter  from  the  king  or  the  viceroy  expressing  the 
royal  will  would  have  been  sufficient  to  make  them  abandon 
the  missions,  the  colleges,  and  all  their  possessions.  At  the 
pueblo  and  presidio  of  San  Jose  del  Cabo  Portola  met  Captain 
Fernando  Rivera  y Moncada  of  Loreto,  who  happened  to  be 
there,  and  notified  him  that  he  was  relieved  of  his  command ; 
Rivera  quietly  submitted.  In  company  with  Rivera  the  new 
governor  and  his  men,  who  by  this  time  had  begun  to  bewail 
the  day  on  which  they  had  been  inveigled  into  such  a poverty- 
stricken  country,  set  out  for  Loreto,  which  was  over  a hun- 
dred leagues  distant,  and  arrived  there  on  December  17th. 

Portola  immediately  wrote  to  the  Father  Visitor,  the  Rev. 
Benito  Ducrue,  who  was  stationed  at  Guadalupe,  and  requested 
him  to  come  to  Loreto  for  the  reason  which  he  would  learn 
from  the  accompanying  letter  of  the  viceroy  which  contained 
the  decree  of  expulsion.  He  also  asked  Father  Ducrue  to 

8 “Sie  meinten  Californien  waer  mit  Silber  gepflastert  und  man 
fegte  die  Perlen  darin  mit  Besern  zusammen,"  Baegert  ironically 
writes  in  his  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  iii,  sec.  x,  304-305. 


Cruel  Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  277 

request  the  other  missionaries  to  take  an  inventory  of  the  mis- 
sion property,  to  retire  to  Loreto,  and  to  bring  nothing  along 
but  their  clothing,  their  breviaries,  one  theological,  and  one 
historical  book.  ® Portola  also  asked  Father  Ducrue  to  direct 
the  missionaries  to  preach  to  the  Indians  and  to  tell  them 
that  other  Fathers  would  soon  take  their  places,  and  that  they 
should  continue  to  be  quiet  and  faithful,  and  obey  the  new 
missionaries  as  they  had  obeyed  their  present  Fathers.  When 
the  Jesuits  had  punctually  executed  the  commands  of  their 
superior,  they  set  out  for  Loreto. 

It  was  a heavy  blow  for  the  Indians  to  have  to  part  for- 
ever with  the  men  who  had  made  them  Chri.stians  and  who 
had  toiled  for  them  incessantly.  When  Father  Ducrue  bade 
farewell  to  his  weeping  neophytes  they  accompanied  him  for 
leagues  on  the  road  to  Loreto.  Similarly  the  Indians  of  other 
missions  showed  their  affection  for  their  departing  spiritual 
guides  and  fathers.  From  Santa  Gertrudis,  which  lay  far 
to  the  north  of  San  Ignacio,  Father  Retz,  who  suffered  from 
a broken  leg,  was  carried  to  Loreto  on  the  backs  of  his  neo- 
phytes. Of  the  parting  at  another  place  Father  Baegert 
writes : “I  wept  not  only  then,  but  throughout  the  journey, 

and  even  now  as  I write  tears  fill  my  eyes.”  All  this 
makes  even  the  cynical  Bancroft  concede  that  “the  padres’ 
affection  for  their  neophytes  and  desire  for  their  well-being 
must  have  been  disinterested,  otherwise  they  had  little  reason 
to  regret  leaving  the  peninsula.”  Baegert  confesses  that 
“contemplating  the  case  with  carnal  eyes  only,  no  greater  favor 
could  have  been  extended  to  these  and  many  other  mission- 
aries, than  to  recall  them  from  such  misery  to  Europe,  their 
fatherland.  Yet  I affirm  that  there  was  not  one  among  them 
whom  it  did  not  hurt  to  the  very  soul  to  leave  California,  and 


9 “No  trayendo  consigo  mas  de  sus  vestidos  y otras  cosas  ne- 
cesarias,  y solo  tres  libros,  uno  de  devocion,  un  teologico  y un  his- 
torico.”  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  sec.  xx,  114.  The  same  author  says 
Portola  had  Ducrue  come  to  Loreto,  and  there  told  him  in  the 
presence  of  three  other  Jesuits  that  they  must  leave  the  peninsula. 

10  His  “Nachrichten”  were  published  in  1773. 

11  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  479-480. 


278  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


who  half-way  on  the  journey  to  his  mother  country,  or  even 
from  there,  would  not  joyfully  have  returned  to  California.”^^ 
Commenting  upon  this  the  one-sided  historian,  Theodore  Hit- 
tell  makes  the  following  absurd  remark : “With  all  its 

rocks  and  heats,  its  wastes  and  thorns,  its  want  of  water  and 
shade,  its  scarcity  of  provisions  and  conveniences  of  all  kinds, 
its  brutish  natives,  its  filth  and  vermin,  it  was  a pleasant  land 
to  live  in.”  How  little  can  the  mind  of  the  materialist,  who 
observes  things  through  carnal  eyes  only,  comprehend  the 
motives  of  the  Catholic  missionary  among  aborigines ! Yet 
he  flippantly  passes  judgment  upon  what  is  a mystery  to  him, 
because  he  will  not  admit  that  there  is  such  a virtue  as  Chris- 
tian disinterestedness  and  apostolic  zeal  for  the  eternal  wel- 
fare of  immortal  souls. 

On  February  3d,  1768,  fifteen  Jesuit  priests  and  one  lay- 
brother  for  the  last  time  assembled  in  the  mission  church  of 
Loreto.  From  there  they  went  to  the  landing-place.  The 
entire  population,  the  Indians  of  the  neighborhood  and  many 
from  distant  places,  all  weeping,  accompanied  the  exiles  to 
the  water’s  edge.  Before  the  Jesuits  embarked  on  the  Con- 
cepcion, the  soldiers,  who  had  come  with  Portola  to  expel 
the  religious,  knelt  with  the  others  to  kiss  the  feet  of  the 
missionaries.  The  governor  himself  was  touched  and  shed 
tears  at  the  sight  of  the  general  grief  manifested,  especially 
by  the  natives.  Standing  together  in  the  ship  the  sixteen 
Jesuits  chanted  aloud  the  Litany  of  Our  Lady  of  Loreto,  and 
then  bid  a last  farewell  to  the  land  of  their  toil.  The  vessel 
was  a little  two-masted  transport  without  accommodations  for 
passengers,  so  that  the  exiles  had  to  sleep  on  deck.  After 


l2“Mit  den  Augen  des  Fleisches  allein  die  Sach  angesehen,  haette 
so  wohl  diesen  als  vielen  anderen  Missionarien  kein  groesseres 
Gefallen  geschehen  koennen,  als  aus  solchem  Elend  nach  Europa 
ihrem  Vatterland  sie  berufen.  Ich  versichere  aber,  dass  keiner 
unter  ihnen  gewesen,  dem  es  nicht  in  her  Seel  wehe  that  Califor- 
nien  zu  verlassen,  und  der  nicht  mitten  auf  der  Reiss  nach  seiner 
Heimath,  oder  gar  aus  dieser,  mit  Freuden  naeh  Californien  zu- 
rueckgekehrt  waere.”  Baegert,  “Nachrichten,”  pte.  iii,  sec.  x, 
298-299. 

13  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  290. 


Cruel  Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits 


279 


four  days  they  reached  Matanchel  and  in  the  king’s  name 
were  despoiled  of  the  trifling  comforts  which  the  kindness  of 
Portola  had  allowed  them.  Without  any  rest  they  were  re- 
shipped to  San  Bias,  whence,  after  passing  four  days  in 
wretched  lodgings,  they  started  out  on  horses  and  mules  across 
the  continent,  closely  guarded  and  subjected  to  many  needless 
sufferings.  On  the  way  they  were  not  permitted  to  converse 
with  any  one,  nor  to  accept  any  relief.  Vera  Cruz  was 
reached  on  March  27th,  after  forty-four  days  of  dreadful 
misery,  and  on  April  13th  the  exiles  sailed  for  Europe,  where 
they  fared  like  their  brethren  who  had  preceded  them  from 
Mexico. 

We  may  now  inquire  into  the  reasons  for  the  despotic  pro- 
ceedings of  King  Carlos  III.  of  Spain  against  the  Society  of 
Jesus,  including  even  the  poor  missionaries  of  California.  It 
was  not  that  the  Jesuits  were  immoral  or  gtiilty  of  any  crimes 
against  divine  or  human  laws.  Every  kind  of  crime  which 
baffled  cupidity  and  other  vile  passions  could  invent  was  laid 
at  the  door  of  the  Jesuits,  but  true  history  replies : Not  proved. 
Moreover,  the  action  of  the  Jesuits  as  individuals  and  as  a 
body,  and  the  condition  of  their  convents  and  colleges,  par- 
ticularly in  the  missions  of  California  and  Sonora,  at  the  time 
of  the  expulsion,  give  the  lie  to  all  the  charges  launched 
against  them.  Bancroft  himself  is  forced  to  declare,  “It  must 
be  confessed  that  the  Jesuits  maintained,  if  not  perfect  purity 
of  conduct,  at  least  a degree  of  virtue  that  made  them 
exceptional  members  of  a Church  which  had  at  that  time, 
but  for  them  and  a few  other  honorable  exceptions,  almost 
become  an  exemplar  of  vice.  At  all  hours  and  seasons  they 

Clavijero,  “Historia,”  lib.  iv,  sec.  xx,  114-115.  Though  a Jesuit 
himself,  Clavijero  treats  the  expulsion  of  his  brethren  very  briefly 
and  without  comment,  probably  from  fear  of  the  consequences 
for  his  Order.  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  477-480;  Hit- 
tell,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  252-256. 

15  This  clause  shows  how  hard  it  was  for  the  unfair  historian 
to  say  anything  creditable  of  Catholic  religious.  The  clause  is 
unwarranted. 

16  For  this  assertion  Bancroft  has  only  the  authority  of  Voltaire 
and  the  French  Encyclopedists,  with  whom  he  appears  to  agree 
perfectly  as  to  the  treatment  of  Catholic  subjects  and  history. 


280  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


were  found  performing  the  offices  of  religion  and  charity. 
The  service  of  God  in  their  churches  was  reverent  and  digni- 
fied. They  spread  education  among  all  classes ; their  libraries 
were  open  to  all.  They  incessantly  taught  the  natives  religion 
in  its  true  spirit,  as  well  as  the  mode  of  earning  an  honest 
living.” 

To  this  testimony  of  a materialist  and  anti-Catholic  we  may 
add  the  declaration  of  one  who  was  better  qualified  than  any 
one  else  to  know  the  truth.  This  was  the  provincial  of  the 
Jesuits,  who,  after  just  finishing  the  visitation  of  the  Jesuit 
colleges  and  convents  in  the  interior  of  Mexico,  was  so  pleased 
with  the  conditions  as  to  declare  that  “he  found  nothing  to 
reprove  or  to  reform.”  Subsequent  investigations  on  the  part 
of  the  enemies  corroborated  the  provincial’s  announcement. 
Nevertheless,  “the  Jesuits  were  arrested  and  violently  handled, 
as  if  they  had  been  gnilty  of  heinous  crimes,  and  without  trial 
driven  from  their  homes  and  country,  exposed  to  want,  and 
compelled  to  live  in  Italy  under  pain  of  forfeiting  the  pittance 
allowed  them  for  their  support  out  of  the  millions  (?)  that  had 
been  ruthlessly  taken  from  them.” 

The  Jesuits  had  been  expelled  from  Portugal  by  the  vicious 
and  unscrupulous  Pombal  as  early  as  1759,  but  the  motive 
was  the  same  as  that  which  later  on  prompted  their  expulsion 
from  other  countries.  The  Voltairian  school  of  infidelity  and 
licentiousness  had  managed  to  seize  the  reigns  of  government 
in  the  Latin  States ; the  Jesuits  had  combated  the  flood  of 
error  and  vice  more  especially  in  the  literary  and  upper  classes 
of  society,  and  had  thus  incurred  the  animosity  of  the  guilty. 
In  France  the  Jesuits  had  a powerful  enemy  in  the  person  of 
the  Duke  de  Choiseul,  prime-minister  to  the  immoral  Louis 
XV.  They  might  have  preached  to  the  lower  classes  without 
hindrance,  “but,”  says  Hittell,  “it  was  not  until  they  assumed 

Bancroft,  “History  of  Mexico,”  vol.  iii,  436-437. 

i8“Venia  tan  satisfecho  del  arreglo  en  que  los  habia  encontrado 
y dejaba,  que  aseguraba  no  haber  tenido  en  ellos  que  reprender  ni 
reformar  cosa  alguna.”  Bustamente,  “Expatriacion,”  in  Alegre, 
tom.  iii,  301. 

19  Bancroft,  “History  of  Mexico,”  vol.  iii,  442. 


Cruel  Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits 


281 


to  interfere  in  the  domestic  arrangements  of  the  king,  by  de- 
manding the  dismissal  of  Madame  Pompadour,  his  mistress, 
that  their  fate  was  sealed.”  A Jesuit  Father  had  refused  abso- 
lution to  the  Pompadour  woman,  as  was  his  duty,  unless  she 
withdrew  from  her  unlawful  and  scandalous  relations  with 
the  king.  20  Thoroughly  infuriated,  she  joined  Choiseul,  and 
the  two  in  1764  succeeded  in  persuading  Louis  XV.  to  sup- 
press the  Society  of  Jesus  in  France.  Nor  did  they  rest  there. 
Aranda,  prime-minister  of  Spain  and  a pupil  of  Choiseul,  by 
means  of  letters,  forged,  it  was  said,  at  the  instigation  of 
Choiseul,  drove  King  Carlos  III.  to  the  verge  of  insane  fury 
over  the  “treachery”  of  the  Jesuits,  which  he  would  not  inves- 
tigate, so  that  he  forthwith  on  April  2d,  1767,  issued  the  un- 
warrantable Decree  of  Expulsion. 

When,  later.  Pope  Clement  XIII.  asked  that  the  reasons 
for  expelling  the  Jesuits  should  be  regularly  investigated,  and 
truth  and  justice  should  be  allowed  to  act.  King  Carlos  re- 
plied, “I  shall  ever  keep  secret  in  my  own  heart  the  infamous 
plot  which  has  made  this  rigor  necessary.  I do  so  to  spare 
the  world  a great  scandal.  Your  Holiness  must  believe  me 
on  my  word.  The  safety  of  my  life  requires  from  me  a 
profound  silence  on  this  matter.”  21 

An  explanation  was  given  during  his  lifetime  of  the  mo- 
tives which  prompted  King  Carlos  to  banish  the  Jesuits,  and 
never  denied.  “It  first  appeared  in  1780  in  a periodical  of 
high  standing,  the  Journal  pour  I’Histoire  de  la  Literature  et 


20  Hittell,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  251,  calls  this  “inter- 
fering with  domestic  arrangements.”  It  is  the  case  of  St.  John 
the  Baptist  and  King  Herod  repeated.  According  to  the  reasoning 
of  Hittell,  and  doubtless  all  Voltairian  libertines  agree  with 
him,  St.  John  deserved  to  lose  his  head,  because  he  meddled  with 
the  “domestic  arrangements”  of  lew'd  King  Herod.  So  the  real 
cause  for  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from  France,  at  least,  was 
their  interference  with  the  “domestic  arrangements”  of  a profligate 
king  with  a disreputable  woman,  and  that  brought  on  the  expulsion 
of  the  Jesuits  from  Spain.  If  examined  closely,  it  will  be  found 
that  all  persecutions  against  the  Church  of  Christ  are  prompted 
by  similar  motives. 

21  Bryan  J.  Clinch,  “California  and  Its  Missions,”  vol.  i,  191. 


282  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


des  Arts  (vol.  ix,  218),  published  in  Germany.  The  writer, 
Christopher  de  Murr,  gave  as  his  authority  the  reigning  Duke 
of  Wuertemberg,  who  certainly  had  an  opportunity  to  learn 
the  facts  from  those  connected  with  them.  According  to  the 
duke’s  account,  Aranda,  the  prime-minister,  privately  laid 
before  the  king  a forged  letter  from  the  General  of  the  Jesuits 
to  the  superior  of  the  central  Jesuit  house  in  Madrid.  It  bore 
the  Roman  postmark  and  had  other  extrinsic  marks  of  gen- 
uineness. In  it  the  writer  was  made  to  declare  that  he  had 
in  his  possession  convincing  proofs  of  the  illegitimacy  of  the 
Spanish  King  and  might  publish  them  at  a fitting  time.  Aranda 
claimed  this  letter  had  been  taken  from  the  private  papers  of 
the  Jesuit  Provincial  by  one  of  his  trusted  agents.  The  king 
accepted  it  as  genuine  and  was  driven  almost  to  insanity  by 
anger,  both  at  the  insinuation  against  his  family  and  the  dan- 
gers of  a possible  claimant  to  the  throne.” 

The  personal  hatred  of  the  Spanish  king  did  not  stop  at 
the  banishment  of  the  Jesuits  from  his  dominions,  but  he 
joined  the  other  Bourbon  rulers  in  demanding  that  the  Pope 
should  suppress  the  Society  of  Jesus.  “His  ministers  hinted 
at  a possible  separation  of  the  Church  in  Spain  from  obedience 
to  the  Pope  if  the  king’s  personal  wishes  were  not  granted. 
One  of  them  went  so  far  as  to  remind  the  Pope  that  the  refusal 
of  one  of  his  predecessors  to  sanction  Henry  the  Eighth’s  peti- 
tion for  a divorce  had  caused  the  separation  of  England  from 
the  Catholic  Church,  and  that  a like  refusal  to  meet  the  wishes 
of  the  Spanish  Catholic  king  might  entail  a like  result  in 
Spain.”  23 

King  Carlos  III.  had  surrounded  himself  with  foreign  min- 
isters, who  were  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  Voltaire  and  other 
French  philosophers,  and  whose  first  principle  was  hatred 
for  the  Church  of  Christ.  Had  she  betrayed  her  trust ; had 
she  ceased  to  preach  the  morality  taught  by  Christ  and  His 
Apostles ; or  had  she  confined  it  to  the  lower  classes ; and 
had  she  allowed  herself  to  be  used  in  upholding  the  absolu- 
tism and  despotism  of  governments,  she  and  her  Orders 

22  Clinch,  “California  and  its  Missions,”  vol.  i,  192-193. 

23  Clinch,  ut  supra,  192. 


Cruel  Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  283 


would  not  have  been  molested.  No  change  had  come  over 
the  religion  of  the  Spanish  people,  and  no  class  outside  the 
court  politicians  had  any  dislike  for  the  Jesuits.  It  was  from 
the  latter  that  danger  menaced  the  king,  and,  in  the  light  of 
subsequent  investigations,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was 
fear  of  the  dire  consequences  which  his  unscrupulous  minis- 
ters threatened  that  drove  him  to  be  as  obdurate  to  the  Pope 
as  he  was  merciless  towards  his  innocent  victims. 

“Forty-eight  years  after  the  deportation  of  the  Spanish 
Jesuits,  a public  inquiry  was  instituted  by  the  grandson  of 
Charles  III.,  Ferdinand  VII.,  to  discover  the  reasons  for  their 
exile.  It  was  ordered  in  1815,  after  Ferdinand’s  return  from 
his  captivity  in  France,  and  was  in  answer  to  numerous  peti- 
tions of  Spanish  cities,  asking  for  the  return  of  the  Order  of 
St.  Ignatius  to  Spain.  The  attorney-general  in  consequence 
had  official  search  made  for  all  documents  relating  to  the 
expulsion  in  the  archives,  both  of  the  Ministry  of  State  and 
that  of  Justice.  He  could  only  find  a single  copy  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  council  of  the  29th  of  January,  and  that  with- 
out the  portion  relating  either  to  the  charges  or  the  mode  of 
investigating  them  by  the  council.  The  only  record  left  was 
that  of  the  measures  advised  for  carrying  out  the  expulsion. 
The  Spanish  attorney-general  summed  up  all  that  the  records 
told  of  the  case  against  the  Jesuits:  ‘Their  crimes  were 

known  to  their  judges  alone,  and  those  judges  were  deter- 
mined to  suppress  all  reasons  for  their  sentence,  and  forbade 
any  statement  on  either  side  of  the  case.  We  cannot  hold  the 
Jesuits  as  condemned  by  Spain,  since  those  who  judged  them 
feared  to  take  the  evidence  or  opinions  of  either  the  civil 
magistrate  of  the  kingdom  or  its  bishops,  much  less  any  pro- 
tests of  citizens.  These  were  only  called  to  believe,  to  be 
silent,  and  to  obey,  and  that  under  pain  of  exile,  confiscation, 
and  even  death.’  ’’ 

Non-Catholic  historians  and  other  writers  discuss  the  result 
of  Jesuit  missionary  work  in  Lower  California.  As  usual, 
when  going  outside  of  the  bare  statement  of  facts,  they  go 


24  Clinch,  ut  supra,  195-196. 


284  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

widely  astray.  The  efforts  of  the  one-sided  lawyer-historian, 
Theodore  Hittell,^®  are  an  instance.  Anything  less  judicial  and 
less  in  keeping  with  the  facts  can  hardly  be  found,  unless  it 
be  the  same  author’s  criticism  of  Franciscan  missionary  labors 
in  Upper  California.  The  success  or  failure  of  missionary 
efforts  must  be  gauged  by  the  object  which  the  missionaries 
had  in  view.  Catholic  missionaries  have  no  other  aim  than 
the  conversion  of  souls  to  Christ.  Everything  else  is  second- 
ary and  regarded  as  merely  instrumental.  Every  soul  con- 
verted means  that  much  success,  and  since  the  salvation  of 
one  soul  is  regarded  as  of  more  importance  than  the  most 
brilliant  wordly  achievement,  the  missionaries  in  saving  many 
thousand  Indians  were  eminently  successful,  especially  when 
they  accomplished  this  result  in  the  face  of  the  most  dis- 
heartening circumstances. 

“Thus  ended,”  says  the  fair-minded  Robert  Greenhow,  “the 
rule  of  the  Jesuits  in  California.  That  their  efforts  were  at- 
tended with  good  cannot  be  denied ; for  those  who  were  the 
immediate  objects  of  their  care,  were  certainly  rendered  hap- 
pier, more  comfortable,  and  more  free  from  vice,  than  they 
would  otherwise  have  been.  Unfortunately,  however,  the 
aborigines  of  California  are  among  the  most  indolent  and 
brutish  of  the  human  race ; with  minds  as  sterile  and  unim- 
provable as  the  soil  of  their  peninsula.  By  constant  watch- 
fulness, by  the  judicious  administration  of  rewards  as  well 
as  punishments,  by  the  removal  of  all  evil  examples,  and, 
above  all,  by  studiously  practising  themselves  what  they  rec- 
ommended to  others,  the  benevolent,  wise,  and  persevering 
Jesuit  did  indeed  introduce  a certain  degree  of  civilization, 
or  apparent  civilization,  among  these  people.” 

Fifteen  Jesuit  priests  and  one  Jesuit  lay-brother  died  and 
were  buried  in  California,  and  fifteen  Jesuit  Fathers  and  one 
Jesuit  lay-brother  left  the  peninsula  as  exiles.  The  names 
with  all  obtainable  dates  are  given  in  the  following  list. 


25  “History  of  California,”  vol.  206-207;  288-289. 

26  Greenhow,  “Oregon  and  California,”  106-107. 

27  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  sec.  xx,  IIS;  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  14-15. 

28  Compare  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  482. 


Cruel  Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits 


285 


LIST  OF  JESUITS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 


Name. 

Nation 

Nativ- 

ity 

Ar- 

rival 

Death 

.)epar- 

ture 

Exile 

Armesto,  Juan 

Spaniard 

1713 

1748 

1799 

1752 

Arnes,  Victoriano 

1736 

1764 

1768 

Badillo,  Franc.  Maria. 

1752 

Barco,  Miguel 

1744 

1768 

Baegert,  Jacob 

German 

1717 

1751 

1772 

1768 

Basaldua,  Juan  M 

Mexican 

1702 

1709 

Bischoff,  Juan  Javier. 

Bohemia 

1710 

1752 

1768 

Bravo,  Jayme 

Aragon 

1683 

1705 

1744 

Carranco,  Lorenzo  Jos. 

Mexican 

1727 

1734 

Consag,  Fernando.... 

Hungary 

1703 

1733 

1759 

Diez,  Juan 

Mexican 

1735 

1766 

1768 

Droet,  Jacobo 

1732 

1750  ? 

Ducrue,  Franz  Benno. 

German 

1721 

1748 

1799 

1768 

Echeverria,  Jose  de 

1730 

Escalante,  Francisco... 

1724 

1768 

Franco,  Francisco  J.. 

Spaniard 

1738 

1764 

1768 

Garcia,  Andres  Jav... 

1737 

Gasteiger,  Jose 

German 

1745 

1750  ? 

Gordon,  William 

Scotch 

1730 

Guillen,  Clemente 

Mexican 

1677 

1714 

1748 

Guisi,  Benito 

1711 

Helen,  Everard 

German 

1719 

1757 

1735 

Hostell,  Lambert 

German 

1706 

1745 

1768 

Inama,  Francisco 

Austrian 

1719 

1750 

1768 

Link,  Wenceslao 

Austrian 

1736 

1762 

1768 

Luyando,  Juan  B 

Mexican 

1727 

1732 

Masariegos,  Franc.  M. 

1740 

Mayorga,  Julian 

1707 

1736 

Minutili,  Geronimo.... 

Italian 

1702 

1705 

Mugazabal,  Julian  .... 

Spaniard 

1682 

1704 

1761 

Napoli,  Ignacio,  Mar.. 

Italian 

1721 

Nascimben,  Pedro  Mar. 

Venetian 

1745 

1750  ? 

Neumayer,  Karl 

German 

1745 

1764 

Osorio,  Francisco 

1725 

Peralta,  Francisco.... 

1709 

1711 

Piccolo,  Franc.  Maria. 

Sicilian 

1650 

1697 

1729 

Retz,  Jorge 

German 

1717 

1751 

1768 

Rotea,  Jose  Marianno. 

Mexican 

1732 

1759 

1768 

Salvatierra,  Juan  Mar. 

Italian 

1644 

1697 

1717 

Sistiaga,  Sebastian 

Mexican 

1684 

1718 

1756 

1747 

Sotelo,  Manuel  Maria. 

Spaniard 

1736 

1761 

Tamaral,  Nicolas 

Spaniard 

1687 

1717 

1734 

Taraval,  Sigismundo. . . 

1700 

1730 

1763 

1750  ? 

Tempis,  Antonio 

Austrian 

1703 

1736 

1746 

Trujillo,  Gaspar 

1744 

1752 

Tuersch,  Ignacio 

.\ustrian 

1733 

1762 

1768 

Ugarte,  Juan 

1 Honduras 

1660 

1700 

1730 

Ugarte,  Pedro 

“ (?) 

1704 

1710 

Ventura,  Lucas 

Spaniard 

1727 

1757 

1793 

1768 

Villavieja,  Juan 

1736 

1766 

1768 

Wagner,  Francisco  Jav. 

German 

1737 

1744 

I 

< 

] 


. V 

i 


PART  111. 

THE  FRANCISCAN  PERIOD. 
1767-1773. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Viceroy  de  Croix  Requests  the  College  of  San  Fernando  to  Accept 
the  California  Missions. — Reluctance  and  Reasons  Therefor. — 
Father  .Junipero  Serra  Heads  the  Volunteers. — The  Fathers  at 
Tepic. — The  Viceroy  Makes  a Change. — Palou  and  Campa  Re- 
monstrate.— Orders  Countermanded. — Election  of  Guardian  and 
Discretos. — Address  to  the  Viceroy. — The  Jaliscans  Return  from 
California. — Serra  and  Companions  Reach  Loreto. 

HEN  the  royal  decree  expelling  the  Jesuits  from  New 


Spain  had  been  executed,  Viceroy  de  Croix  and  In- 
spector-General Jose  de  Galvez  resolved  to  place  the  Califor- 
nia missions  in  charge  of  the  Franciscan  missionary  College 
of  San  Fernando  ^ in  the  city  of  Mexico.  These  Fathers,  be- 
sides preaching  among  the  Mexicans,  were  conducting  five 
Indian  missions  in  the  Sierra  Gorda.  ^ The  College  could  ill 
afford  to  accept  the  offer  of  the  viceroy ; but,  as  no  reason  had 
been  assigned  for  banishing  the  Society  of  Jesus,  it  may  have 
appeared  unsafe  to  irritate  the  government  by  a refusal.  “The 
College,”  Fr.  Palou  writes,  ^ “saw  itself  obliged  to  accept  the 
missions  which  the  expelled  Fathers  administered  (notwith- 
standing the  dearth  of  religious'  in  which  it  found  itself)  in 
order  to  make  this  sacrifice  to  God  and  the  king.”  There 
were  sixteen  Jesuits  in  California,  and  as  many  friars  were 
wanted  to  take  their  places ; but  as  the  government  finally 
determined  to  station  secular  priests  in  the  four  most  advanced 

1 Colegio  Apostolico,  a missionary  college  or  seminary  for  the 
training  of  religious  who  were  to  labor  chiefly  among  the  Indians. 
San  Fernando  was  founded  on  October  15th,  1734.  See  Appendix  F. 

2 The  Sierra  Gorda  Mountains  are  situated  in  the  southern  part 
of  the  State  of  San  Luis  Potosi  and  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
States  of  Guanajuato  and  Queretaro. 

2 “Se  vio  precisado  el  Colegio  a admitir  las  misiones  que  los 
Padres  expulsos  administraban  en  la  California  (no  obstante  lo  falto 
que  se  halla  de  Religiosos),  para  hacer  a Dios  y al  rey  este  sacri- 
ficio.”  Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xii,  53-54.  “Se  vio  precisado  el  Rev- 
erendo  Padre  Guardian  Fray  Jose  Garcia  a admitirlas  (misiones).” 
Palou,  “Noticias  de  la  Nueva  California,”  tom.  i,  cap.  i,  p.  1. 


290  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


missions,  the  guardian,  Fr.  Jose  Garcia,  and  the  discretos  * 
were  called  upon  to  send  but  twelve  Fathers  to  the  peninsula. 
Even  this  many  could  not  be  spared  from  the  College,  though 
sixteen  Fathers  had  promptly  volunteered.  The  superiors, 
therefore,  decided  to  select  seven  of  the  sixteen  and  to  recall 
five  of  the  ten  friars  in  the  Sierra  Gorda,  who  had  already 
some  experience  in  Indian  missionary  work,  in  order  to  com- 
ply with  the  demand  of  De  Croix. 

The  College  authorities  deemed  it  advisable  to  place  a man 
at  the  head  of  this  band  of  missionaries  who  had  already 
proved  his  fitness  for  the  responsible  position.  Fr.  Junipero 
Serra  was  accordingly  appointed  presidente  or  superior  'of 
the  California  missions.  He  was  at  that  time  preaching  a 
mission  in  the  province  of  Mezquital  about  thirty  leagues 
from  the  capital.  There  had  been  no  time  to  ask  his  consent, 
but  the  discretory  ® took  it  for  granted  that  the  former  Indian 
missionary  would  gladly  devote  himself  to  the  conversion  of 
the  natives  in  California.  Nor  were  they  disappointed.  When 
Serra  returned  to  the  monastery  on  July  12th,  and  was  in- 
formed of  his  destination,  he  declared  that  he  felt  the  happier 
for  not  having  been  consulted  at  all. 

This  extraordinary  man  was  born  at  Petra  on  the  Island  of 
Majorca  (Mallorca)  on  November  24th,  1713.  He  entered 
the  Franciscan  Order  on  September  14th,  1730,  and  made  his 
vows  on  September  15th  of  the  following  year.  He  finished 
the  studies  of  philosophy  and  theology  so  brilliantly  that  he 
was  made  doctor  of  theology  even  before  receiving  holy 
Orders.  The  date  of  his  elevation  to  the  priesthood  is  not 
given  by  his  biographer,  but  it  probably  occurred  in  1738. 
After  receiving  permission  to  devote  himself  to  missionary 
work  in  America,  Fr.  Serra  sailed  from  Cadiz  with  his  friend, 

4 Discretos,  discreets  or  councilors,  such  as  are  attached  to  everv 
Franciscan  monastery.  The  discretos  of  an  apostolic  college,  how 
ever,  enjoyed  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  definidores  (definitors; 
or  councilors  of  a province.  They  were  elected  for  a term  of  three 
years,  and  elected  the  guardian  at  a chapter  presided  over  by  the 
commissary-general. 

5 The  college  council  composed  of  the  guardian,  vicar  and  four 
councilors. 


The  Franciscans  Accept  Lower  California  291 

Fr.  Francisco  Palou,  on  August  28th,  1749,  and  reached  the 
College  of  San  Fernando  on  the  first  of  January,  1750.  At 
his  own  request  he  was  sent  with  Fr.  Palou  to  the  Indians  in 
the  Sierra  Gorda,  where  the  College  had  established  five  mis- 
sions only  six  years  before.  After  nine  years  of  successful 
labors  he  was  with  Palou  assigned  to  the  Apache  missions  in 
the  San  Saba  country  of  Texas;  but  the  viceroy’s  death,  which 
occurred  just  then,  prevented  the  founding  of  new  missions 
in  that  territory.  Serra  was  therefore  retained  at  the  College, 
and  for  seven  years  employed  in  preaching  missions  among 
the  Mexicans  at  the  capital  and  other  towns  of  the  country. 
It  was  while  thus  engaged  that  he  received  the  appointment 
of  presidente  of  the  California  missionaries.  ® 

On  July  14th,  1767,  two  days  after  reaching  his  beloved 
College,  Fr.  Serra  accompanied  by  eight‘s  friars  set  out  with 
the  blessing  of  the  Fr.  Guardian.  The  viceroy  furnished 
everything  necessary  for  the  journey  overland  by  way  of 
Queretaro  and  Guadalajara  to  San  Bias,  two  hundred  leagues 
distant.  At  Guadalajara  the  bishop  informed  the  Fr.  Presi- 
dente that  he  had  no  priests  to  spare  for  California;  that  none 
of  the  missions  was  in  a condition  to  be  managed  except  by 
religious ; and  that  he  had  so  advised  his  excellency,  the  vice- 
roy. Fr.  Serra  then  notified  the  Fr.  Guardian  and  asked 
him  to  send  the  additional  Fathers  required.  After  thirty- 
nine  days  of  travel  the  nine  religious  reached  Tepic,  and  on 
August  21st  were  welcomed  at  the  hospice®  of  Santa  Cruz 
which  belonged  to  the  Franciscans  of  the  Jalisco  province, 
whose  mother-house  is  to  this  day  at  Guadalajara.  ® 

“When  we  arrived  at  this  town,”  says  Palou,  “the  treasurer 
of  the  troops  came  to  visit  us,  and  to  tell  the  Rev.  Fr.  Presi- 

6 Palou,  “Vida,”  capp.  i-x;  xii. 

7 The  college,  fearing  that  five  out  of  the  ten  Fathers  could  not  be 
spared  from  the  Sierra  Gorda,  sent  nine  friars  instead  of  seven,  two 
of  whom  were  to  return  to  the  capital  in  case  that  the  five  arrived. 

8 A very  small  Franciscan  convent.  Residence  or  convent  are  the 
terms  commonly  used  by  English-speaking  friars  to  distinguish  it 
from  monastery,  which  indicates  a fully  organized,  larger  com- 
munity. 

9 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  i,  3;  “Vida,”  cap.  xii.  54-55. 


292  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


dente  that  he  had  orders  from  his  excellency,  the  viceroy,  to 
provide  everything  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  the  re- 
ligious.” Fr.  Serra  replied  that  they  would  take  their  meals 
with  the  religious  of  the  hospice.  The  treasurer  accordingly 
paid  the  sindico  of  the  hospice  for  the  board  of  the  friars, 
and  this  attention  gave  them  no  little  satisfaction  and  relief. 
The  nine  religious  now  quartered  at  the  hospice  of  Santa 
Cruz,  Tepic,  were:  Fr.  Junipero  Serra,  Fr.  Francisco  Palou, 
Fr.  Juan  Moran,  Fr.  Antonio  Martinez,  Fr.  Juan  Ignacio 
Gaston,  Fr.  Fernando  Parron,  Fr.  Juan  Sancho  de  la  Torre, 
Fr.  Francisco  Gomez,  and  Fr.  Andres  Villaumbrales.  The 
five  religious  who  arrived  a few  days  later  from  the  Sierra 
Gorda  region  were;  Fr.  Jose  Murguia,  Fr.  Juan  Ramos  de 
Lora,  Fr.  Juan  Crespi,  Fr.  Migud  de  la  Campa  y Cos,  and 
Fr.  Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen. 

The  viceroy  had  directed  that  the  missionaries  for  both 
California  and  Sonora  should  proceed  to  their^  destination 
by  sea  in  two  packet-boats  which  were  in  course  of  construc- 
tion, and  which  could  not  be  made  ready  for  a long  time.  It 
was  learned,  however,  that  another  small  vessel  was  preparing 
to  sail  for  California  with  the  newly-appointed  governor,  Don 
Caspar  de  Portola,  and  a squadron  of  soldiers,  accompanied 
by  their  chaplain,  the  Rev.  Pedro  Fernandez,  a secular  priest. 
At  the  request  of  Fr.  Serra,  Don  Domingo  Elizondo,  the  com- 
mander of  the  Sonora  troops,  permitted  Fathers  Francisco 
Palou  and  Juan  Gaston  to  cross  the  gulf  with  Portola.  In 
the  afternoon  of  August  24th  the  ship  set  sail  in  the  harbor 
of  Matanchel.  The  launch,  which  carried  five  dragoons  and 
all  the  baggage  of  the  soldiers,  followed  in  her  wake.  Storms 
soon  began  to  rage  and  grew  so  violent  during  the  night  of 
the  28th,  that  every  one  prepared  himself  for  death.  In  this 
extremity  Portola,  who  had  also  made  his  confession,  pro- 

10  Sindico  or  treasurer,  who  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  See  accepts 
and  disburses  the  alms  donated  to  the  Franciscans,  as  the  friars  can 
have  no  property,  either  as  individuals  or  as  communities.  He  is 
generally  a layman  of  the  parish  or  town. 

11  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  i,  1-3;  cap.  ii,  7. 

12  The  missions  of  the  Jesuits  in  Sonora  had  been  assigned  to  the 
Franciscan  college  of  Santa  Cruz,  Queretaro. 


The  Franciscans  Accept  Lower  California  293 

posed  to  Fr.  Palou  that  a vow  be  made  to  some  saint  in  order 
that  they  might  be  delivered  from  the  terrible  danger.  It  was 
then  vowed  to  have  a High  Mass  celebrated  in  honor  of  the 
holy  Cross  at  which  all  were  to  assist  in  case  they  reached 
the  shore  in  safety.  At  the  same  time  Palou  threw  a little 
grass  taken  from  the  famous  Cross  at  the  hospice  of  Tepic 
into  the  raging  waters,  whereupon  the  sea  grew  calm. 
Palou  makes  the  remark  that,  though  the  tempest  ceased  and 
the  sea  became  calm  as  soon  as  the  grass  touched  the  waves, 
he  could  not  call  this  a miracle,  but  the  vow  was  faithfully 
observed.  After  the  vessel  had  arrived  at  Tepic  on  Septem- 
ber 6th,  Governor  Portola,  many  military  officers,  and  the 
soldiers  wlio  had  been  on  board  the  ship  assisted  at  the  High 
Mass  to  thank  God  for  their  deliverance  ' 

The  launch  had  meanwhile  been  driven  across  the  g^lf  into 
the  port  of  Escondido,  a landlocked  bay  about  seven  leagues 
south  of  Loreto.  The  sailors  told  an  Indian  that  a new 
governor  was  on  his  way  to  California  with  Franciscan  friars 
from  San  Fernando,  and  then  sailed  along  the  coast  south- 
ward as  far  as  Cape  San  Lucas  in  the  hope  of  meeting  Por- 
tola’s  ship.  The  appearance  of  the  launch  and  the  story  of 
the  Indian  caused  the  wildest  rumors  in  the  missions,  and  the 
Jesuits  imagined  that  their  surrender  of  the  missions  had  been 
accepted.  When  they  learned  that  the  Fathers  of  the  famous 
College  of  San  Fernando  were  to  take  their  places,  they  ex- 
pressed much  satisfaction,  for  they  were  assured  that  their 
work  would  be  continued  in  the  same  spirit  of  self-sacrifice. 

In  the  meantime  fourteen  Franciscan  friars  of  the  mission- 
ary College  of  Santa  Cruz,  Queretaro,  and  eleven  Franciscans 


13  “Tire  a la  mar  unas  ebras  del  zacate,  y ciertamente  puedo  decir 
que  en  cuanto  cayo  a la  mar  dicho  zacate  se  aplaco  de  mode  que 
se  puso  en  calma.” 

11  Zacate,  grass.  The  natives  held  the  very  grass  that  grew 
around  the  Cross  in  veneration.  “Que  tienen  y aprecian  los  Tepi- 
quenos  como  reliquia,”  says  Palou. 

15  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  ii,  7;  4-5.  “Vida,”  cap.  xii,  55-56. 

16  “A1  saber  que  iban  padres  misioneros  de  San  Fernando  hicieron 
(Jesuitas)  muchas  demonstraciones  de  alegria,  como  me  aseguraron 
asi  Indios  como  soldados.”  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  ii,  6. 


294  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

of  the  Jaliscan  province,  who  were  to  replace  the  Jesuits  in 
the  missions  of  Sonora,  besides  seven  other  Jaliscans,  who 
were  destined  for  the  Nayarit  country,  had  also  arrived  at 
Tepic  and  with  the  fourteen  Fernandinos  awaited  an  op- 
portunity to  sail  for  their  respective  posts.  In  the  beginning 
of  October  Don  Elizondo,  the  commander  of  the  troops,  re- 
solved to  send  Portola,  the  soldiers  and  the  fourteen  religious 
of  San  Fernando  to  California  in  a ship  and  a launch  belong- 
ing to  the  mine-owner  Manuel  de  Osio.  While  the  Fathers 
were  preparing  to  embark,  a courier  arrived  with  despatches 
from  the  viceroy  which  caused  much  excitement  and  confusion 
among  the  friars.  The  viceroy  stated  that,  at  the  request  of 
the  Franciscan  commissary-general,  Fr.  Manuel  de  Najera,  he 
would  direct  that  the  religious  of  the  two  missionary  colleges 
of  Queretaro  and  San  Fernando  should  divide  the  territory 
of  Sonora  between  themselves,  and  that  the  Jaliscan  friars 
should  take  charge  of  the  California  missions.  According  to 
a letter  which  arrived  at  the  same  time  from  the  Fr.  Guardian 
of  San  Fernando,  the  commissary-general  desired  the  change 
because  he  thought  that  the  religious  of  the  two  colleges, 
inasmuch  as  they  had  the  same  training,  would  harmonize  bet- 
ter in  the  same  territory,  while  on  the  other  hand  those  from 
the  province  and  those  from  the  College,  on  account  of  their 
different  training,  might  disagree.  The  insinuation  was  felt 
the  more  keenly  as  not  the  slightest  disharmony  had  so  far 
been  noticeable  at  Tepic  among  the  friars  representing  the 
three  Franciscan  families. 

It  was  at  length  decided  to  send  Fathers  Palou  and  Campa 
to  Guanajuato  in  order  to  confer  with  Don  Jose  de  Galvez, 
the  inspector-general,  and  to  ascertain  whether  the  destination 
of  the  Fernandinos  had  been  definitely  changed,  and,  if  so, 
to  show  by  means  of  letters  from  the  local  superior  of  the 
Jaliscans  at  Tepic  and  from  the  superior  of  the  Jaliscans  orig- 
inally appointed  for  Sonora,  that  the  authorities  were  laboring 
under  a misapprehension.  The  two  friars  left  Tepic  on  Octo- 
ber 19th.  At  noon  of  November  1st  they  arrived  at  Guanajuato 


17  The  friars  of  the  College  of  San  Fernando. 


The  Franciscans  Accept  Lower  California  295 

and  took  up  quarters  at  the  monastery  of  San  Diego.  Gal- 
vez granted  an  audience  that  same  afternoon.  He  acknowl- 
edged that  he  was  aware  of  the  change  and  that  it  was  against 
his  will  as  well  as  against  the  wishes  of  the  king;  but  that 
since  they  had  come  so  far  they  might  as  well  see  the  viceroy 
himself,  to  whom  he  would  give  them  a personal  letter  on  the 
following  day.  Fortified  with  this  document  the  two  Fathers 
resumed  their  journey  next  day  and  finally  reached  the  capital 
on  November  9th.  After  reporting  the  situation  to  the  dis- 
cretory,  Palou  and  Campa  paid  their  respects  to  the  viceroy 
and  presented  the  letter  of  the  inspector-general.  On  reading 
the  communication  from  Galvez,  and  learning  the  cause  of  the 
delay  at  Tepic,  he  revoked  his  decree  and  on  November  11th, 
gave  orders  that  the  Fernandinos  should  proceed  to  California, 
and  that  the  Jaliscans  should  go  to  Sonora  as  previously  or- 
dered. Upon  the  advice  of  the  viceroy  the  two  Fathers  sent 
the  decision  to  Tepic  by  courier  and  then  rested  a while  at 
the  College. 

While  Palou  and  Campa  were  at  San  Fernando  the  trien- 
nial chapter  for  the  election  of  a guardian  and  discretos  took 
place,  at  which  Fr.  Juan  Andres  was  chosen  guardian  of  San 
Fernando  to  succeed  Fr.  Jose  Garcia.  In  view  of  the  fact  that 
the  bishop  of  Guadalajara  could  send  no  priests  to  California, 
the  chapter  also  yielded  to  the  petition  for  two  more  mission- 
aries, and  from  the  volunteers  selected  Fathers  Dionisio  Bas- 
terra  and  Juan  de  Medina  Beytia  in  order  to  make  up  the 
requisite  number  of  sixteen  religious  demanded  for  the  penin- 
sula. The  four  happy  Fathers  departed  from  the  capital  on 
December  6th,  and  on  the  last  day  of  the  year  1767  arrived 
at  the  hospice  with  the  news  that  delighted  Fr.  Serra  and  his 
brethren. 

That  the  necessity  of  complying  with  the  request  of  the  vice- 
roy by  sending  sixteen  friars,  about  one-half  of  the  whole 


18  Like  all  religious  houses  in  Mexico,  this  monastery  was  con- 
fiscated by  the  anti-Christian  faction  which  controls  the  govern- 
ment since  1768.  The  building  was  torn  down  and  replaced  by  a 
theater  dedicated  to  Benito  Juarez. 

19  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  ii,  7-12. 


296  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


number  composing  the  College,  embarrassed  the  Fathers  ex- 
ceedingly, we  learn  from  an  appeal  to  De  Croix  drawn  up 
most  probably  at  the  chapter  which  was  held  in  November, 
1767,  while  Palou  and  Campa  rested  at  the  College.  The 
address  to  the  viceroy  reads  as  follows : 

“Most  Excellent  Sir,  The  Guardian  and  Discretes  of  this 
Apostolic  College  of  the  Propagation  of  the  Faith  of  San 
Fernando  de  Mexico,  comply  with  the  supreme  viceroyal  kind- 
ness of  Your  Excellency  and  declare  that  they  have  most 
cheerfully  accepted  the  singular  favor  and  especial  grace 
with  which  your  condescension  was  pleased  to  honor  this  poor 
College  before  other  most  numerous  Evangelical  laborers  by 
placing  in  its  charge  the  missions  of  the  province  and  penin- 
sula of  California  which  the  Jesuit  Fathers  have  occupied ; and 
in  token  of  our  gratitude,  not  being  able  to  return  it  in  any 
other  manner,  nor  by  other  means,  sixteen  religious,  who  are 
priests,  experienced  in  the  ministry  among  the  unbelievers,  and 
capable  of  instructing  the  neophytes  in  civilization  and  Chris- 
tian economy,  have  voluntarily  offered  themselves,  although 
the  College  finds  itself  drained  of  missionary  laborers.  Eleven 
of  these  are  at  present  members  of  this  College,  but  five 
others  it  was  necessary  to  detach  from  the  ten  of  this  College 
who  have  charge  of  the  five  missions  in  the  Sierra  Gorda. 

“Now,  reflecting  that  we  could  not  comply  exactly  with  the 
royal  command,  nor  satisfy  our  conscience  and  that  of  our 


20  “Archives  of  the  Archbishop  of  San  Francisco,”  vol.  i,  no.  16. 
The  copy  in  the  Archives  bears  no  date,  but  the  document  must 
have  been  issued  about  the  middle  of  November,  1767,  since  up  to 
that  period  Fr.  Jose  Garcia  was  the  guardian  of  San  Fernando 
College. 

21  From  these  extravagant  expressions  the  superficial  reader 
might  conclude,  as  Hittell  charges,  that  the  Franciscans  eagerly 
hurried  to  supplant  the  Jesuits,  whereas  they  looked  upon  the  offer 
as  demanding  a heavy  sacrifice.  It  would  have  been  impolitic  at 
the  time  to  use  less  submissive  language.  See  Note  3. 

22“Moradores  actuales,”  that  is  to  say  here,  attached  or  belong- 
ing to  the  community,  for  seven  were  just  then  at  Tepic  and  four 
others,  Palou,  Campa,  Basterra,  and  Beytia,  were  on  the  road 
thither. 


The  Franciscans  Accept  Lower  California  297 

sovereign,  owing  to  the  scarcity  of  religious  who  are  priests 
and  preachers,  for  there  are  actually  only  twenty-two  priests 
who  are  preachers  and  confessors  at  the  College,  an  exceed- 
ingly small  number  to  eradicate  vices  and  plant  virtues  in  this 
very  populous  city  by  means  of  the  many  daily  confessions  to 
be  heard  at  the  request  of  the  dangerously  sick  and  of  the 
multitudes  that  assemble  morning  and  evening,  from  the  city 
as  well  as  from  the  towns,  even  very  distant  ones;  and  that 
we  could  not  strictly  and  exactly  comply  with  the  regular  ob- 
servance of  our  Institute,  its  day  and  night  regulations ; 
we  have  unanimously  resolved  to  choose  and  appoint  Fr. 
Rafael  Verger,  ex-lector  of  theology  and  at  present  one  of 
the  discretos  of  this  College,  to  pass  over  to  the  Court  of 
Madrid  in  order  to  beseech  His  Majesty  (whom  God  may 
guard)  for  permission  and  authority  to  collect  forty-five  relig- 
ious, who  are  priests,  preachers  and  confessors,  from  the 
colleges  and  provinces  of  Spain,  whom  we  judge  necessary 
for  the  faithful  execution  of  the  obligations  of  our  Institute. 
Sixteen  must  necessarily  be  assigned  to  the  province  of  Cali- 
fornia, five  will  fill  the  places  of  those  that  have  been  with- 
drawn from  the  missions  of  the  Sierra  Gorda,  and  the  rest  are 
to  maintain  the  regular  observance  of  the  Institute  and  in  the 
course  of  time  to  make  the  accustomed  apostolic  journeys 
among  the  faithful  in  the  vast  territory  of  this  Northern 
America. 

“Inasmuch,  Most  Excellent  Sir,  as  for  one  religious  to  live 
alone  in  those  lively  reductions,  rancherias,  and  neophyte 
towns  is  a most  perilous  matter  proclaimed  as  such  with  a 
warning  by  the  Divine  Spirit,  the  infallible  Truth,  who  tells 
us  that  it  is  better  for  two  to  live  together  than  for  one  to 

23  Allusion  is  made  to  the  custom  of  chanting  the  Divine  Office 
at  midnight  in  the  choir,  as  was  the  practise  from  time  immemorial. 

2<  It  was  and  is  the  custom  with  Franciscans  to  withhold  the 
faculty  of  preaching  and  hearing  confessions  for  a year  or  more 
after  the  ordination  to  the  priesthood.  Hence  the  distinction,  Sacer- 
dotes,  Predicadores,  Confesores  which  has  puzzled  many  historians. 

25  To  comply  with  the  regulation  which  forbade  any  friar  to  be 
stationed  alone  at  a mission.  Each  mission  in  California  and  the 
Sierra  Gorda  had  only  one  missionary. 


298  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


live  alone;  for  woe  to  the  one  that  is  alone!  for  if  he  happen 
to  fall,  he  has  no  one  to  raise  him  up;  our  laws  by  way  of 
precaution  direct  that  no  religious  should  live  alone  in  the 
missions ; and  the  same  is  prescribed  by  canon  law,  and  is  the 
invariable  practise  of  the  Colleges  of  the  Propagation  of  the 
Faith  from  the  beginning  of  their  foundation,  except  in  the 
most  urgent  necessity  like  the  present  one. 

“In  truth.  Most  Excellent  Sir,  for  a religious  priest  who  is 
alone  it  seems  morally  impossible  to  promote  the  conversion 
of  the  pagans  successfully,  or  to  stand  ready  faithfully  and 
watchfully  for  the  very  frequent  emergencies  which  arise  in 
the  pueblos  of  the  neophytes. 

“In  order  to  carry  out  our  object  effectively,  and  to  relieve 
the  respective  necessities  of  this  College  and  the  missions 
among  believers  and  unbelievers,  two  measures  above  all  are 
^requisite:  the  one  is  that  Your  Excellency  deign  to  bestow 
upon  the  before-mentioned  Fr.  Lector  Rafael  Verger  the  per- 
mission and  authority  to  make  the  voyage  to  the  Court  of 
Madrid ; and  the  other  that  your  ardent  Catholic  zeal  infonn 
His  Majesty  (whom  God  may  preserve)  as  to  the  urgent 
need  which  this  College  has  of  the  said  forty-five  religious, 
along  with  what  else  you  may  deem  conducive  to  the  service 
of  both  Majesties,  which  we  with  firm  confidence  hope  Your 
Excellency  will  do  most  graciously. 

Fr.  Juan  Andres,  Guardian.  Fr.  Jose  Garcia. 

Fr.  Jph  Ortiz  de  Velasco.  Fr.  Juan  Antonio  Pico. 

Fr.  Esteban  de  Basabe.  Fr.  Jose  Torres. 

Fr.  Rafael  Verger.  Fr.  Joseph  Miguel  Ojeda. 

Fr.  Francisco  Pangua.” 

On  October  19th,  the  same  day  on  which  Fathers  Palou 
and  Campa  set  out  from  Tepic  for  Guanajuato  to  see  Don  Jose 
de  Galvez,  the  Jaliscan  Franciscans  left  Matanchel  to  embark 

26  Hence  it  is  clear  that  Hittell’s  charge  that  “Long  before  any 
public  intimation  had  been  given,  and  before  the  Jesuits  themselves 
had  any  idea  of  the  impending  expulsion,  the  Franciscans  had  taken 
measures  to  fill  their  places  and  administer  their  estates,”  is  a mere 
assertion  calculated  to  impress  the  thoughtless.  See  Hittell,  “His- 
tory of  California,”  vol.  i,  297. 


The  Franciscans  Accept  Lower  California  299 

for  California  in  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  the  commissary- 
general  and  the  decree  of  the  viceroy;  but  as  they  were  only 
eleven,  and  thus  lacked  one  of  the  required  number,  they 
persuaded  the  Rev.  Isidro  Ibarzabal,  a secular  priest  of  the 
diocese  of  Oajaca,  to  join  them.  All  these  took  passage  in 
the  launch  belonging  to  Don  Manuel  Oslo,  whilst  Portola 
with  his  soldiers  and  their  chaplain,  the  Rev.  Pedro  Fernandez, 
sailed  in  the  barkentine.  Instead  of  reaching  Loreto  directly, 
the  two  vessels  were  driven  far  to  the  south ; the  barkentine, 
as  we  have  already  stated  in  a preceding  chapter,  on  December 
2d,  1767,  landed  near  Cape  San  Lucas,  whence  Portola  and  his 
men  marched  north  by  land.  The  Jaliscan  friars  with  their 
superior,  Fr.  Manuel  Zuzaregni,  arrived  later  in  the  launch. 
As  they  proceeded  northward  to  Loreto  a friar  was  installed 
at  each  one  of  the  intervening  missions.  When  Zuzaregni  and 
the  remaining  Fathers  reached  Loreto  about  the  12th  of 
March,  three  months  after  Portola,  and  two  months  after  the 
departure  of  the  Jesuits,  he  was  informed  that  the  viceroy  had 
changed  his  plans,  and  that  the  Jaliscan  friars  would  have  to 
go  to  Sonora. 

Meanwhile  Fr.  Serra  and  his  brethren  were  patiently  await- 
ing developments  and  an  opportunity  to  cross  the  gulf ; but 
they  were  not  idle.  No  sooner  had  the  zealous  presidente 
noticed  that  they  were  doomed  to  a lengthy  stay,  than  he  and 
his  companions  determined  to  preach  missions  not  only  at 
Tepic,  but  in  all  the  towns  of  that  region.  The  friars  were 
occupied  in  this  manner  when  the  Purisima  Concepcion  with 
the  sixteen  exiled  Jesuits  arrived  at  San  Bias.  The  victims 
of  unreasoning  royal  fury  were  hastily  landed  and  then  hur- 
ried to  Vera  Cruz  to  prevent  them  from  meeting  their  suc- 
cessors. On  March  13th,  27  when  all  necessary  preparations 
had  been  made  by  the  government  officials,  Fr.  Serra  and  his 
fifteen  companions  left  Tepic,  and  in  the  evening  of  the  next 
day  sailed  from  San  Bias  in  the  Concepcion,  the  same  vessel 
which  had  brought  over  the  Jesuits.  The  ship  crossed  the 
gulf  without  a mishap,  and  on  Good  Friday,  April  1st,  1768, 


27  Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xiii,  56,  has  March  12th. 


3CXD  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

at  eight  in  the  evening,  dropped  her  anchor  in  the  port  of 
Loreto.  Portola  himself  boarded  the  vessel  to  welcome  the 
Fathers  and  to  escort  them  to  the  mission.  Owing  to  the 
late  hour  they  preferred  to  wait  till  next  morning;  only  Fathers 
Serra  and  Palou  followed  the  governor  to  the  shore.  At  the 
mission  they  were  received  by  Fr.  Zuzaregni,  who  had  arrived 
only  two  weeks  previous.  The  Jaliscan  presidente  then  re- 
called his  brethren,  some  of  whom  had  not  as  yet  reached 
their  destination.  They  had  been  in  charge  of  Mission  Loreto 
only  eighteen  days.  Five  of  the  Jaliscans  departed  on  the 
Concepcion  on  April  10th ; the  rest  followed  soon  after.  ^8 

Early  on  Holy  Saturday  the  other  Fathers  landed ; and  all 
then  proceeded  to  the  church  to  give  thanks  to  God  and  Our 
Lady  of  Loreto,  the  Patroness  of  the  peninsula,  for  their  safe 
arrival ; a High  Mass  of  thanksgiving  was  sung  on  Easter 
Sunday.  On  the  same  day  Governor  Portola  read  to  Fathers 
Serra  and  Palou  a letter  from  the  viceroy  which  directed  him 
to  turn  over  to  the  friars  of  San  Fernando  all  the  missions  of 
the  peninsula  administered  by  the  Jesuits,  with  the  churches, 
sacristies,  and  furniture,  in  such  a way,  however,  that  the 
management  of  the  temporalities  remained  with  the  soldier 
comisionados  whom  the  governor  had  appointed  for  that  pur- 
pose after  the  departure  of  the  Jesuits.  Fr.  Serra  replied 
that  the  order  of  the  viceroy  would  be  observed  by  the  relig- 
ious, and  that  they  would  not  meddle  in  the  least  with  the 
temporalities.  ^9 

Palou,  however,  viewed  the  viceroy’s  decision  with  less  sub- 
mission. “This  arrangement  of  his  excellency,”  he  writes, 
“left  us  no  power  as  far  as  the  temporalities  of  the  missions 
are  concerned;  and  without  them  the  missionaries  could  in 
nothing  advance  the  spiritual  affairs  of  the  missions.”  It 
had  been  taken  for  granted  that  the  missions  would  be  deliv- 

28  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  ii,  10-11;  8;  capp.  iii-iv,  14-17; 
Bancroft,  "History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  484. 

29  “Respondio  el  Rev.  P.  Presidente  que  asi  se  practicaria  por  los 
religiosos,  no  metiendose  en  lo  mas  minimo  en  lo  temporal.”  “No- 
ticias,” 18. 

30  Ibidem. 


The  Franciscans  Accept  Lower  California  301 


ered  to  the  Franciscans  as  they  had  been  managed  by  the 
Jesuits  with  full  authority  over  the  Indians  in  spiritual  and 
temporal  matters.  The  governor  probably  noticed  Palou’s  dis- 
appointment, and  therefore,  explained  that  he  had  placed  the 
temporalities  in  the  care  of  soldiers  through  necessity,  lest 
the  Indians  made  away  with  the  property ; that  he  reported  his 
action  to  the  viceroy,  who  approved  of  it;  but  that  he  did  not 
doubt  that  full  control  of  the  missions  and  their  property 
would  be  restored  to  the  Fathers  when  Don  Jose  de  Galvez 
arrived,  who  was  daily  expected. 

From  the  description  of  the  capital  of  Lower  California, 
reproduced  here  from  Father  Jacob  Baegert’s  Nachrichten 
the  reader  will  obtain  a good  idea  of  what  the  missionaries 
encountered  at  the  other  missions.  “Loreto  lies  only  a stone’s 
throw  from  the  California  Gulf.  The  dwelling  of  the  mis- 
sionary is  a small  quadrangle  of  not  more  than  one  story,  of 
unburnt  brick  and  having  a flat  roof.  One  wing  of  the  quad- 
rangle, which  alone  is  partly  built  of  stone  and  lime,  con- 
stitutes the  church.  The  other  three  wings  contain  six  apart- 
ments each  about  twenty  feet  square  and  having  each  one  an 
opening  towards  the  beach  or  sea ; these  serve  for  sacristy, 
kitchen,  and  a small  store-room  from  which  the  soldiers, 
sailors,  and  their  wives  and  children,  procure  buckles,  straps, 
ribbons,  combs,  tobacco,  sugar,  linen,  shoes,  stockings,  hats, 
and  similar  goods. 

“Near  this  quadrangle  are  four  other  walls  in  which  are 
kept  very  lean  beef,  also  tallow,  lard,  soap,  unrefined  sugar, 
chocolate,  cloth,  leather,  wheat,  corn,  several  millions  of  black 
bugs  which  are  generated  in  the  grain,  and  other  articles. 
In  addition  to  these  structures  one  sees  at  about  the  distance 
of  a musket-shot  a kind  of  shed,  which  serves  for  guard-house 
and  barracks  for  the  unmarried  soldiers.  The  whole  garri- 
son of  the  Loreto  presidio,  including  the  captain  and  his  lieu- 
tenant, sometimes  consists  of  six  or  eight,  but  never  of  more 
than  twelve  or  fourteen  head. 

31  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  iv,  18-19. 

32  Part  iii,  sec.  ii.  See  also  Hittell,  “History  of  California,’’  vol.  i, 
280-281. 


302  Missions  and  Missionaries  of ‘California 

“Moreover,  towards  the  setting  sun  one  sees  two  rows  of 
huts  made  of  mud,  in  which,  when  big  and  little,  men  and 
women,  are  all  together,  dwell  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 
natives.  Furthermore,  one  sees,  here  and  there,  scattered  about 
the  sandy  waste,  without  any  order,  about  two  dozen  or  two 
dozen  and  a half  cabins  constructed  of  earth,  which  resemble 
the  poorest  village  cow-stable  rather  than  a house,  and  gen- 
erally having  only  one  apartment,  which  serve  the  married 
soldiers,  the  few  sailors,  and  their  wives  and  children  for 
shelter,  dwelling-room,  and  sleeping-quarters.  Finally  there 
is  a structure  made  of  poles  and  covered  with  brush,  which 
constitutes  the  arsenal  or  ship-yard.  All  this  forms  Loreto,  the 
capital  of  California.”  Baegert  doubted  whether  there  was  a 
hamlet  in  Russia,  Poland,  or  even  Lapland,  that  could  have 
presented  such  a mean  and  beggarly  appearance.  There  was 
no  foliage  of  any  kind  in  the  place ; no  shade  except  that 
formed  by  the  buildings ; no  running  water ; and  no  water 
at  all  except  such  as  was  obtained  from  holes  or  wells  dug 
in  the  sandy  soil. 

“The  church,”  says  Baegert,  “is  large,  but  consists  only 
of  the  four  walls  without  art,  and  only  covered  with  a flat 
roof  formed  of  nicely-worked  beams  of  cedar  wood.  On  the 
other  hand,  none  equals  it  in  the  number  of  paintings  and  in 
the  costliness  of  the  vestments.” 


CHAPTER  II. 


Distribution  of  the  Missionaries. — Unworthy  Conditions. — Ban- 
croft’s Observations. — Don  Jose  de  Galvez  Arrives. — His  Indig- 
nation.— Restores  the  Temporalities  to  the  Missionaries. — The 
Soldier  Comisionados. — The  Fathers  Not  Anxious  to  Control 
the  Temporalities. — Galvez  Suppresses  Two  Missions. — He 
Transplants  Indians. 

T the  conclusion  of  the  High  Mass  on  Easter  Sunday, 


April  3d,  Fr.  Junipero  Serra  ascended  the  pulpit  and 
preached  the  sermon  to  the  assembly  of  Indians  and  white  peo- 
ple; he  then  announced  that  the  Franciscans  had  come  to  labor 
among  them,  as  far  as  possible,  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
Jesuit  Fathers  had  done.  On  the  following  day  another  High 
Mass  was  celebrated  in  thanksgiving,  and  on  Easter  Tuesday 
a High  Mass  was  offered  up  for  the  safe  journey  of  the  mis- 
sionaries to  their  respective  missions,  some  of  which  lay  a 
hundred  leagues  distant  from  Loreto.  After  this  last  High 
Mass  the  Fr.  Presidente  assigned  the  friars  to  the  different 
missions  beginning  at  Cape  San  Lucas  in  the  following  order ; ^ 

1 Palou,  “Noticias,”  cap.  v,  20-21;  “Vida,”  cap.  xiii,  56-57.  Fr. 
Junipero  Serra  perpetuated  the  event  in  the  “Libros  de  Mision”  of 
Loreto  by  the  following  entry:  “Dia  dos  de  Abril,  Sabado  de 

Gloria  de  este  aho  1768  entramos  a esta  Mision  y Real  Presidio 
de  Loreto,  cabezera  de  esta  Peninsula  de  California  diez  y seis 
Religiosos  Sacerdotes,  Predicadores,  Misioneros  Apostolicos  del 
Colegio  de  Propaganda  Fide  de  Mexico,  del  Orden  Serafico,  envia- 
dos  de  nuestros  Prelados  para  Ministros  de  todas  las  Misiones  de 
esta  Provincia,  que  en  nombre  de  su  Magestad  Catolica  (q.  Dios 
gde),  por  decreto  del  Excmo  Sr.  Marques  de  Croix,  Virrey  y 
Capital!  General  de  esta  Nueva  Espana,  se  pusieron  a cargo  del 
dicho  .^postolico  Colegio,  expelidos  de  esta  Peninsula  y demas 
Dominios  del  Catolico  Monarca,  por  motivos  a su  Magestad  reser- 
vados,  los  PP.  de  la  Sagrada  Compania  de  Jesus,  y habiendo  yo, 
el  infra-escripto  Presidente  de  dichos  Religiosos,  por  el  expresado 
Colegio  resuelto  quedarme  a administrar  por  mi  mismo  esta  Mision 
y Real  Presidio  en  compania  de  P.  Predicador  Fr.  Fernando  Par- 
ron,  uno  de  los  de  dicho  numero  y Colegio,  asigne  a las  demas 
Misiones  los  Ministros  en  esta  forma.”  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,” 
vol.  i,  484-485. 


304  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

Mission  San  Jose  del  Cabo:  Fr.  Juan  Moran.  During  the 
Jesuit  period  this  mission  was  secularized.  A military  post 
was  situated  here. 

Mission  Santiago  de  los  Coras  with  about  three  hundred 
and  fifty  Indians,  ^ including  those  about  San  Jose  del  Cabo: 
Fr.  Jose  Murguia. 

Mission  Nuestra  Senora  del  Pilar,  or  Todos  Santos,  for- 
merly Santa  Rosa,  with  about  ninety  neophytes:  Fr.  Juan 
Ramos  de  Lora. 

Mission  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores,  or  La  Pasion,  with 
about  four  hundred  and  fifty  Indian  converts:  Fr.  Francisco 
Gomez. 

Mission  San  Luis  Gonzaga,  situated  eight  leagues  west  of 
Dolores,  with  three  hundred  and  ten  neophytes:  Fr.  Andres 
Villaumbrales. 

Mission  San  Francisco  Javier,  with  four  hundred  and  eighty- 
five  Indian  Christians:  Fr.  Francisco  Palou. 

Mission  San  Jose  de  Comundu,  with  three  hundred  and 
sixty  native  Christians : Fr.  Antonio  Martinez. 

Mission  Purisima  Concepcion  de  Cadegomo,  with  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  neophytes:  Fr.  Juan  Crespi. 

Mission  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe,  with  five  hundred 
and  thirty  Indian  Christians:  Fr.  Juan  Sancho  de  la  Torre. 

Mission  Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege,  with  three  hundred  na- 
tive Christians:  Fr.  Juan  Ignacio  Gaston. 

Mission  San  Ignacio  de  Kada-Kaaman,  with  seven  hundred 
and  fifty  native  Christians : Fr.  Miguel  de  la  Campa  y Cos. 

Mission  Santa  Gertrudis,  with  about  one  thousand  converts : 
Fr.  Dionisio  Basterra. 

Mission  San  Francisco  de  Borja,  with  fifteen  hundred  neo- 
phytes: Fr.  Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen. 

Mission  Santa  Maria  de  los  Angeles,  with  three  hundred 
Christian  Indians  and  thirty  catechumens:  Fr.  Juan  de  Medina 
Beytia,  or  Veitia. 

Mission  and  Presidio  Nuestra  Senora  de  Loreto,  with  about 
four  hundred  neophytes,  soldiers,  sailors,  and  their  families : 
Fr.  Presidente  Junipero  Serra  and  Fr.  Fernando  Parron. 


2 The  figures  are  from  Clavijero,  “Historia,”  lib.  iv,  sec.  xvi,  109. 


Galvez  on  the  Peninsula 


305 


All  the  Fathers  expressed  themselves  well  satisfied  with  the 
assignments,  and  each  one  thanked  God  for  the  post  allotted 
to  him.  On  the  following  day,  Wednesday,  April  6th,  the 
Fr.  Presidente  once  more  fervently  exhorted  all  to  keep  in 
mind  the  purpose  for  which  they  had  come,  and  to  labor  in 
the  Lord’s  vineyard  with  credit  to  their  Apostolic  College.  Be- 
fore separating  every  one  agreed  to  offer  up  twenty  holy 
Masses  for  the  repose  of  the  soul  of  any  of  their  number  who 
should  pass  out  of  this  life.  ^ Leaving  the  presidente  and 
his  companion  at  Loreto,  the  fourteen  friars  set  out  together 
for  Mission  San  Francisco  Javier,  which  they  reached  at  eight 


in  the  evening  of  the  same  day.  They  were  welcomed  by  the 
Rev.  Pedro  Fernandez,  chaplain  of  the  troops,  who  for  want 
of  a missionary  had  attended  this  mission.  The  next  day  a 
High  Mass  was  sung  in  honor  of  this  mission’s  patron  saint, 
and  on  the  8th  of  April  the  eight  religious,  whose  missions 
were  in  the  north,  and  the  five  whose  missions  were  in  the 
south,  started  out  for  their  respective  stations,  leaving  Fr. 

3 A similar  compact  had  been  made  at  Tepic  with  the  Fathers 
of  the  College  of  Queretaro,  who  took  charge  of  northern  Sonora. 
All  agreed  to  celebrate  nine  holy  Masses  for  any  Father  that  died 
on  the  mission.  The  cut  is  a fac-simile  of  Serra’s  signature. 


3o6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

Palou  at  San  Javier.  Rev.  Pedro  Fernandez  remained  there 
as  guest. 

' At  each  mission  the  soldier  comisionado  turned  over  to  the 
new  missionary,  by  way  of  inventory,  the  church  and  sacristy 
with  all  the  vestments,  sacred  vessels,  and  furniture,  the 
dwelling,  and  the  household  goods.  The  inventories  were 
drawn  up  in  duplicate;  one  copy  remained  at  the  mission,  the 
other  was  sent  to  the  College  of  San  Fernando  in  Mexico. 
At  Loreto  only  the  church  and  sacristy  were  ceded  to  the  mis- 
sionaries ; the  dwelling  was  retained  by  the  governor,  who, 
like  the  comisionados  at  the  other  missions,  controlled  all  the 
temporalities.  Fathers  Serra  and  Parron  were  obliged  to 
board  with  the  governor,  who  paid  the  expenses  from  the 
income  of  the  mission  and  from  what  the  comisionados  sent 
him  from  the  other  missions.  In  this  manner  the  Fathers  had 
to  subsist  at  all  the  missions. 

The  military  comisionado  provided  the  meals  and  reim- 
bursed himself  out  of  the  mission  property  which  he  managed 
and  of  which  he  disposed  as  he  liked  to  the  wonder  of  the 
natives,  who  had  been  in  the  habit  of  looking  to  their  priest 
as  to  their  father.  The  missionary  had  not  only  given  them 
religious  instruction,  but  he  had  also  kindly  provided  for  their 
corporal  necessities,  and  had  made  them  presents  of  every 
variety  for  their  extra  services.  The  Franciscans,  however, 
could  offer  nothing,  either  to  attract  or  to  reward  the  Indians. 
It  was  a most  unworthy  and  humiliating  state  of  things  which 
the  natives  were  not  slow  to  perceive,  and  which  naturally 
provoked  contempt  instead  of  respect  for  their  spiritual  guides. 
During  the  Jesuit  rule  the  Indians  saw  that  religion  was  su- 
preme and  its  representative  was  independent ; now  they  found 
religion  treated  as  a secondary  matter,  and  the  missionary  him- 
self subject  to  the  whims  of  men  who  cared  nothing  for  the 
welfare  of  the  neophytes.  It  is  not  strange  that  under  such 
circumstances  the  Indians  lost  their  exalted  ideas  about  a 
religion  whose  teachers  could  be  dealt  with  so  unworthily.  * 

“The  evils  of  such  a system,”  even  Bancroft  is  constrained 


* Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  v,  21-24. 


Galvez  on  the  Peninsula 


•307 


to  admit,  “had  been  clearly  foreseen.  The  comisionados  could 
not  be  expected  to  take  a very  deep  interest  in  the  welfare 
of  the  country,  the  prosperity  of  the  missions,  or  the  comfort 
of  the  natives.  They  lacked  skill,  interest,  and  conscience  for 
an  economical  administration  of  the  temporalities.  The  pa- 
dres could  no  longer  attract  the  pagans  by  gifts  of  food  and 
clothing;  and  their  loss  of  power  caused  the  neophytes  to 
have  less  respect  for  them  than  for  the  Jesuits.  The  result 
justified  the  president’s  (Serra’s)  remonstrances.^  The  mis- 
sions declined  under  the  new  regime,  and  it  soon  became  clear 
that,  unless  the  spiritual  authority  and  the  temporal  were  re- 
united, a few  years  would  suffice  to  undo  all  that  the  Jesuits 
had  accomplished’’ ; ® for  “it  has  long  since  been  demonstrated 
impossible  to  reach  the  heart  of  the  savage  through  abstract 
ideas  of  morality  and  elevation  of  character.  A religion,  in 
order  to  find  favor  in  his  eyes,  must  first  meet  some  of  his 
material  requirements.  If  it  is  good,  it  will  clothe  him  better 
and  feed  him  better;  for  this  to  him  is  the  chief  good  in  life.” 
The  Franciscans  submitted  to  the  disagreeable  conditions, 
but  anxiously  awaited  the  coming  of  the  inspector-general,  ® 
Don  Jose  de  Galvez,  whom  King  Carlos  III.  in  1765  had 
sent  to  New  Spain  with  almost  absolute  powers.  Independ- 
ent of  the  viceroy  in  many  respects,  only  nominally  subordinate 
in  others,  he  was  to  all  intents  the  highest  authority  in  New 
Spain.  ® In  addition,  Galvez  was  remarkable  for  his  business 
ability,  untiring  energy,  and  disregard  of  all  routine  formalities 
that  stood  in  his  way. 


5 From  what  Palou  relates  (see  note  29,  preceding  chapter)  it 
seems  improbable  that  Serra  remonstrated  concerning  the  tempo- 
ralities. Galvez  himself  quickly  saw  the  necessity  of  placing  the 
property  of  the  missions  in  charge  of  the  missionaries. 

® Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  485. 

7 Bancroft,  “Native  Races,”  vol  i,  33. 

8 “Visitador-General”  is  the  title  in  Spanish. 

8 “El  Exmo  Senor,  Marques  de  Croix,  virrey  de  Nueva  Espana,  me 
ha  transferido  todas  sus  superiores  facultades,”  Galvez  writes  to 
Fr.  Lasuen  from  La  Paz,  Nov.  23,  1768. 

10  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  vi,  24;  “Vida,”  cap.  xiii,  57;  Ban- 
croft, “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  114-115. 


3o8  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


In  order  to  ascertain  the  situation  on  the  peninsula,  the 
inspector-general  with  his  family  embarked  at  San  Bias  on 
May  24th,  1768.  Contrary  winds  kept  the  ship  at  sea  until 
the  6th  of  July,  when  it  was  driven  to  Cerralvo  Island.  From 
there  he  proceeded  to  Santa  Ana,  where  his  family  was 
lodged  with  the  wealthy  mine-owner,  Manuel  Oslo.  On  July 
12th  he  sent  orders  to  every  mission  requesting  each  mis- 
sionary and  each  comisionado  to  forward  a true  report  of 
the  conditions  at  each  establishment,  and  of  the  number  of 
Indians  belonging  to  each  mission.  Meanwhile  Galvez  him- 
self visited  the  missions  about  Cape  San  Lucas.  When  he 
found  that  Mission  San  Jose  del  Cabo  had  no  church,  he 
ordered  the  royal  commissariat  of  Santa  Ana  to  furnish  $800 
for  the  erection  of  a church  building;  but  as  no  master- 
mechanic  could  be  obtained,  the  work  was  postponed  by  the 
missionary  until  suitable  laborers  could  be  procured. 

While  on  his  tour  of  inspection  in  the  south,  Galvez  saw 
with  indignation  that  the  mission  property  was  hastening  to 
destruction  through  the  extravagance,  dishonesty,  mismanage- 
ment and  want  of  interest  of  the  comisionados.  He  likewise 
observed  that  in  consequence  the  spiritual  and  moral  affairs 
of  the  missions  were  also  suffering;  that  the  Indians  showed 
obedience  only  to  those  that  gave  them  anything;  that  only 
gifts  and  threats  could  move  them  to  attend  prayers,  instruc- 
tions, and  divine  worship ; and  that  the  missionaries,  not  hav- 
ing control  of  any  property  whatsoever,  could  not  advance 
the  spiritual  interests  of  their  neophytes.  The  remedy  de- 
manded was  radical,  and  Galvez  promptly  applied  it.  On 
August  12th  he  commanded  all  the  comisionados  to  turn  over 
' the  temporalities  of  the  missions  to  the  missionaries ; to  draw 
up  an  account  of  their  whole  administration,  and  to  hand  it 
to  the  respective  missionary  for  correction  and  for  transmis- 
sion to  the  inspector-general  at  Santa  Ana.  This  order  was 
executed  everywhere  except  at  Loreto,  so  that  the  Francis- 
cans had  absolute  control  of  their  missions  like  their  Jesuit 
predecessors.  The  Fathers,  as  far  as  possible,  tried  to  exon- 


Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  vi,  24-25. 


Galvez  on  the  Peninsula 


309 


erate  or  excuse  the  soldiers  who  had  so  poorly  managed  the 
property;  but  the  reports  of  some  comisionados  disclosed  such 
disregard  for  duty  that  severe  punishment  appeared  certain. 
At  the  intercession  of  the  missionaries  the  indignant  inspector- 
general  contented  himself  with  simply  discharging  some  of 
the  culprits,  and  sending  the  others  along  with  the  expedition 
which  was  preparing  to  set  out  for  Monterey. 

In  a letter  to  Fr.  Palou,  however,  Galvez  gave  vent  to 
his  feelings  in  no  uncertain  terms.  “I  have  returned  safely 
from  a pilgrimage  to  Cape  San  Lucas,”  he  writes,  “and  have 
discovered  some  important  things,  and  therefore  my  decrees 
for  the  missions  of  your  part  of  the  peninsula,  that  the  tem- 
poralities be  delivered  to  Your  Reverences,  leave  to-day,  and 
so  the  missions  will  escape  from  the  oppressive  rule  of  the 
presidio  soldiers,  some  of  whom  deserve  to  go  to  another 
(place)  nearer  than  Loreto.  Your  Reverence  should  rid 
yourself  in  this  particular  of  the  rascal  whom  you  have  in 
your  mission,  and  do  not  for  his  sake  keep  secret  anything 
which  he  may  have  concealed.  Promise  him  my  justice  if 
it  should  be  necessary  to  make  him  acknowledge  what  he 
may  have  removed ; only  by  this  means  will  he  be  able  to  dis- 
arm my  severity;  though  no  blood  may  flow,  I shall  know 
how  to  give  him  what  he  deserves.” 

“In  another  letter,”  says  Palou,  “which  the  inspector 
wrote  to  me  after  receiving  the  accounts  of  the  soldier  comi- 
sionados he  expressed  himself  in  this  manner:  ‘I  am  very 

sorry  to  see  the  damage  which  before  my  arrival  was  done  to 
the  herds  and  goods  of  the  poor  missions  for  the  purpose  of 
destroying  some  more  of  that  which  still  exists,  and  of  giving 
me  more  to  do  than  now ; but  for  the  future  I will  effectively 
cut  out  the  damage  at  the  root.’  ” 

It  is  not  strange  that  the  inspector-general  should  display 


Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  vi,  27. 

13  "que  algunos'de  ellos  habran  hecho  merito  para  ir  a otro  mas 
cercano  que  Loreto.” 

“aunque  no  corra  sangre  le  sabre  dar  su  merecido." 

15  Palou,  "Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  vi,  28. 

1®  “pcro  yo  cortarc  bien  cl  dano  en  la  raiz,  para  lo  venidero.” 


310  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


so  much  indignation,  for  the  soldier^agents  or  comisionados 
in  their  enforced  reports  confessed  the  number  of  cattle  which 
they  had  slaughtered  within  little  more  than  six  months  dur- 
ing which  period  they  had  controlled  the  missions.  Thus  one 
soldier  acknowledged  that  he  had  killed  six  hundred  head  of 
cattle ; another,  four  hundred ; a third,  three  hundred.  The 
mere  reading  of  these  reports  caused  amazement.  “Equally 
ruinous,”  says  Palou,  “were  the  receipts  and  expenditures,  so 
that,  as  things  went,  it  was  to  be  feared  that  within  a year 
the  missions  would  have  possessed  nothing.” 

“Though  all  the  Fathers  clearly  saw,”  Palou  writes,  “that 
through  the  mismanagement  of  the  soldiers  the  missions  were 
going  to  destruction,  as  far  as  the  temporalities  were  con- 
cerned, and  that  in  spiritual  matters  they  could  not  be  advanced 
in  any  way,  because  the  Indians  were  not  at  their  disposal,  but 
at  that  of  the  soldiers  who  controlled  the  missions,  they  were 
far  from  soliciting  the  management  of  the  temporalities. 
On  the  contrary,  they  plainly  gave  Don  Galvez  to  understand 
how  they  felt  about  it ; for  when  the  inspector-general  in  per- 
son handed  his  decree  to  Fr.  Juan  Moran  of  Mission  San  Jose 
del  Cabo,  the  latter  excused  himself  and  declared  that  he  had 

17  “de  manera,  que  cause  horror  al  leer  lo  que  ellos  mismos  con- 
fesaban.” 

18  “de  los  frutos  y saldos  fue  igualmente  el  destrozo,  de  manera, 
que  segun  iba,  dentro  de  un  ano  se  podia  temqr  se  quedasen  las 
misiones  sin  nada,  y del  todo  perdidas  y sin  fuerza  para  poder 
levantar  cabeza.”  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  vi,  28. 

19  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  vi,  28-29. 

20  Yet,  with  Palou’s  honest  statement  before  him,  Hittell,  “His- 
tory of  California,”  vol.  i,  296-297,  asserts  “that  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  they  (Franciscans)  willingly  entered  into  the  general 
plans  which  involved  their  (Jesuits)  destruction.  Long  before  any 
public  intimation  had  been  given,  and  before  the  Jesuits  themselves 
had  any  idea  of  the  impending  expulsion,  the  Franciscans  had  taken 
measures  to  fill  their  places  and  administer  their  estates.”  For  this 
absurd  and  malevolent  charge  Hittell  offers  not  the  slightest  evi- 
dence. The  viceroy  entrusted  the  missions  to  the  Franciscans,  and 
it  was  understood  that  they  should  have  the  same  complete  control 
which  the  Jesuits  possessed.  Further  than  that,  either  as  indi- 
viduals or  as  a community,  they  cared  nothing  for  the  temporalities. 
See  for  their  mode  of  life  Appendix  F. 


Galvez  on  the  Peninsula 


311 

not  come  for  such  a purpose;  and  that  if  he  had  known  of  it 
in  Mexico,  he  would  not  have  left  the  College;  but  to  show 
the  inspector-general  that  it  was  very  expedient  to  control  the 
temporal  affairs  in  order  to  promote  the  spiritual,  and  that, 
even  though  a religious,  he  was  a subject  of  the  king,  he 
declared  himself  obliged  to  do  this  service  to  His  Majesty, 
inasmuch  as  it  redounded  to  the  spiritual  welfare  of  souls. 
No  less 'repugnance  did  Galvez  find  with  the  missionary  of 
Mission  Santiago  de  los  Coras ; for  he  saw  the  mission  in 
such  a very  deplorable  state,  that  it  was  necessary  to  urge  him 
to  accept  the  charge,  the  inspector  promising  him  every  assist- 
ance to  restore  it,  and  so  he  did.  The  same  difficulty  occurred 
at  nearly  all  the  missions ; but  they  had  to  yield,  though 
they  found  no  other  consolation  in  their  new  charge  than  that 
by  means  of  it  they  could  advance  the  missions  in  spiritual 
matters,  which  is  the  principal  object  of  our  Institute.  In 
a short  time  they  began  to  notice  and  experience  in  the  In- 
dians more  obedience,  submissiveness,  and  punctual  attend- 
ance at  the  Doctrina,  the  prayers,  and  divine  worship  in  the 
church.” 

From  the  reports  of  the  missionaries  and  of  the  temporary 
administrators  concerning  the  number  of  Indian  families,  the 
land  capable  of  cultivation,  and  the  property  belonging  to  each 
mission,  and  from  personal  observations  in  the  south,  Don 
Galvez  clearly  saw  that  some  of  the  missionary  establish- 
ments would  never  be  able  to  maintain  all  the  Indians  on 
their  lists ; and  that  in  the  future  as  in  the  past  their  neophytes 
would  have  to  rove  about  the  mountains  and  subsist  upon 
whatever  could  be  gathered.  On  the  other  hand,  there  were 
some  missions  which  possessed  an  abundance  of  land  and 
water  which  could  support  many  more  natives  than  they  re- 
ported, if  the  Indians  would  only  submit  to  live  in  a civilized 
manner. 

The  inspector-general  determined  to  equalize  things  by  re- 


21  Bancroft  would  not  go  as  far  as  Hittell,  but  in  his  “History  of 
Texas,”  vol.  i,  486,  he  claims  that  the  friars  “only  feigned  reluctance 
for  effect.”  There  must  be  better  evidence  than  his  “ipse  dixit” 
to  make  the  thoughtful  reader  believe  as  much. 


312  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


moving  the  surplus  population  of  the  less  favored  missions 
to  those  with  fewer  Indians  but  with  more  arable  lands.  A 
few  seemed  incapable  of  improvement,  and  these  he  resolved 
to  suppress.  Accordingly  the  missions  of  Dolores  and  San 
Luis  Gonzaga  in  the  south  were  abandoned,  and  their  eight 
hundred  people,  accompanied  by  their  missionaries,  made  their 
homes  at  Todos  Santos,  where  good  land  and  water  abounded. 
Its  own  few  Indians  were  sent  to  Mission  Santiago,  where 
Galvez  intended  to  organize  the  natives  into  a pueblo.  To 
San  Jose  del  Cabo  he  added  forty-four  neophytes  from  San 
Francisco  Xavier.  In  September,  1768,  the  decrees  were  ex- 
ecuted at  San  Luis  Gonzaga  by  the  Ayudante  Mayor  Juan 
Gutierrez,  and  at  Dolores  or  La  Pasion  by  Jose  Garaza,  lieu- 
tenant of  the  dragoons,  each  having  a number  of  soldiers  to 
aid  him.  The  missionaries  received  orders  to  turn  over  to 
these  men  all  the  vestments  and  other  articles,  which  were 
then  transported  to  Santa  Ana. 

Lest  through  the  extinction  of  the  two  missions  the  terri- 
tory between  San  Xavier  and  Todos  Santos,  a distance  of 
about  one  hundred  leagues,  be  depopulated,  the  inspector  estab- 
lished a ranch  at  San  Luis  Gonzaga,  forty  leagnes  from  San 
Xavier,  to  serve  as  an  inn  for  travelers.  A soldier,  Felipe 
Romero,  and  his  family,  were  given  possession  of  the  land. 
The  missionary  of  San  Xavier  was  directed  to  attend  to  the 
spiritual  wants  of  the  little  colony.  In  case  that  two  Fathers 
were  stationed  at  the  mission,  one  of  them  was  to  celebrate 
holy  Mass  at  San  Luis  once  a month,  for  which  reason  suffi- 
cient vestments,  etc.,  remained  there. 

From  the  reports  of  the  Fathers  and  of  the  comisionados 
Galvez  learned  that  a similar  state  of  things  existed  in  some 
missions  of  the  north.  He,  therefore,  removed  the  surplus 
population,  which  could  not  be  supported  at  the  missions  of 
Guadalupe  and  Santa  Gertrudis,  to  the  less  populous  missions 
of  San  Jose  de  Comundu  and  Purisima  Concepcion,  which 
possessed  more  land  with  abundant  water  than  they  needed. 
The  intention  w'as  to  induce  the  natives  everywhere  to  live 

22  Clavijero,  lib.  iv,  page  109,  gives  only  ninety. 

23  Indian  settlement  placed  in  charge  of  a secular  priest. 


Galvez  on  the  Peninsula 


313 


together  in  community,  rather  than  be  scattered  about,  so  that 
they  could  be  systematically  instructed  and  habituated  to  a 
civilized  manner  of  living. 


Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  vii,  30-33. 


CHAPTER  III. 


Galvez  Forbids  Gambling. — Fr.  Lasuen’s  Reply. — Galvez’s  Letter  to 
Lasuen. — Galvez  Orders  Removal  of  Indians  to  Distant  Mis- 
sions.— Fr.  Lasuen  Remonstrates. — Galvez  Approves  Lasuen’s 
Measures. — Galvez’s  Unfriendliness  to  the  Jesuits. — Plans  for 
the  Improvement  of  the  Indians. — His  Proclamation. — His  In- 
dignation.— Blames  the  Jesuits  Unjustly. — His  Reply  to  La- 
suen’s Complaint. 

Don  GALVEZ  showed  himself  much  dissatisfied  not  only 
with  the  condition  in  which  he  found  the  Indians  and  their 
missions,  but  also  with  the  conduct  of  the  few  white  people  on 
the  peninsula.  This  and  his  attempt  to  remove  the  natives 
from  their  northern  homes,  as  he  had  done  in  the  south, 
brought  out  an  interesting  correspondence  between  the  in- 
spector-general and  Fr.  Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen,  the 
missionary  of  San  Francisco  de  Borja.  As  it  throws  much 
light  on  the  prevailing  state  of  things,  it  is  reproduced  here. 
In  a letter  written  at  Santa  Ana  on  September  14th,  1768,  and 
addressed  to  Fr.  Lasuen,  Don  Galvez  in  one  particular  gives 
expression  to  his  disgust  as  follows : “Constrained  by  the 

frequent  and  positive  reports,  which  have  aroused  my  anger, 
that  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  peninsula  have  become  addicted 
to  the  vice  of  gambling,  not  excepting  the  unhappy  Indians  of 
some  missions,  which  among  them  dissipates  and  destroys 
what  little  they  succeed  in  acquiring  through  hard  labor  by 
disregarding  the  most  commendable  occupations  and  urgent 
necessities,  I have  found  it  necessary  to  publish  the  subjoined 
edict  in  this  town  and  its  neighborhood,  and  to  command  that 
the  same  be  done  at  the  capital  of  Loreto,  in  order  that  the 
inhabitants  become  aware  of  the  resolution,  which  I have 
made,  not  to  tolerate  nor  to  dissimulate  the  smallest  neglect 
of  its  observance.  Desirous  also  that  the  Indians  of  all  the 
missions  should  know  it,  I direct  Your  Reverence  to  make 
those  living  under  your  care  understand  this  regulation  by 
having  it  affixed  in  the  most  public  place,  and  warning  them 
of  the  displeasure  I shall  feel  if  they  cease  to  obey  and  ob- 
serve it,  and  force  me  to  make  an  e.xample  which  will  serve 


Galvez’s  Unjust  Criticism 


315 


as  a warning.  I hope  from  the  zeal  and  piety  of  Your  Rev- 
erence that  you  will  devote  yourself  to  abolish  diversions  so 
harmful,  and  to  explain  the  advantage  which  accrues  to  those 
that  avoid  them.”  ^ 

In  his  reply  ^ Fr.  Lasuen  states  that  he  has  complied  with 
the  inspector’s  directions,  but  that  the  vice  of  card-playing  did 
not  exist  among  the  Indians  of  San  Francisco  de  Borja,  nor 
the  vice  of  smoking  tobacco ; that  only  one  neophyte  and  one 
pagan  Indian  had  in  vain  applied  for  tobacco ; that  more 
were  inclined  to  use  tobacco  in  the  form  of  snuff,  perhaps 
because  the  Jesuits  had  humored  them  in  this.  In  fact,  some 
only  asked  for  it  in  the  hope  of  receiving  some  clothing  or 
something  else.  “What  is  called  wild  tobacco  ^ here  is  a 
kind  of  herb  or  plant  that  grows  wild  almost  everywhere, 
wherefore  they  neither  plant  it,  nor  purchase  it,  nor  sell  it, 
nor  barter  it.  They  use  it  most  inordinately  in  their  savage 
state,  as  I am  informed,  especially  when  they  want  to  attack 
a rancheria  or  wage  war  against  a hostile  rancheria.  For 
that  reason,  and  because  they  know  it  injures  them  even  when 
used  moderately,  they  have  a horror  for  it  as  soon  as  they 
become  Christians.” 

Galvez  had  proposed  that  tobacco  be  distributed  to  the 
Indians  from  the  royal  warehouse  at  Loreto  at  the  expense 
of  the  common  fund  of  each  mission.  In  the  same  letter, 
Lasuen,  however,  remarks  that,  though  he  had  no  objection 
to  giving  snuff  to  the  Indians  to  gain  their  good  will,  or  when 
they  asked  for  it,  it  should  not  be  at  the  expense  of  the 
common  mission  fund,  “because.  Most  Illustrious  and  Pious 
Sir,”  he  writes,  “my  children  are  most  numerous,  and  hungry, 
and  naked;  and,  therefore,  I consider  that  it  will  be  more 
agreeable  to  both  Majesties  * and  to  you.  Illustrious  Sir,  that 


1 Galvez  to  Lasuen,  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 

2 Lasuen  to  Galvez,  October  22,  1768,  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,” 
ad  annum.  The  archives  at  Santa  Barbara  are  not  indexed.  Refer- 
ence can  be  made  to  date  only. 

3 “Tabaco  silvestre.” 

^ “Ambas  Majestades,”  i.  e.  God  and  the  king,  a frequent  ex- 
pression in  the  official  reports  of  the  missionaries. 


3i6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

the  greater  necessity  be  preferred  to  that  which  is  smaller,  or 
which  properly  is  none  at  all.”  Fr.  Lasuen  goes  on  to  say 
that  he  had  promised  the  Indians  that  the  inspector-general 
would  relieve  their  necessities ; that  the  people  of  his  mission 
and  of  Mission  Santa  Maria,  farther  north,  were  in  a sad 
condition  for  want  of  food  and  clothing;  that  the  last  crop 
of  corn  had  amounted  to  only  fifty  fanegas ; that  during  the 
five  months  in  which  he  had  charge  his  mission  had  not 
received  a grain  of  aid  from  anywhere;  and  that  he  hoped 
that  the  inspector  would  forward  the  much  needed  provisions. 

The  result  of  Fr.  Lasuen’s  letter  were  the  extraordinary 
measures  mentioned  in  a letter  of  Galvez  to  Lasuen  dated 
La  Paz,  November  17th,  1768.  ^ “In  view  of  the  report 


which  you  made  to  me,”  says  Galvez,  “of  the  number  of  In- 
dians in  your  mission,  and  of  the  entire  lack  of  means  to 
maintain  and  sustain  them  so  that  they  need  not  continue 
their  mountain  life  as  in  their  pagan  state,  and  of  the  par- 
ticular and  general  information  received  about  the  conditions 
and  circumstances  of  all  the  missions  of  the  north,  and  by 
procuring  with  the  vigilance  which  since  my  arrival  on  this 
peninsula  I have  applied  to  what  could  be  of  benefit  to  it  and 
its  unhappy  natives,  I have  decided  after  mature  reflection 
that  the  most  expedient  means  to  relieve  those  whom  Your 
Reverence  has  in  charge,  and  to  advance  this  southern  part 


6 “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 


Galvez’s  Unjust  Criticism 


317 


of  the  province,  will  be  the  removal  of  a portion,  or  of  some 
rancherias  of  them,  to  the  territory  of  Mission  San  Jose  del 
Cabo.  ® In  this  manner  a part  of  the  burden  which  you  can- 
not sustain  will  be  taken  away;  San  Jose  will  be  augmented 
by  a number  of  inhabitants  and  laborers  of  whom  it  is  now 
extremely  short ; this  southern  part  will  suffer  less  want  of 
provisions  and  food  by  reason  of  the  larger  harvests  which  it 
will  be  able  to  reap  in  the  fertile  and  pleasant  fields  where 
those  poor  Indians  will  employ  themselves ; and  they  will  ob- 
tain compensation  for  their  labor  in  the  improvement  of  their 
portion  of  the  lands  which  I shall  grant  them  as  their  own 
property,  besides  being  assured  of  abundant  food  in  the  mis- 
sions by  living  there  in  decency  and  culture. 

“I  have  communicated  this  plan  to  the  Rev.  Fr.  Presidente, 
and  he  not  only  recognized  the  expediency  and  utility  of  it, 
but  thought  its  execution  necessary  and  indispensable ; ® hence 
I now  begin  to  take  the  steps  that  seem  to  me  opportune  for 
its  execution,  and  I give  orders  this  very  day  to  the  captains 
of  the  launches  San  Ignacio  and  San  Borja  to  sail  for  Bay 
San  Luis  and  on  their  return  to  take  on  board  the  families 
which  Your  Reverence  delivers  to  them  for  the  purpose  of 
transporting  them  to  this  port ; and  I earnestly  recommend 
that  you,  with  your  accustomed  zeal,  which  is  necessary,  take 
upon  yourself  the  trouble  of  selecting  and  equipping  the  In- 
dians whom  I destine  for  removal,  and  bear  in  mind  that  it 
is  not  expedient  that  unmarried  men  come,  ® and  place  before 
them  the  advantages  which  they  obtain  from  the  favor  which 
is  proposed  to  them  so  that  they  embrace  it  with  pleasure ; 
for  if  they  comprehend  them,  I believe  no  one  will  have 

®A  distance  of  more  than  two  hundred  leagues!  This  shows 
that  Galvez  knew  not  the  character  of  the  Indian,  who  clings  to  his 
native  district  more  tenaciously  than  the  white  man. 

7 Galvez  meant  well,  but  he  did  not  consider  the  indolent,  unam- 
bitious nature  of  the  Indians,  and  therefore  his  plan  was  Utopian 
and  premature. 

8 It  is  remarkable  that  the  experienced  Fr.  Serra  should  have 
thought  the  plan  feasible;  but  Galvez’s  assertion  is  corroborated 
by  Serra’s  own  statement,  which  see  on  page  353. 

9 There  was  already  a scarcity  of  women  in  the  south. 


3i8  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


repugnance  to  remove  from  misery  and  starvation  and  to 
abandon  his  ungrateful  soil. 

“I  have  instructed  the  ship-masters  to  take  into  the  barks 
all  the  families  that  they  can  without  crowding  them,  and  I 
doubt  not  that  Your  Reverence  will  furnish  the  provisions 
which  the  Indians  may  need  for  their  maintenance  during  their 
voyage,  which  under  the  actual  circumstances  may  be  very 
short,  and  that  you  may  leave  nothing  undone  that  may  be 
conducive  to  the  success  of  this  important  plan.” 

Fr.  Lasuen,  however,  who  had  not  labored  in  vain  among 
the  Indians  of  Mexico  before  coming  to  California,  was  not 
awed  into  executing  the  unwise  order  of  even  the  mighty 
Galvez  without  showing  the  impossibility  of  its  execution, 
although  it  was  said  to  have  received  his  superior’s  approba- 
tion. In  a letter  of  December  20th,  1768,^®  he  writes: 
“Though  I know  the  arrangement  is  very  just  and  necessary, 
I consider  it  at  this  time  exposed  to  many  difficulties  and 
more  or  less  impossible  of  execution.  Apart  from  the  fact 
that  this  mission  has  no  power  over  the  Indians  who  might 
embark  in  the  two  launches,  I have  not  the  food  to  give 
even  to  the  few  at  the  mission,  and  I have  not  the  clothing 
to  give  them  with  which  they  might  protect  themselves  some- 
what against  the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  which  is  at  pres- 
ent extremely  cold. 

“These  Indians,  Illustrious  Sir,  are  still  untamed  and  new 
in  Christianity,  and  therefore  it  is  very  difficult  to  make  them 
comprehend  the  great  utility  which  would  come  to  them  from 
the  change  and  the  favorable  advantages  which  you  offer 
them.  They  should  first  witness  these  advantages  in  others. 
Let  the  results  of  your  pious  and  liberal  regulations  be  ex- 
perienced in  some  community  which  is  provided  with  food 
and  clothing,  even  though  for  only  a short  time ; then  it  will 
be  easy  to  persuade  them  and  even  to  convince  them  that, 
as  they  cannot  maintain  themselves  in  that  way  by  reason  of 
the  barrenness  and  unfruitfulness  of  their  soil,  it  will  be 
necessary  to  move  to  where  during  their  whole  life  they  have 


10  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 


Galvez’s  Unjust  Criticism 


319 


the  pleasure  of  such  valuable  and  attractive  conveniences.  In 
this  way  I think  your  most  important,  ingenious,  wise,  and 
prudent  idea  will  have  the  desired  effect.  On  the  other  hand, 
I am  certain  that  merely  proposing  it,  and  much  more  at- 
tempting it,  would  seriously  disquiet  the  neophytes  and  es- 
trange the  pagans  entirely,  and  moreover  might  result  in 
making  the  project  impossible,  or  at  least  much  more  diffi- 
cult. I have  practical  proofs  of  this  which  I could  explain 
to  you,  but  omit  lest  I pass  from  the  tedious  to  the  fastid- 
ious . . .” 

When,  therefore,  the  launch  San  Borja  arrived  to  carry 
out  the  will  of  the  inspector-general,  Fr.  Lasuen  by  letter 
of  January  15th,  1769,  informed  the  captain  that  he  had 
suspended  the  transportation  of  the  Indians  until  further  or- 
ders from  Don  Galvez.  The  latter,  on  receiving  Fr.  Lasuen’s 
remonstrance,  replied  from  Cape  San  Lucas  on  February  20th, 
1769,^“  “From  the  letter  of  Your  Reverence  of  the  29th  of 
December  I see  the  difficulties,  which  your  prudence  points 
out,  of  putting  into  practise,  for  the  time  being,  my  plan  of 
transporting  to  this  southern  region  some  of  the  rancherias 
which  are  attached  to  your  mission,  and  I approve  that  you 
have  in  consequence  suspended  the  sending  of  some  families, 
as  I proposed,  in  the  boats  which  had  to  return  from  Bay 
San  Luis.’^ 

Despite  his  piety  and  sincerity,  Galvez  had  not  escaped  the 
contagion  of  prejudice  prevailing  in  the  government  circles 
against  the  Jesuits.  To  this,  and  not  to  facts,  since  none  is 
advanced,  must  be  attributed  the  strictures  applied  by  the 
inspector-general  to  the  management  of  the  former  mission- 
aries of  California.  These  criticisms  are  found  in  a letter  to 
hr.  Lasuen  and  in  a bando  or  proclamation,  both  dated  at 
Tie  Port  of  La  Paz  on  November  23d,  1768,  after  he  had 
received  full  reports  from  all  over  the  peninsula,  and  after 
he  had  in  person  visited  the  southern  establishments.  Owing 


11  “Santa  Barbara  Archives.’’ 

12  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,’’  ad  annum. 
12  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,’’  ad  annum. 


320  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


tc  the  important  subjects  with  which  they  deal,  and  because 
Bancroft  alludes  to  them,  the  two  documents  follow  here  entire. 

“It  is  not  a little  painful  and  repugnant  to  me,”  Galvez 
writes  to  Fr.  Lasuen,  “to  relate  the  defects  of  those  who  by 
their  state  and  ministry  might  have  left  us  the  agreeable  oc- 
cupation of  praising  their  public  acts;  but  apart  from  the 
character  and  duties  which  constrain  me  to  tell  the  truth 
without  dissimulation,  and  to  undeceive  those  that,  moved  by 
their  blind  passion,  bewail  as  a damage  to  these  missions 
the  most  just’-^  regulations  of  our  most  august  sovereign, 
which  in  time  averted  their  ultimate  ruin,  it  is  never  easy,  or 
scarcely  sure  of  success  at  least,  to  apply  the  remedies  with- 
out exposing  the  evils  in  all  their  gravity.  Nevertheless,  in 
the  accompanying  proclamation  I have  omitted  many  more 
damages  which  the  religious  of  the  Society  have  caused  on 
this  unfortunate  peninsula  (and  some  of  which  Your  Rever- 
ence yourself  will  have  noticed),  because  they  would  not  be 
heard  without  scandal  and  would  greatly  aggravate  the  con- 
duct of  their  authors. 

“Knowing,  then,  the  damages  which  grieve  our  eyes  and 
pierce  our  hearts.  Your  Reverences  and  I together  must  spare 
no  fatigue,  labor,  nor  watchfulness  which  lead  to  the  worthy 
compliance  with  the  respective  obligations  which  the  two 

The  unbiased  historian  will  hardly  subscribe  to  this  assertion. 
The  decree  of  expulsion  was  anything  but  just,  either  in  itself  or 
in  its  execution.  Blind  passion  rather  governed  the  king  and  his 
infidel  ministers.  Had  they  found  anything  criminal  against  their 
victims,  they  would  not  have  concealed  it. 

l5“Estragos”  is  the  term  Galvez  uses. 

16  No  specific  charges  are  made.  The  Franciscans  never  spoke 
of  the  Jesuits  except  in  terms  of  respect,  so  that  it  is  impossible 
even  to  guess  what  Galvez  means,  unless  he  attributes  the  condi- 
tion of  the  peninsula,  after  it  had  been  in  absolute  control  of  sol- 
dier comisionados,  to  the  former  missionaries,  which  would  be 
unjust.  He  may  have  listened  to  some  discontented  Indians  who 
shrewdly  told  him  what  he  wanted  to  hear.  The  author  has  dis- 
covered absolutely  nothing  incriminating  the  Jesuits;  nor  did  the 
unfriendly  eyes  of  Bancroft’s  scribes  find  anything,  or  he  would 
certainly  have  published  it. 


Galvez’s  Unjust  Criticism 


321 


Kings  of  heaven  and  earth  have  placed  upon  us,  and  put 
into  practise  whatever  measures  may  be  opportune  to  improve 
the  unhappy  condition  of  these  poor  people  who  have  been 
treated  with  so  much  disregard,  and  who  have  improved 
themselves  so  little  that  they  scarcely  appear  to  be  rational 
beings  of  the  secondary  species. 

“Unless  they  are  made  to  live  together  in  organized  towns, 
these  natives  can  never  be  civilized,  nor  will  Your  Reverence 
firmly  trust  that  the  Christian  Religion  may  take  root  in  their 
hearts  whose  purity  is  much  imperiled  in  the  roving  crea- 
tures who  wander  through  the  mountains  after  the  manner 
of  wild  beasts  seeking  pastures  and  following  their  unbridled 
liberty.  . Hence  it  is  indispensable  to  place  the  Indians,  who 
are  under  instruction,  in  real  settlements,  be  it  at  the  princi- 
pal station  of  the  mission,  or  be  it  in  determined  spots  of 
its  district,  where  they  can  be  visited,  instructed,  and  held  in 
proper  order. 

“The  total  nakedness  in  which  men  and  women  have  lived 
did  not,  either  in  the  former  or  in  the  latter,  permit  that  mod- 
esty to  arise  which  is  the  first  motor  of  all  the  actions  and 
virtues  in  rational  beings  who  know  it  and  have  it.  For  this 
reason  it  is  also  necessary  that  all  the  natives  of  both  sexes 
be  clothed,  however  poorly,  as  they  themselves  wish,  in  order 
that,  having  been  accustomed  to  cover  their  bodies,  natural 
shame  and  modesty  appear  in  them,  and  the  desire  awaken 
in  them  to  acquire  something  with  which  to  relieve  their 
necessities  of  this  class. 


It  “Los  dos  Reyes  de  Cielo  y Tierra.”  A singular  juxtaposition. 
The  missionaries  frequently  use  the  term  “ambas  Majestades.” 
Both  expressions  appear  irreverent  in  English.  They  show  with 
what  awe  the  Spaniards  looked  upon  royalty,  and  why  the  Fathers 
were  so  submissive  to  royal  orders,  even  such  as  the  decree  of 
expulsion. 

18  That  is  to  say  the  purity  of  religion. 

19  This  was  the  only  practicable  remedy  proposed  by  the  Fran- 
ciscans for  Texas  long  before,  and  insisted  upon  in  Upper  Califor- 
nia; but  for  such  a purpose  it  was  not  necessary  to  transplant  the 
Indians  far  away  from  the  neighborhood  of  their  nativity  against 
their  will,  as  Galvez  proposed. 


322  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


“Likewise  we  shall  agree  to  be  more  urgent,  as  it  is  of 
prime  necessity,  to  provide  the  missions  with  everything  neces- 
sary, in  order  that  they  may  be  able  to  gather  the  vagrant 
rancherias  and  reduce  them  to  fixed  domiciles.  This  regula- 
tion would  be  impossible,  if  my  decrees  had  not  been  antici- 
pated in  various  parts  in  order  to  overcome  a difficulty  which 
might  have  left  the  whole  work  without  result.  I have  al- 
ready on  this  coast  the  two  packet-boats,  San  Carlos  and  San 
Antonio,  which  are  destined  for  the  expedition  to  Monterey 
and  carry  abundant  provisions ; a third,  named  San  Joseph,  is 
to  follow  them ; and  at  the  proper  time  I have  ordered  two 
royal  ships  to  pass  over  to  the  port  of  Ahome  to  fetch  grain 
collected  there  by  my  orders.  Hence,  through  the  favor  of 
God,  there  will  be  nothing  wanting  now  to  the  needy  mis- 
sions, neither  corn  nor  clothing  to  maintain  and  to  clothe  your 
wards ; and  as  to  the  future,  we  must  overlook  no  contin- 
gency, lest  in  the  ordinary  course  of  things  the  most  serious 
troubles  recur  when  the  natives  cannot  subsist  and  must  de- 
pend entirely  upon  outside  help.  I shall  direct  that  in  every 
mission  of  the  north  only  those  remain  who  can  be  fed,  and 
with  the  Indians  of  the  surplus  rancherias  from  the  poorer 
missions  I shall  increase  the  number  of  neophytes  in  the  mis- 
sions that  possess  fertile  lands  but  lack  the  people  to  cultivate 
them,  as  has  been  done  in  those  of  the  south. 

“Your  Reverence  sees  here  an  explanation  sufficiently  ample 
and  even  prolix  of  the  plan  contained  in  the  decree  which  I 
enclose.  It  reduces  itself  to  a few  words,  namely,  in  Califor- 
nia there  must  be  no  native  who  is  not  attached  to  a colony 
or  town,  and  who  does  not  maintain  and  clothe  himself  like  a 
rational  being.  If  the  undertaking  is  arduous,  it  is  also  too 
pious  and  just  that  we  should  not  do  our  share  for  heaven. 
Divine  and  human  laws  command  us  to  attempt  it  and  to  fol- 
low it  up  with  all  our  strength,  and  while  we  obey  them  as 
they  deserve  with  firm  will  and  honest  application,  we  must 
not  doubt  the  success  of  our  efforts. 

“In  these  missions  of  the  south  all  the  difficulties  which 
presented  themselves  were  overcome  in  a few  days,  and  my 
regulations  had  not  so  many  human  aids  (for  I had  just 


Galvez’s  Unjust  Criticism 


323 


arrived)  as  now  facilitate  them  for  us  with  the  arrival  of 
the  packet-boats.  As  soon  as  I have  despatched  them  for 
the  ports  of  San  Diego  and  Monterey,  I shall  go  up  to  Loreto 
to  execute  quickly  what  I propose.  My  decrees,  after  having 
been  well  considered,  are  generally  very  determined  and  de- 
mand an  execution  correspondingly  prompt,  and  in  the  pres- 
ent circumstance  must  of  necessity  be  rapid  and  expeditious, 
because  many  other  affairs  call  me  to  different  parts  and  little 
time  remains  to  me  for  staying  in  California. 

“Above  all.  Your  Reverence  may  know  that  very  soon  six 
Academicians  from  France  must  arrive  here,  accompanied  by 
two  cavalier  officials  of  the  Spanish  navy,  to  make  astronom- 
ical observations  on  this  peninsula,  and  it  is  probable  that 
they  will  traverse  and  examine  the  greater  part  of  it;  so  that, 
if  only  this  circumstance  stimulated  our  energy,  it  ought  to 
be  sufficient  to  animate  us  to  greater  endeavors  to  improve 
at  once  as  far  as  possible  the  state  of  the  country  and  the 
condition  of  the  natives,  because  the  honor  of  the  government, 
that  of  the  nation  as  well  as  that  of  the  Seraphic  Order,  is 
concerned,  so  that  a few  learned  strangers  may  not  find  in 
this  province  and  its  missions  the  wretched  objects  and  horrid 
deserts  which  I encountered  four  months  ago ; and  in  order 
that  they  may  not  have  reason  to  form  the  judgment  and  to 
publish  in  their  narratives  that  the  greatest  and  most  pious 
monarch  of  the  world  is  in  California  the  lord  of  deserts, 
and  that  he  has  as  subjects  Indians  who  go  about  as  vagrants 
and  live  like  untamed  brutes. 

“Finally,  Your  Reverence,  please  to  tell  me  what  you  need 
at  present  to  maintain  the  rancherias  of  your  mission  and  to 
cover  the  nakedness  of  men  and  boys  with  some  cotton  cloth 


20  The  party  of  French  and  Spanish  scientists  under  Monsieur 
Chappe  d’  Auteroche,  whose  object  was  to  observe  the  transit  of 
Venus  on  June  3d,  arrived  at  Cape  San  Lucas  on  May  19th,  1769. 
The  observations  were  successful,  and  the  result  was  published  at 
Paris  three  years  later.  Unfortunately  the  visitors  were  attacked 
by  a pestilential  fever  which  carried  off  M.  Auteroche  and  two 
other  members  of  the  commission.  Pal6u,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i„ 
cap.  xiv,  68;  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  727. 


324  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


and  trousers,  and  that  of  the  women  and  girls  with  skirts  and 
chemise ; moreover  inform  me  exactly  about  the  number  of 
families  who  are  wanting,  or  who  are  superfluous  in  your 
mission,  in  order  that  those  collected  there  might  subsist  and 
be  cared  for  in  conformity  with  the  new  plan  which  I am 
about  to  establish.” 

The  bando  or  proclamation  dated  November  23d,  1768,  and 
which  was  to  be  posted  in  some  public  place  at  every  mission 
and  pueblo,  reads  as  follows : “The  antiquity  of  the  missions 

of  this  peninsula,  the  grand  endowments  with  which  they  were 
founded  by  pious  persons,  the  copious  alms  which  other  indi- 
viduals donated  to  support  them,  the  immense  sums  expended 
from  the  royal  treasury  in  the  conquest  and  preservation  of 
the  province,  and  above  all  the  profound  respect  and  indispen- 
sable obedience  due  to  the  wise  laws  of  our  Catholic  monarch 
who  devised  the  most  just  rules  for  the  conversion  of  the 
pagan  Indians,  are  all  special  circumstances  which  promised 
the  finding  in  California  of  a people  well  instructed,  civilized, 
and  happy ; but  after  the  expulsion  of  the  religious  of  the  So- 
ciety it  has  been  seen  with  as  much  amazement  as  pain  that 
these  missions  have  made  of  it  (California)  mere  farms 
with  habitations  only  for  the  missionary  and  a few  servants, 
or  soldiers  of  the  presidio;  that  the  natives  of  both  sexes 
generally  go  naked  and  with  their  barbarous  habits  stifling 
what  is  decent  and  even  what  is  rational ; that  having  been 
withdrawn  from  the  sea-shores  by  the  missionaries  they  live 
in  the  mountains  as  vagrants  searching  for  roots,  seeds,  fruits, 
and  animals  with  which  to  sustain  themselves ; that  deprived 
in  this  way  of  the  great  help  of  fishing  and  diving,  in  which 
they  were  very  expert  while  pagans,  they  did  not  find  equiva- 
lent recompense  in  subjection  to  the  Reductions,  22  where  they 
were  made  to  work  by  turns,  without  in  many  of  them  re 
ceiving  some  food  for  their  toil ; that  for  this  reason,  looking 

21  “Granjas  6 Haciendas  de  Campo.” 

22  Reductions,  missions,  doctrinas,  conquests  are  used  promis- 
cuously. 

23  This  is  historically  untrue,  as  far  as  the  Jesuit  period  is  con- 
cerned, but  applicable  to  the  conditions  under  the  soldier  comi- 
sionados. 


Galvez’s  Unjust  Criticism 


325 


upon  the  ungrateful  and  even  tyrannical  work  with  natural 
horror,  they  hated  agriculture,  fled  from  the  mission,  and 
looked  upon  society  as  upon  the  worst  of  evils ; that  the  mis- 
sions established  in  fertile  districts,  lacked  Indians  to  cultivate 
their  fields,  whilst  the  more  sterile  ones  had  numerous  ranch- 
erias  which  under  any  system  could  never  support  them ; that 
none  of  the  natives  was  permitted  to  have  a piece  of  land  or 
anything  of  his  own,  lest  he  forget  through  this  alleviation 
the  insufferable  slavery  under  which  all  sighed,  and  lest  the 
little  industry  of  a miserable  Indian  give  the  lie  to  the  gen- 
eral impression  which  the  expelled  had  published  to  the 
world  that  California  is  very  sterile  and  almost  uninhabita- 
ble ; and  that  the  necessary  consequence  of  such  a system 
was  the  deplorable  injury  which  the  converted  Indians  have 
suffered ; for  of  the  great  number  of  those  whom  the  first 
discoverers  and  the  others,  who  later  navigated  both  seas, 
encountered  in  this  country  and  its  adjacent  pueblos  the  total 
population  finds  itself  reduced  to  seven  thousand  one  hundred 
and  forty-nine  natives  of  both  sexes,  including  even  the  re- 
cently born  in  the  exact  and  long  lists  which  the  Rev.  mission- 


From  innate  laziness  they  hated  any  kind  of  labor;  this  was 
the  true  reason.  The  same  reason  holds  good  to  this  day.  It  is 
evident  that  Galvez  had  given  ear  to  some  discontented  Indians, 
who  noticed  what  he  was  not  unwilling  to  hear.  See  .^.ppendix 
G for  Indian  veracity. 

25  The  Jesuits.  Galvez  seldom  uses  the  term  Jesuit. 

26  The  missionaries  reported  what  was  and  is  true.  “The  in- 
domitable barrenness  of  Lower  California,”  says  Forbes  writing 
about  1830  when  he  lived  there,  “has  not  only  necessarily  kept  at 
an  extremely  low  ebb  her  agriculture  and  commerce,  but  has  given 
the  country  so  bad  a character  that  its  resources  fall  far  below 
their  intrinsic  value.”  “California,”  61-63.  If  a man  apparently 
as  religious  and  honest  as  Don  Jose  de  Galvez  could  be  so  blinded 
by  politics  as  to  make  himself  guilty  of  such  manifest  injustice,  to 
revile  a religious  Order  of  his  Church  and  belittle  the  heroic 
efforts  of  its  members,  in  order  to  have  an  unchristian  and  tyran- 
nical act  of  his  king  appear  justified,  we  need  not  wonder  at  the 
monstrous,  though  equally  unhistorical,  charges  of  men  with  cor- 
rupt and  infidel  propensities. 


326  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

ary  Fathers  of  the  Propagation  of  the  Faith  ^7  have  formed  in 
obedience  to  my  decree  of  July  12th  of  this  year. 

“Now,  in  order  to  comply  with  the  intentions  of  the  king, 
our  lord,  who  looks  upon  the  poorest  and  the  most  distant 
subjects  of  his  throne  with  as  much  love  and  tenderness  as 
upon  those  that  have  the  happy  privilege  of  enjoying  his  royal 
presence,  and  also  to  prove  myself  worthy  of  the  entire  and 
honorable  confidence  with  which  the  most  excellent  Marques 
de  Croix,  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  has  transferred  to  me  all 
his  superior  faculties,  I must,  trusting  the  success  to  the 
mercies  of  Divine  Providence,  apply  all  means  and  human 
resources  for  the  purpose  of  perfecting  in  a short  time  the 
great  work  already  beg^n  and  entirely  obtained  (?)  in  this 
southern  California,  of  reducing  all  the  natives  to  stationary 
domiciles  and  well-organized  pueblos,  in  order  that  they  sub- 
mit to  work  the  land  in  return  for  the  grant  of  some  fields 
of  their  own,  where  they  can  reap  the  reward  of  their  personal 
labor,  supporting  themselves  with  their  own  products  which 
they  sow  and  cultivate,  and  of  inducing  them  to  go  clothed, 
by  beginning  to  arouse  in  them  a natural  shame  to  see  them- 
selves naked,  so  that  all  individually  or  collectively  may  main- 
tain themselves  with  the  help  of  the  missions  to  which  they 
are  attached  ^8 

“I  make  known  to  all  that  comprise  the  missions  of  the 
north,  and  declare  for  their  consolation,  that  from  now  on  I 
will  give  the  most  effective  orders  to  aid  them  in  all  their 
necessities  by  sending  grain  upon  which  they  may  subsist,  and 
clothing  with  which  they  may  clothe  themselves,  in  two  boats 


27  The  Franciscans,  so  called  from  the  mother-house,  which  was 
an  apostolic  college  for  the  propagation  of  the  faith.  The  causes 
of  the  decrease  in  the  number  of  the  natives  has  been  explained 
in  preceding  pages;  likewise  it  is  clear  from  the  same  pages  that 
the  natives  were  treated  kindly  by  the  missionaries.  If  Galvez 
had  waited  six  months  longer,  his  remarkable  proclamation  would 
not  have  been  issued  with  the  strictures  which  it  contains. 

28  All  this  the  former  missionaries  had  endeavored  to  effect  for 
seventy  years;  and  if  they  failed  it  was  precisely  because  the  politi- 
cians in  Mexico  would  not  lend  the  aid  which  Galvez  now  appears 
to  offer. 


Galvez’s  Unjust  Criticism 


327 


which  I shall  despatch  from  this  port  in  the  beginning  of  the 
next  month  of  December;  and  others  will  follow  them  which 
will  leave  the  port  of  Loreto  or  Escondido,  for  whose  safety 
in  the  voyages  the  natives  of  said  missions  ought  to  fervently 
pray  to  God,  our  Lord,  and  I trust  that  He  will  fill  them  with 
blessings,  if  recognizing  His  infinite  mercies  they  offer  them- 
selves with  good  will  to  obey  these  regulations,  which  for 
their  welfare  I communicate  to  the  Rev.  missionary  Fathers, 
and  I pray  and  charge  their  Reverences  to  explain  them  and 
make  them  understand  them  perfectly.  Given  at  the  Port 
of  La  Paz,  on  the  23d  of  November,  1768.  Joseph  de  Gal- 
vez.” 

In  reply  to  Fr.  Lasuen’s  complaint  that  his  Indians  were 
destitute  and  needed  food  instead  of  tobacco,  Galvez  wrote 
another  characteristic  and  interesting  letter  which  deserves  to 
be  reproduced.  It  was  dated  La  Paz,  November  23d,  1768, 
like  the  two  preceding  documents.  ^9  “I  believe,”  he  says, 
“that  the  best  answer  which  I can  give  to  Your  Reverence  in 
reply  to  your  letter  of  the  22d  of  the  previous  month,  is  to 
refer  to  the  enclosed  orders  and  decrees,  and  to  what  you 
have  seen  commanded  since  September,  that  the  warehouse 
of  Loreto  should  provide  the  missions  of  the  north  with  what 
is  necessary  and  might  be  there.  A copy  of  this  repeated 
order  will  be  forwarded  to  the  Rev.  Fr.  Palou,  to  whom  it 
is  directed  in  order  that  he  give  notice  to  all  the  Rev.  mis- 
sionary Fathers  of  that  department. 

“I  will  only  add  on  this  point  that  nothing  will  remain 
undone  to  relieve  the  needy  missions  than  that  Your  Rever- 
ence, as  you  are  in  the  same  predicament  with  your  mission, 
pray  with  it  to  the  Lord  to  quiet  the  northwinds,  so  that  the 
two  boats,  which  I shall  send  with  provisions  from  here  very 
soon,  may  have  a quick  and  safe  voyage;  and  with  my  natural 
frankness  I also  assure  you,  as  well  as  the  other  missionary 
Fathers,  that  after  the  steps  shall  have  been  taken  with  deliber- 
ation, which  I must  do  in  order  to  remedy  the  damages  in 
the  root,  and  in  order  that  abundance  may  prevail  here,  they 


29  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 


328  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


will  test  your  reputation,  though  I do  not  wish  it,  for  my  regu- 
lations will  be  made  public,  and  the  world  will  see  that  I could 
do  no  more,  and  that  the  executors  of  them  could  do  no  less, 
which  in  truth  I do  not  hope. 

“Concerning  that  which  Your  Reverence  replies  on  the 
subject  of  tobacco,  I am  informed  that  among  your  Indians 
its  use  is  not  even  introduced  with  so  much  fondness  as  among 
others,  and  it  is  well  not  to  distribute  it  to  all ; but  I have 
it  for  smoking  and  snuffing  at  the  royal  store  in  order  to 
gratify  those  that  deserve  it,  for  I do  not  command  that  those 
be  led  into  the  vice  who  do  not  have  it. 

“Very  important  and  useful  for  your  mission  could  be  the 
income  from  the  skins  of  the  sea-otter,  which  I am  informed 
are  obtained  with  facility,  and  which  are  an  article  much 
appreciated  in  commerce.  I want  Your  Reverence  to  direct 


the  Indians  of  the  missions  to  collect  as  many  as  they  can 
for  transmission  to  His  Majesty  and  to  the  ministers,  as  like- 
wise to  the  viceroy  with  the  understanding  that  I shall  pay 
for  them  through  the  commissary  of  Loreto  at  the  current 
price,  and  that  they  will  not  be  received  as  gifts  by  any 
means;  for  from  no  one  in  the  world  do  I accept  any  gifts. 

If  Your  Reverence  advise  me  of  the  average  number  of  said 
skins  which  each  year  could  be  delivered  by  those  natives, 
I shall  leave  orders  at  the  treasury  or  warehouse  of  Loreto, 
so  that  the  royal  commissary  may  receive  them  and  pay  for 
them  in  money  or  goods.  Hence,  after  the  money  is  assured 


30  “Yo  no  mando  que  se  les  ponga  en  el  vicio  a los  que  no  lo 
tengan.”  The  above  cut  is  a fac-simile  of  Galvez’s  signature. 

31  “porque  de  nadie  en  el  mundo  admito  obsequios.”  Galvez 
was  doubtless  absolutely  honest. 


Galvez’s  Unjust  Criticism 


329 


them  by  the  royal  treasury,  the  Indians  will  not  have  any 
excuse  to  forfeit  so  useful  an  income  which  may  be  of  much 
relief  to  them  and  of  assistance  in  their  necessities.”  In  a 
letter  dated  Cape  San  Lucas,  February  20th,  1769,  Galvez 
reverts  to  the  same  subject  of  otter-fishing.  Fr.  Lasuen 
on  December  20,  1768,3*  replied  that  he  could  send  but  very 
few  skins,  and  gave  little  hope  that  much  could  be  gained  in 
that  way. 


32  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 

33  Ibidem. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Galvez  Tries  to  Colonize  the  Peninsula. — Industrial  School  Plan. — 
Royal  Orders  for  Securing  Upper  California. — Fr.  Serra  is  In- 
vited to  Santa  Ana. — Stipends  of  the  Missionaries. — Expeditions 
by  Land  and  Sea. — Old  Missions  to  Furnish  Church  Goods. — 
Serra  Visits  the  Southern  Missions. — He  Desires  to  Cede  Some 
Missions. — Galvez  Approves. — The  San  Carlos  Equipped. — Gal- 
vez’s Proclamation. — The  “San  Carlos”  Sails. — The  “San  An- 
tonio” Follows. — The  “San  Jose”  Lost. — The  Land  Expeditions. 

Besides  making  strong  efforts  to  improve  the  condition  of 
the  natives,  Galvez  paid  especial  attention  to  the  project 
of  colonizing  Lower  California  with  Spaniards.  On  August 
12th,  1768,  he  issued  a decree  setting  forth  the  privileges 
offered  to  colonists  and  the  regpilations  by  which  they  were 
tc  be  governed.  Government  lands  were  separated  from  mis- 
sion lands  and  offered  to  Spaniards  of  good  character  on 
easy  terms.  The  chief  obligation  was  that  the  settlers  should 
make  improvements  and  pay  a small  annual  tax  to  the  king. 
The  first  to  avail  themselves  of  these  advantages  were  dis- 
charged soldiers  and  sailors  from  Loreto ; but  there  were 
few  others  before  1821.^ 

The  two  mining  settlements  of  San  Antonio  del  Oro  and 
Santa  Ana  with  a few  ranchos  ^ were  organized  into  a dis- 
trict called  Real  de  Minas,  with  headquarters  at  Santa  Ana. 
The  spiritual  affairs  of  these  settlers  were  placed  in  charge 
of  the  Rev.  ^ Isidro  Ibarzabal,  who  had  come  over  with  the 
Jaliscan  Franciscans,  but  had  staid  on  the  peninsula  after 
their  departure  for  Sonora.  He  was  appointed  curate  by  Don 
Galvez  at  the  request  of  Manuel  de  Oslo,  the  mine-owner, 
and  received  his  faculties  from  the  bishop  of  Guadalajara. 


1 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xii,  54;  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of 
Texas,”  vol.  i,  487. 

2 Rancho,  farm. 

3 The  Bancroft  scribes  make  Br.  in  Palou  read  Brother,  forget- 
ting that  a mere  Brother  cannot  be  a parish  priest.  Br.  stands  for 
Bachiller,  Bachelor  of  Science. 


Preparation  for  Northern  Expeditions  331 


For  the  erection  of  a church  the  inspector-general  ordered 
one  thousand  dollars  to  be  paid  to  the  new  curate  from  the 
royal  store,  which  was  likewise  opened  at  Santa  Ana.  Some 
money  was  contributed  by  the  settlers.  Galvez  also  directed 
that  from  the  same  source  the  priest  should  receive  one  dollar 
a day,  which  with  the  stipends  he  thought  sufficient  for  the 
curate’s  support.  A lieutenant-governor  with  jurisdiction  in 
civil  and  criminal  matters  was  also  appointed  for  this  part 
of  the  peninsula,  likewise  a commissary  who  had  charge  of 
farming  and  mining  affairs.  One  mine  was  worked  to  pay 
the  expenses  for  governing  the  country,  which  heretofore  had 
been  borne  by  the  royal  treasury  in  Mexico.  For  the  protec- 
tion of  the  colonies  three  companies  of  militia  were  organized.  ^ 

The  energetic  inspector  next  determined  to  establish  an 
industrial  school  at  Santa  Ana  under  the  direction  of  Rev. 
Ibarzabal,  whither  four  Indian  youths  from  each  mission  were 
to  be  sent  for  the  purpose  of  learning  various  mechanical 
arts  which  they  were  to  teach  their  people  on  their  return  to 
the  missions.  They  were  also  to  learn  the  culture  of  the 
cochineal  which  produced  precious  dyestuffs.  ® 

Besides  the  colony  of  Santa  Ana,  another  settlement  was 
begun  at  the  bay  of  San  Bernabe,  in  order  to  afford  relief 
and  protection  to  the  galleon  sailing  between  the  Philippines 
and  Mexico.  The  control  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  a lieu- 
tenant and  three  soldiers.  Still  another  colony  was  founded 
at  the  port  of  La  Paz,  and  a sergeant  with  two  soldiers  sta- 
tioned there  to  protect  the  ships  which  brought  supplies  for 
Santa  Ana.  Manuel  Garcia  Morales,  the  captain  of  a militia 
company,  was  appointed  commissary  to  superintend  the  con- 
struction of  the  buildings  with  authority  to  act  as  judge  in 
the  name  of  the  king.  An  amount  of  money  was  assigned  to 
pay  for  the  expenditures.  ® 

Meanwhile  more  important  matters  occupied  the  active  mind 
of  the  inspector.  On  his  way  from  the  city  of  Mexico  to 
California  he  had,  through  the  viceroy,  received  despatches 

4 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xii,  54-56. 

5 Pal6u,  "Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xii,  56. 

® Ibidem,  pp.  56-57. 


332  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

from  the  king  which  directed  him  to  extend  the  missions 
northward  to  the  ports  of  San  Diego  and  Monterey,  and  to 
secure  that  territory  which  it  seemed  the  Russian  govern- 
ment was  about  to  claim.  Ever  since  he  had  set  foot  on  Cali- 
fornia soil,  Galvez  had  in  writing  conferred  with  Fr.  Junipero 
Serra  concerning  his  plans  for  the  welfare  of  the  peninsula ; 
but  he  now  wished  to  deliberate  with  the  Fr.  Presidente  in 
person  on  the  steps  to  be  taken  for  the  success  of  the  expedi- 
tions to  the  north.  Fr.  Serra,  accordingly,  set  out  from 
Loreto  and  reached  Santa  Ana  on  the  last  day  of  October, 
1768.  A few  points  concerning  the  missions  and  those  to 
be  organized  in  the  future  were  first  settled  between  the  two. 
Thus  it  was  determined  that  the  stipend,  or  annual  allowance, 
for  the  two  missionaries  at  a mission  in  Lower  California, 
should  amount  to  four  hundred  dollars,  or  at  most  to  five 
hundred  dollars  in  the  more  needy  districts.  For  the  mis- 
sion of  Santa  Maria  de  los  Angeles,  the  most  distant  and 
the  last  founded  by  the  Jesuits,  the  annual  stipend  was  fixed  at 
six  hundred  dollars.  ^ The  same  amount  was  to  be  granted 
to  every  new  mission.  This  did  not  include  the  sum  neces- 
sary for  vestments,  sacred  vessels,  and  other  articles  required 
for  church  and  sacristy.  One  thousand  dollars  was  the 
amount  which  the  government  would  furnish  to  every  new 
mission  for  the  construction  of  the  buildings,  for  household 
goods  and  farm  implements.  * 

Galvez  now  made  known  the  command  received  from  the 
royal  court  and  the  viceroy,  which  directed  him  to  send  an 
expedition  by  sea  in  order  to  take  possession  of  the  ports  of 
San  Diego  and  Monterey.  He  explained  that  the  two  royal 
packet-boats,  San  Carlos  and  San  Antonio,  or  El  Principe, 
which  had  arrived  with  supplies  for  the  enterprise,  were 
already  waiting;  but  that  he  had  resolved  to  despatch  another 
expedition  overland  to  San  Diego  from  Mission  Santa  Maria. 


7 “senalandoles  a los  dos  misioneros  cuatrocientos  pesos  anuales; 
para  las  mas  necesitadas  a lo  mas  quinientos;  y para  la  de  Santa 
Maria,  que  era  novisima,  y las  demas  que  se  fueren  fundando  a 
seiscientos  pesos.” 

8 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  viii,  34-35;  tom.  ii,  6-9. 


Preparation  for  Northern  Expeditions  333 


He  thought  it  expedient  that  some  missionaries  accompany 
both  expeditions  in  order  to  found  a mission  at  San  Diego, 
another  at  Monterey,  and  a third  midway  between  the  two 
ports.  He  also  wished  a mission  to  be  established  north  of 
Santa  Maria  on  the  road  to  San  Diego,  provided  the  neces- 
sary missionaries  could  be  obtained. 

Fr.  Serra  at  once  offered  to  join  one  of  the  expeditions, 
and  declared  that  his  companion  at  Loreto  might  also  go 
along,  because  Rev.  Pedro  Fernandez,  the  chaplain  of  the 
garrison,  could  take  charge  of  both  the  presidio  and  the  mis- 
sion, since  the  Indians  were  few  and  spoke  Spanish.  In  this 
way  two  missionaries  could  be  set  free,  besides  the  two  from 
the  two  suppressed  missions  about  the  cape.  Serra  also 
offered  to  appeal  to  the  College  of  San  Fernando  for  three 
additional  Fathers,  who  would  not  be  refused  if  the  viceroy 
expressed  a wish  to  that  effect. 

Galvez  immediately  wrote  to  the  viceroy  and  asked  him  to 
request  the  Fr.  Guardian  to  furnish  three  more  missionaries. 
Fathers  Juan  de  Escudero,  Juan  Vizcaino,  and  Benito  Sierra 
were  accordingly  despatched  to  California  and  reached  Cape 
San  Lucas  in  February,  1769.  Fr.  Juan  Vizcaino  was  chosen 
to  accompany  one  of  the  expeditions ; the  two  others  took  the 
places  of  two  Fathers  in  the  old  missions.  Fr.  Juan  Fernando 
Parron  left  Loreto  on  November  25th  in  the  packet-boat  Con- 
cepcion for  La  Paz,  and  arrived  after  twenty-four  hours. 
Rev.  Fernandez  was  installed  in  his  place,  and  thus  Loreto 
became  secularized,  that  is  to  say,  it  was  put  in  charge  of  a 
secular  priest.  It  was  the  second  instance  of  secularization 
in  California,  and  like  the  other  was  effected  at  the  request  of 
the  religious.  It  was  finally  agreed  between  Don  Galvez  and 
Fr.  Serra  that  three  friars  should  go  with  the  two  packet- 
boats,  and  another  should  sail  later  in  the  San  Jose,  whilst  the 
Fr.  Presidente  and  his  companion  joined  the  land  expeditions. 

In  order  to  lessen  the  expenses  for  the  proposed  missions, 
Galvez  decided  that  the  old  establishments  should  aid  in  found- 
ing the  new  ones  by  donating  vestments,  sacred  vessels,  and 
other  church  articles.  From  the  inventories  he  saw  that  all 
could  assist  a little,  which,  with  what  he  had  obtained  from 


334  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


the  extinguished  missions,  would  supply  at  least  three  new 
missions.  He  himself  proceeded  to  Todos  Santos  to  collect 
what  could  be  spared,  and  he  directed  Fr.  Serra  to  do  like- 
wise on  his  trip  to  the  north  at  all  the  missions,  not  excepting 
Loreto.  ^ 

As  soon  as  Fr.  Serra  had  concluded  his  business  with  the 
inspector,  he  started  out  to  visit  the  three  missions  of  Todos 
Santos,  Santiago,  and  San  Jose  del  Cabo.  At  the  first  Fr. 
Juan  Ramos  de  Lora  labored  with  many  difficulties  among 
the  Guaicuro  Indians,  who  had  been  transplanted  to  that 
place  from  the  two  suppressed  missions  of  Dolores  and  San 
Luis  Gonzaga.  Fr.  Serra  found  that  it  would  be  hard  to 
collect  anything  there  and  so  notified  Galvez.  At  the  other 
two  missions  the  Fr.  Presidente  observed  that  nearly  all  the 
Indians  could  speak  Spanish ; that  Santiago  could  be  raised 
to  a curacy;  and  that  San  Jose  also  might  soon  be  ready  to 
receive  a secular  priest.  By  this  arrangement  two  more 
missionaries  could  be  gained  for  Upper  California.  After 
Serra’s  return  to  Santa  Ana  Galvez  approved  the  plan,  and 
at  once  wrote  to  Guaymas  that  Rev.  Juan  Antonio  Baeza,  the 
chaplain  of  the  troops,  should  come  over  and  take  charge  of 
Santiago  de  los  Coras  as  its  curate.  Baeza  arrived  at  La  Paz 
in  March,  1769,  and  after  he  had  received  his  faculties  from 
the  vicar-general  of  Guadalajara  he  was  duly  installed  by 
the  inspector-general.  Fr.  Jose  Murguia  drew  up  an  inven- 
tory in  duplicate  which  was  signed  by  himself  and  his  succes- 
sor ; a copy  was  sent  to  the  College  of  San  Fernando,  whilst 
the  original  remained  at  Mission  San  Loreto.  At  the  request 
of  the  Rev.  Baeza,  Fr.  Murgpiia  staid  about  the  mission  until 
the  third  ship,  the  San  Jose,  should  touch  at  Cape  San  Lucas 
in  June  to  take  him  to  Monterey,  as  Fr.  Serra  had  promised. 

No  sooner  had  the  missionary  of  San  Jose  del  Cabo  heard 
that  Santiago  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  a sceular  priest  than 
he,  in  accordance  with  the  intention  of  his  superior,  begged 
Don  Galvez  to  station  a secular  priest  at  San  Jose,  so  that 
he,  too,  might  be  free  to  join  his  brethren  that  went  north. 

9 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  viii,  35-37;  tom.  ii,  p.  10;  “Vida,” 
xiii,  58. 


Preparation  for  Northern  Expeditions  335 


Galvez  promised  to  call  a priest  from  Sonora,  but  if  he  did 
not  wish  to  await  the  arrival  of  his  successor,  he  might  com- 
mit the  administration  of  San  Jose  to  the  new  curate  of  San- 
tiago, who  would  attend  it  as  a mission  station.  Father 
Baeza  at  the  same  time  was  directed  to  take  charge  of  San 
Jose  as  a visita  in  case  Fr.  Juan  Moran  was  determined  to 
leave. 

The  San  Carlos  arrived  at  La  Paz  early  in  December,  1768. 
She  had  been  hastily  constructed  at  San  Bias,  and  upon  ex- 
amination was  found  in  a leaky  condition.  Galvez  had  her 
cargo  removed  and  the  ship  thoroughly  overhauled  and  re- 
paired. A coating  of  pitch  appeared  necessary,  but  none 
could  be  obtained.  Galvez  then  with  his  own  hands  extracted 
a substitute  from  the  maguey  plant;  this  he  applied  with  suc- 
cess, though  it  had  seemed  impossible  to  every  one  else. 
When  the  condition  of  the  vessel  appeared  satisfactory,  it 
was  reloaded  with  the  supplies  from  San  Bias,  and  with  the 
church  goods  collected  at  the  southern  missions.  Galvez  him- 
self helped  Fathers  Junipero  and  Parron  to  pack  these  goods 
for  the  three  contemplated  missions.  In  a letter  to  Fr.  Palou 
the  inspector-general  humorously  boasted  that  he  was  a bet- 
ter sacristan  than  the  Fr.  Presidente,  since  he  had  packed  the 
vestments  and  other  things  for  his  mission  of  San  Buena- 
ventura more  quickly  than  Fr.  Serra  for  his  mission  of  San 
Carlos,  and  had  even  to  help  the  Fr.  Presidente. 

In  order  that  the  new  establishments  might  be  founded  and 
managed  after  the  system  observed  by  the  Franciscans  in  the 
Sierra  Gorda  Missions,  which  was  in  accordance  with  his 
own  ideas,  Galvez  ordered  that  all  kinds  of  household  goods, 

10  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  viii,  37-38;  cap.  xii,  58-59;  Serra, 
“Diario,”  note  2. 

11  Thus  he  termed  the  mission  which  was  to  be  founded  between 
San  Diego  and  Monterey,  but  which  was  not  established  until  1782. 

12  Me  escribio  una  carta  en  que  me  expresaba  que  era  mejor 
Sacristan  que  el  Padre  Junipero,  pues  compuso  los  ornamentos  y 
demas  para  la  Mision  (que  llamaba  suya)  de  San  Buenaventura 
con  mas  prontitud  que  el  Siervo  de  Dios  los  de  la  suya  de  San 
Carlos,  y que  le  hubo  de  ayudar.”  Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xiii,  58-59; 
“Noticias,”  tom.  ii,  Introduccion,  p.  11. 


336  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

field  implements,  and  ironware  should  be  taken  along.  He 
added  various  grains,  garden  seeds,  flowers,  and  flaxseed,  as 
he  considered  the  soil  of  Upper  California  to  be  fertile,  and 
in  this  opinion  he  was  not  deceived.  Then,  fixing  the  day 
of  departure,  he  ordered  all  that  boarded  the  vessel  to  re- 
ceive the  sacraments  of  penance  and  Holy  Eucharist.  Two 
months  before  he  had  named  St.  Joseph  patron  of  the  expedi- 
tions, and  on  that  occasion  issued  the  following  edifying 
circular  to  the  missionaries : 

“When  the  natives  of  San  Jose  del  Cabo  last  year  saw  that 
their  poor  little  crops  were  threatened  with  destruction  by 
reason  of  the  clouds  of  locusts  which  fell  upon  them,  they 
bore  to  the  fields  with  fervent  devotion  the  tutelary  image 
of  the  holy  Patriarch,  and  succeeded  in  driving  them  away. 
Since  then  they  have  not  experienced  the  awful  ravages  w’hich 
this  plague  caused  before.  The  two  other  missions  of  this 
region  of  the  south,  following  the  laudable  example,  have  also 
had  recourse  to  the  powerful  protection  of  the  same  Saint, 
whose  intercession  we  Catholics  must  piously  believe  will  in 
heaven  be  proportionate  to  the  incomparable  and  exalted  dig- 
nity which  he  reached  of  being  the  reputed  father  of  Jesus 
Christ,  our  Redeemer.  Forasmuch  as  the  present  expeditions 
to  the  famous  port  of  Monterey  are  undertaken  in  the  hope 
of  being  protected  by  the  same  Saint,  I beg  and  charge  the 
Rev.  missionary  Fathers  of  all  the  missions  that,  besides  the 
Salve  which  is  sung  on  the  Saturdays  of  every  week  to  the 
Most  Holy  Mary  of  Loreto,  the  Patroness  of  all  the  missions 
of  the  Californias,  they  celebrate  the  solemn  and  votive  feast 
of  her  holy  Spouse  forever  on  the  proper  day  which  the 
Catholic  Church  holds  dedicated  to  him,  in  order  that  the 
whole  peninsula  be  delivered  from  the  locusts,  and  let  them 
sing  a High  Mass  on  the  nineteenth  of  every  month,  and 
the  Litany  of  All  Saints  while  the  two  expeditions  by  land 
and  sea  last,  imploring  divine  assistance  through  the  inter- 
cession of  the  glorious  Patriarch,  in  order  that  both  may  have 
the  desired  good  result,  and  we  may  succeed  in  planting  the 


13  March  19th. 


Preparation  for  Northern  Expeditions  337 

standard  of  the  most  holy  Cross  of  Christ  forever  in  the  midst 
of  the  numerous  pagans  who  occupy  the  countries  in  the  north 
of  this  vast  province.  Given  at  the  Port  of  La  Paz  on  No- 
vember 21st,  1768.  Jose  de  Galvez.” 

On  January  6th,  1769,  after  Fr.  Presidente  Junipero  Serra 
had  sung  a High  Mass  on  board  the  vessel  in  honor  of  the 
patron  saint,  the  Litany  of  Our  Lady  of  Loreto  was  chanted, 
and  then  Galvez  made  an  address  to  officers  and  crew.  He 
reminded  them  that  theirs  was  a glorious  task,  as  they  were 
going  to  plant  the  Cross  among  the  heathens,  and  he  charged 
them  in  the  name  of  God,  of  the  king,  and  of  the  viceroy  to 
respect  their  missionaries  and  to  maintain  peace  and  union 
among  themselves.  Fr.  Junipero  Serra  then  pronounced  the 
solemn  blessing  upon  the  vessel,  the  flag,  the  officers,  the  sol- 
diers, the  crew,  and  upon  Fr.  Fernando  Parron,  who  was  to 
attend  to  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  company,  which  consisted 
of  Captain  Vincente  Vila,  the  commander  of  the  ship,  twenty- 
five  Catalonian  volunteers  under  Lieutenant  Pedro  Pages, 
Engineer  Miguel  Costanzo,  Surgeon  Pedro  Prat,  and  the 
usual  number  of  sailors  and  officers  who  are  not  named.  All 
finally  embarked  on  the  night  of  the  9th  of  January,  and  on 
the  10th  the  San  Carlos  put  to  sea.  Galvez  in  the  Concepcion 
accompanied  her  down  the  gulf  to  Cape  San  Lucas,  and 
watched  her  until  she  had  doubled  the  cape  under  a fair  wind, 
regretting  that  he  could  not  join  her  to  plant  the  Cross  at 
Monterey. 

The  San  Antonio  (El  Principe)  had  been  delayed  by  storms 
and  reached  Cape  San  Lucas  on  January  25th.  Galvez  gave 
her  an  overhauling  like  the  San  Carlos,  and  then  loaded  her 
with  grain,  meat,  fish,  etc.  On  February  15th,  after  those 
who  were  to  make  the  voyage  had  confessed  and  received  holy 
Communion  during  the  High  Mass  celebrated  in  honor  of  St. 
Joseph,  the  inspector-general  exhorted  them  to  preserve  peace 
and  harmony  among  themselves,  to  be  mindful  of  their  obli- 

“Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum.  Palou,  “Vida,”  cap. 
xiii,  59-60. 

15  Fr.  Serra,  “Diario,”  note  1st;  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  ii,  cap. 
i,  12-14;  “Vida,”  cap.  xiii,  60-61. 


338  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


gations,  to  obey  the  officers  and  to  respect  the  two  Fathers, 
Juan  Vizcaino  and  Francisco  Gomez,  who  accompanied  them 
for  their  consolation.  Captain  Juan  Perez  was  then  directed 
to  lose  no  time,  since  the  San  Carlos  had  orders  to  sail 
directly  for  San  Diego  and  to  wait  only  twenty  days  for  the 
San  Antonio  before  proceeding  to  Monterey.'  Perez  was 
likewise  told  to  wait  only  twenty  days  at  San  Diego,  in  case 
that  he  did  not  find  the  San  Carlos  there  and  the  land  expedi- 
tion had  not  arrived.  The  commander  of  the  land  party  re- 
ceived similar  instructions. 

Desirous  of  making  the  undertaking  a perfect  success,  Gal- 
vez determined  to  have  another  vessel  ply  between  San  Bias 
and  San  Diego,  so  that  one  ship  might  always  be  at  the  latter 
port  while  the  other  two  by  turns  were  fetching  supplies  from 
San  Bias.  He  accordingly  had  a somewhat  smaller  ship  built 
on  the  Mexican  coast  and  brought  over  to  Loreto.  By  his 
orders  the  new  vessel  was  solemnly  blessed  on  May  1st.  Fr. 
Palou  sang  High  Mass  aboard  of  her,  assisted  by  two  mis- 
sionaries who  happened  to  be  at  Loreto.  During  this  holy 
Sacrifice  Don  Joseph  de  Galvez  himself  to  the  edification  of 
all  received  holy  Communion.  After  the  divine  services  he 
named  the  new  ship  in  honor  of  his  patron  saint,  San  Jose. 

The  inspector-general  once  more  visited  the  missions  in  the 
region  of  the  cape  on  his  way  to  Santa  Ana,  and  then  went 
to  La  Paz,  where  on  April  14th  he  boarded  the  San  Jose, 
accompanied  by  Fathers  Juan  Escudero  and  Juan  Benito 
Sierra.  On  April  22d  he  was  welcomed  at  Loreto  by  Fr. 
Palou  of  San  Javier,  who  had  been  notified  a few  days  before 
by  Galvez  himself.  Having  concluded  his  inspection  and  ar- 
ranged everything  for  the  welfare  of  the  missions  to  the  best 
of  his  ability,  as  he  thought,  Don  Jose  de  Galvez  sailed  from 
Loreto  on  the  1st  of  May,  1769,  in  a barkentine  for  the 
Ensenada  de  Santa  Barbara  del  Rio  Mayo  on  the  coast  of 


1®  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  ii,  cap.  i,  14-15;  “Vida,”  cap.  xiii,  61-63. 
In  his  “Diario,”  as  translated  by  “Out  West,”  March,  1902,  Fr. 
Serra  has  Fr.  Juan  Gonzalez  sailing  on  the  “San  Antonio”  instead 
of  Fr.  Vizcaino. 

Galvez  always  signs  “Joseph,”  never  “Jose.” 


Preparation  for  Northern  Expeditions  339 

Sonora.  His  vessel  was  accompanied  by  the  San  Jose,  which 
returned  laden  with  beans,  a quantity  of  fish,  fifty  arrobas 
of  figs,  four  hundred  arrobas  of  dried  meat,  raisins,  eight 
casks  of  wine,  two  casks  of  brandy,  and  a quantity  of  plain 
clothing  for  the  naked  Indians  of  the  north.  Moreover,  Fr. 
Palou  put  on  board  for  the  proposed  missions  three  tower 
bells  and  all  the  vestments  which  by  order  of  Galvez  Fr. 
Serra  had  taken  from  the  northern  missions  and  sent  to  Loreto. 
Three  months  later  the  San  Jose  reappeared  at  the  bay  Escon- 
dido with  a broken  mast.  The  captain  related  that  he  had 
been  driven  about  the  gulf  unable  to  make  the  port  of  La  Paz. 
When  the  inspector-general  was  informed  of  the  mishap,  he 
ordered  the  damaged  ship  to  San  Bias  for  repairs.  She  passed 
over  to  the  other  coast  in  October.  After  she  had  been  put 
into  condition  and  laden  with  corn,  beans,  etc.,  she  sailed 
directly  for  Cape  San  Lucas.  Here  she  took  on  board  the 
church  goods  which  Galvez  had  ordered  from  Guadalajara, 
and  on  June  16th,  1770,  set  out  for  San  Diego.  She  carried 
additional  sailors  in  order  to  replace  those  who  had  died  on 
the  other  two  ships  during  the  long  voyage  to  San  Diego. 
Fr.  Jose  de  Murguia,  who  was  to  take  passage  in  the  San 
Jose,  had  fallen  sick  and  gone  to  Loreto  to  recover.  This 
circumstance  saved  his  life ; for  the  vessel  was  never  again 
seen.  Fortunately,  Fr.  Palou  had  taken  out  the  church  goods 
and  had  sent  them  to  Velicata,  whence  they  were  brought  to 
San  Diego  by  land, 

With  the  same  thoroughness  displayed  in  equipping  the 
ships  Galvez  had  hastened  the  preparations  for  the  expedition 
which  was  to  go  by  land  from  Loreto  to  San  Diego.  Accord- 
ing to  the  prevailing  opinion  that  port  could  not  be  very  far 
from  Santa  Maria  de  los  Angeles,  the  most  northern  mission ; 
but  the  march  overland  was  considered  somewhat  hazardous 
as  the  road  passed  through  the  territory  of  hostile  tribes. 
Following  the  example  of  the  Patriarch  Jacob,  says  Fr.  Palou, 

18  An  arroba  is  equal  to  twenty-five  lbs. 

18  See  next  volume. 

20  Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xiii,  62-63;  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  x,  46; 
cap.  xi,  51;  cap.  xiii,  60-61. 


340  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


the  expedition  was  therefore  divided  into  two  sections,  so  that 
if  the  one  suffered  defeat,  the  other  might  be  saved.  Caspar 
de  Portola,  captain  of  the  dragoons  and  governor  of  Califor- 
nia, was  appointed  commander  of  the  whole  undertaking,  but 
he  was  directed  to  remain  with  the  second  division.  Captain 
Fernando  Rivera  y Moncada,  the  commander  of  the  presidio 
at  Loreto,  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  first  division  with 
orders  to  explore  the  country  ahead,  of  which  little  or  nothing 
was  known.  The  inspector-general  also  instructed  Don  Ri- 
vera to  select  as  many  Catalonian  regulars  as  he  deemed 
necessary,  besides  a number  of  muleteers  to  take  charge  of 
the  pack-mules,  to  pass  from  mission  to  mission  and  to  collect 
as  many  horses  and  mules  as  he  needed,  and  as  much  dried 
meat,  flour,  pinole,  and  biscuits  as  the  missionaries  could  spare, 
and  to  give  a receipt  for  whatever  was  contributed.  In  addi- 
tion he  was  told  to  take  along  from  Santa  Maria,  the  last 
mission,  two  hundred  head  of  cattle. 

In  obedience  to  these  instructions  Captain  Rivera  started 
out  from  Santa  Ana,  and  on  September  30th.  1768,  he  began 
his  collection  at  Loreto.  He  visited  the  missions  of  San 
Francisco  Javier,  San  Jose  de  Comundu,  Purisima  Concepcion, 
Guadalupe,  Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege,  San  Ignacio,  Santa 
Gertrudis,  San  Francisco  de  Borja,  and  reached  Mission 
Santa  Maria  with  the  following  stock  and  goods  for  the 
Upper  California  missions : 46  horses,  140  mules,  64  pack- 
saddles,  28  leathern  bags,  5 jugs  of  wine,  2 jugs  of  brandy, 
13  sides  of  leather,  38  arrdbas  of  figs,  28  arrobas  of  flour, 
340  arrobas  of  jerked  beef,  21  fanegas  of  wheat,  23  arrobas 
of  raisins,  2 fan^as  and  1 1 almudes  of  pinole  or  ground 

corn,  10  arrobas  of  manteca  de  vaca,  four  loads  of  bis- 


21  An  almud  is  a measure  equal  to  the  twelfth  part  of  a fanega, 
which  averages  about  one  hundred  weight. 

22  "Manteca  de  vaca”  may  mean  butter;  but  here  it  evidently 
means  fat.  “Manteca”  is  the  fat  lying  nearest  the  hide  of  the  bul- 
lock, whereas  “cebo”  is  the  interior  fat  or  tallow.  This  latter  was 
shipped;  the  former  was  finer,  and  was  used  for  cooking  purposes 
in  place  of  lard. 

23  A carga  was  as  much  as  a pack-mule  could  carry,  about  275  lbs. 


Preparation  for  Northern  Expeditions  341 


cuits,  4 arrobas  and  1 bag  of  brown  sugar,  and  a number  of 
smaller  articles.  The  eatables  were  considered  gifts  for  the 
new  missions ; but  the  animals,  pack-saddles,  bags,  etc.,  were 
to  be  replaced  in  kind  from  Sonora. 


2*  Palou,  "Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  viii,  37;  cap.  ix,  40-42;  tom.  ii,  8; 
Vida,”  cap.  xiv,  64-65;  Serra  “Diario.” 


CHAPTER  V. 


Fr.  Juan  Crespi  Joins  Rivera. — Fr.  Serra  Begins  His  Journey 
Through  the  Missions. — Galvez’s  Pious  Zeal. — Articles  Taken 
from  the  Missions  by  Fr.  Serra  and  Captain  Rivera. — Fr.  Palou’s 
Statement. — Fr.  Serra  at  San  Javier. — He  Arrives  at  Mission 
Santa  Maria. 

WHEN  Captain  Rivera,  on  reaching  Santa  Maria,  discov- 
ered that  the  surrounding  country  could  not  offer  suffi- 
cient pasturage  for  the  animals,  he  pitched  his  camp  eighteen 
leagues  farther  north  at  a suitable  place  called  by  the  Indians 
Velicata,  and  awaited  further  orders  from  the  inspector-general 
to  whom  he  sent  a report  on  December  20th,  1768.  Galvez  com- 
municated the  news  to  Fr.  Serra,  who  at  once  directed  Fr. 
Juan  Crespi  of  Mission  Purisima  Concepcion  to  join  Rivera’s 
party.  Crespi  left  his  mission  on  February  26th,  1769,  and 
arrived  at  Velicata  on  March  22d,  which  was  Wednesday  in 
Holy  Week.  Fr.  Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen  had  come  up 
from  Mission  San  Francisco  de  Borja  to  enable  officers  and 
men  to  comply  with  their  Easter  duty  before  setting  out  on 
what  all  thought  to  be  a most  perilous  march.  On  Holy 
Thursday  all,  Rivera  included,  received  holy  Communion. 
The  whole  party  which  began  the  journey  on  Good  Friday, 
March  24th,  consisted  of  Captain  Rivera,  Fr.  Juan  Crespi,  a 
pilotin,  ^ twenty-five  soldiers,  three  muleteers,  a band  of  In- 
dian neophytes,  who  were  to  act  as  pioneers,  and  a number 
of  Indian  servants  armed  with  bows  and  arrows.  After 
marching  fifty-two  days  without  serious  mishap,  this  section 
of  the  expedition  reached  the  port  of  San  Diego  on  May  14th. 

In  the  meantime  Fr.  Serra  left  the  extreme  southern  mis- 
sions and  journeyed  the  three  hundred  miles  back  to  Loreto. 
When  he  entered  that  place  on  the  last  day  of  January,  1769, 
Portola  was  organizing  the  second  land  expedition  for  San 
Diego.  As  the  Fr.  Presidente  had  to  visit  each  mission  and 


1 Pilotin,  assistant  guide.  It  was  his  duty  to  record  the  obser- 
vations. 


Monterey  Expeditions;  Fr.  Serra  343 


collect  the  church  goods,  he  urged  the  commander  to  give  him 
two  soldiers  and  a servant  and  to  proceed  with  his  company, 
promising  to  join  him  near  Santa  Maria.  Portola  accord- 
ingly started  out  from  Loreto  on  March  9th,  leaving  the  three 
men  behind  to  assist  Fr.  Serra  in  packing  the  articles  which, 
by  direction  of  Don  Galvez,  were  donated  by  the  missions  for 
the  use  of  the  Fathers  in  Upper  California.^ 

“So  great  was  the  zeal  of  the  illustrious  lord  inspector,” 
says  Palou,  “that  he  wished  to  adorn  the  new  missions  as 
though  they  were  cathedral  churches,  because,  as  he  said  to  the 
Rev.  Fr.  Presidente,  it  was  proper  to  decorate  them  as  much 
as  possible,  and  that  the  vestments  should  be  of  the  richest,  in 
order  that  the  pagans  might  see  how  God,  our  Lord,  is  wor- 
shiped, and  with  what  splendor  and  cleanliness  the  holy  Sacri- 
fice of  the  Mass  is  offered  up,  and  how  the  house  of  our 
God  and  Lord  is  ornamented,  so  that  this  itself  might  move 
them  to  embrace  our  holy  faith.  To  this  end  he  charged  the 
Rev.  Fr.  Presidente,  as  soon  as  he  arrived  at  Loreto,  to  take 
from  the  government  warehouse  whatever  should  be  neces- 
sary, and  also  from  the  sacristy  of  Loreto,  and  to  order  every- 
thing made  which  he  deemed  suitable  for  the  church  in  the 
missions,  and  on  passing  through  the  missions  of  the  north 
to  take  from  them  whatever  he  thought  they  could  spare.” 
Complying  with  these  instructions  Fr.  Serra  visited  all  the 
missions,  except  Santa  Rosalia,  which  lay  too  far  from  the 
road,  and  obtained  the  articles,  of  which  he  sent  a list  to 
Fr.  Palou.  Galvez  forwarded  a copy  to  the  king  and  to  the 
viceroy.  ® The  missions  contributing  were  Dolores  del  Sur, 
San  Luis  Gonzaga,  * Todos  Santos,  Loreto,  Guadalupe,  San 
Ignacio,  Santa  Gertrudis,  Santa  Maria,  San  Francisco  Javier, 
San  Jose  de  Comundu,  and  Purisima  Concepcion.  The  arti- 


2 Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xiv,  65-66;  “Noticias,”  tom.  ii,  9-10;  cap. 
iv,  20-21;  tom.  ii,  cap.  viii,  39;  Serra,  “Diario,”  note  4. 

3 “De  todo  lo  cual  mando  su  illustrisima  hacer  estadito,  el  que 
remitid  a su  escelencia  y a la  Corte.”  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  52. 

4 Both  these  missions  were  suppressed  and  the  church  goods 
with  those  from  Todos  Santos  sent  on  the  “San  Carlos”  to  San 
Diego. 


344  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


cles  enumerated  by  Palou  were  the  following,  some  of  which 
may  still  exist  in  missions  or  churches  of  California : 38  vest- 
ments of  different  colors,  17  albs,  12  amices,  9 cinctures,  13 
corporals,  21  purificators,  2 finger  towels,  6 copes,  3 surplices, 
5 rochets,  6 cassocks,  19  altar  cloths,  ® 9 palias  * with  their 
covering,  5 consecrated  altar  stones,  12  silver  chalices,  1 
ciborium,  2 silver  crucifixes,  36  candlesticks,  4 missals,  2 silver 
missal  stands,  2 ostensoria,  13  pairs  of  cruets,  12  small  altar 
bells,  1 set  of  altar  cards  in  silver  frames,  6 censers  with 
boats,  6 tower  bells,  2 baptismal  fonts  of  copper,  5 baptismal 
shells,  4 altar  bread  irons,  1 altar  bread  box,  1 holy  water  pot, 
4 sets  of  oil-stocks  for  the  holy  oils,  3 palios,  5 carpets  and  2 
coverings  for  them,  1 oil  painting  of  Our  Lady  of  Sorrows, 
9 laminas  of  bronze,  1 small  case  containing  images  of  the 
Holy  Family,  1 statue  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  with 
silver  crown,  1 small  statue  of  St.  Joseph  with  diadem  of 
silver,  1 silver  halo  for  the  Child  Jesus,  one  copper  platter 
for  the  baptismal  font,  1 halo  of  silver  with  twelve  stars,  some 
curtains  for  a canopy,  3 veils  for  the  Blessed  Virgin,  1 black 
cloth  for  the  tumba,  6 yards  of  lace  one-third  yard  wide,  a 
number  of  handkerchiefs,  rings  and  some  pieces  of  money 
used  at  the  marriage  ceremony,  5 cornu-altares,  * and  1 Man- 
ual de  Betancurt.  ® 

5 Presumably  that  many  sets. 

6 Probably  canopies  for  the  tabernacle. 

7 Some  of  the  articles  usually  found  in  the  old  missions  are  such 
of  which  the  Roman  Ceremonial  knows  nothing.  They  were  pecul- 
iar to  Spain  or  Mexico,  and  their  use  at  worship  is  now  abolished. 

8 Cornu-altares.  What  they  were  is  not  clear.  The  ceremonial 
does  not  prescribe  them.  Spanish  priests  could  give  no  explana- 
tion. 

9 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  x-xi,  43-52.  In  addition  Fr. 

Serra  received  from  the  royal  store  at  Loreto  the  following  arti- 
cles for  the  altar:  “Cinco  varas  de  damasco  encarnado  y cinco  de 

sayasaya,  tres  varas  de  tafetan  azul,  dos  cingulos  nuevos  de  tela 
de  oro  con  sus  borlas,  cinco  varas  de  tela  verde  con  flores  de  oro 
para  su  casulla,  y el  {otto  nccesario  de  tafetan  encarnado,  punta 
de  oro  y fleco  de  lo  mismo,  para  una  muceta,  y un  almaizal  y su 
forro,  que  mando  hacer,  y otra  porcion  de  lo  mismo  para  otra 
muceta  y otro  almaizal  que  hizo  nuevo,  una  lamina  de  la  Con- 
cepcion con  marco  de  carey.”  “Noticias,”  ut  supra,  p.  47. 


Monterey  Expeditions;  Fr.  Serra  345 


All  these  goods  were  packed  up  and  by  order  of  Don  Galvez 
placed  on  the  San  Jose,  which  in  June,  1769,  sailed  for  San 
Diego  in  charge  of  Captain  Callegan.  After  three  months, 
as  already  stated,  she  reappeared  with  a broken  mast.  Every- 
thing, except  a few  church  bells,  eight  laminas  or  bronze 
plates,  and  a large  crucifix  on  a silver  pedestal,  was  landed 
and  sent  overland  to  San  Diego  and  other  missions.  The 
San  Jose  was  lost  at  sea  after  she  had  been  repaired  in 
Mexico. 

In  this  connection  Fr.  Palou  makes  the  following  state- 
ment which  will  also  explain  in  part  the  reason  why  the 
goods  taken  from  the  missions  are  enumerated  here  in  detail. 
“I  wanted  to  dwell  at  length  upon  this  matter,  and  present 
what  was  said  with  all  clearness,  in  order  that  hereafter  it 
be  plain  what  was  taken  from  the  ancient  missions  of  Cali- 
fornia during  the  time  when  they  were  in  charge  of  my 
College,  so  that  it  might  be  known  by  whose  orders  and  for 
what  purpose  they  kept  the  things  which  were  taken,  and 
where  they  all  are  at  present  in  the  service  of  the  missions. 
The  Lord  Inspector  did  nothing  more  than  practise  what  the 
Jesuit  Fathers  had  done  when  founding  the  missions ; for  the 
old  ones  assisted  as  far  as  possible  those  that  were  about  to 
be  founded,  as  is  evident  from  the  books  of  said  missions. 
In  some  manner  he  returned  what  had  been  taken ; for  he 
ordered  that  eight  thousand  dollars’  worth  of  ordinary  cloth- 
ing should  be  distributed  to  the  Indians  of  all  the  missions, 
who  in  that  year  appeared  very  well  clothed.  At  the  request 
of  Galvez,  the  Marques  de  Croix,  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  sent 
a rich  and  complete  outfit  for  the  church  of  Our  Lady  of 
Loreto.  The  inspector  also  commanded  that  all  the  supplies 
received  from  the  missions  for  the  expedition  should  be  paid. 
He  moreover  wanted  payment  to  be  made  for  the  mules  and 
horses ; but  I told  him  that  the  missions  needed  mules  and 
horses ; he  then  had  all  restored  in  kind.  In  addition  he  com- 
manded that  the  five  thousand  dollars  in  silver  and  gold 
left  by  the  Jesuits  should  be  distributed  among  the  missions. 

10  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  x,  46;  cap.  xi,  50-51;  “Vida,”  cap. 
xiii,  62-63;  Bancroft,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  123-124. 


346  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

For  the  church  of  Loreto  he  left  a fund  whose  annual  revenue 
of  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  was  to  be  used  to  defray 
the  expenses  for  olive  oil  for  the  lamps  and  for  wax  candles 
for  the  use  of  the  church.  He  also  did  other  pious  works 
for  the  benefit  of  the  missions,  which  with  what  has  already 
been  said  well  repaid  the  things  taken  from  the  old  missions 
for  the  new  ones,  and  for  that  of  Todos  Santos  he  sent  a 
launch.” 

Bancroft,  in  keeping  with  his  plan  whenever  convenient 
to  pick  flaws  in  the  conduct  of  the  missionaries,  as  usual  mis- 
states the  case.  To  this  day  it  has  been  the  custom  for  old 
missions  and  parishes  to  help  out  new  and  poor  missions  by 
means  of  those  articles  that  could  be  spared,  with  the  consent 
of  the  people,  if  purchased  by  them,  or  with  the  permission 
of  the  bishop  or  superior,  if  not  procured  by  the  people.  This 
is  all  that  was  done  in  Lower  California  by  the  Franciscans, 
and  by  the  Jesuits  before  them,  so  that  the  strictures  of 
Bancroft  are  the  expressions  of  mere  hypocrisy.  All  the 
goods  removed  from  Lower  California  to  Monterey  had  been 
donated  by  benefactors,  or  were  procured  with  the  stipends 
of  the  missionaries.  The  Indians  had  neither  purchased  nor 
procured  any  of  them,  and  were  wholly  indifferent  as  to  what 
was  done  with  such  articles  as  long  as  their  own  worship 
and  celebrations  did  not  suffer.  Only  that  which  could  be 
spared  was  taken  for  the  new  missions,  and,  be  it  well  remem- 
bered, by  direct  orders  from  Don  Jose  de  Galvez,  the  highest 
government  official  in  New  Spain,  for  the  purpose  of  saving 
expenses  to  the  royal  treasury  which  otherwise  would  have 
had  to  provide  these  same  goods.  Palou  purposely  makes 
his  long  explanation  to  render  subsequent  events  intelligible, 
and  to  shield  the  fair  name  of  his  College  and  brethren.  The 
sequel  shows  that  it  was  quite  necessary. 

Fr.  Junipero  Serra  was  kept  busy  until  Holy  Week,  and 
he  prolonged  his  stay  until  Tuesday  after  Easter  to  give  the 
Indians  an  opportunity  to  comply  with  their  Easter  duty. 


Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xi,  52-54. 
12  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  118. 


Monterey  Expeditions;  Fr.  Serra 


347 


On  that  day,  March  28th,  after  singing  the  High  Mass  and 
preaching,  he  bid  farewell  for  life  to  all,  and  then  left  Loreto 
with  two  soldiers  and  one  servant.  “Thus  he  arrived  at 
my  mission,”  Fr.  Palou  writes.  “Seeing  the  sore  and  swell- 
ing on  his  leg  and  foot,  I could  not  restrain  my  tears  as  I 
considered  all  that  he  would  have  to  suffer  from  the  rough 
and  dreadful  roads  which  are  known  as  far  as  the  frontier, 
and  on  those  that  were  unknown  and  to  be  discovered  later, 
with  no  other  doctor  or  surgeon  than  God,  and  with  no  other 
protection  for  the  foot  than  the  sandal ; for  he  never  used 
shoes  or  stockings  or  boots  on  the  roads  of  New  Spain  or  of 
the  two  Californias.  He  would  dissemble  and  excuse  himself 
by  saying  that  he  fared  better  when  his  feet  and  legs  were 
uncovered.  Governor  Portola  in  passing  through  my  mission 
on  March  9th  had  informed  me  of  the  condition  of  Fr.  Serra’s 
leg,  which  had  grown  worse  while  he  traversed  the  south, 
and  that  he  believed  that  the  sore  was  cancerous,  and  that 
he  doubted  whether  he  could  make  the  painful  and  long  jour- 
ney with  such  a malady.  ‘Notwithstanding  that  I reminded 
him,’  said  Portola,  ‘that  the  expedition  might  be  delayed  if  he 
should  become  incapacitated  on  the  road,  I could  not  succeed 
in  having  him  stay  behind  and  let  Your  Reverence  go  along. 
Whenever  I touched  the  subject,  his  response  was  that  he 
hoped  God  would  give  him  the  strength  to  reach  San  Diego 
and  Monterey,  that  I should  go  ahead,  and  that  he  would 
come  up  with  me  on  the  border  of  the  pagan  country.  I look 
upon  this  as  impossible,  and  so  wrote  to  the  Lord  Inspector.’ 
Portola,  therefore,  passed  on.  At  Mission  San  Ignacio  Fr. 
Miguel  de  Campa  y Cos  joined  him,  as  the  Fr.  Presidente 
had  directed.” 

Fr.  Serra  remained  at  San  Javier  for  three  days  giving  the 
necessary  instructions  to  Fr.  Francisco  Palou,  whom  the  dis- 
cretory  of  San  Fernando  College  had  directed  to  act  as 
presidente  of  the  Lower  California  missions  in  case  of  Fr. 
Serra’s  absence  or  death.  Fr.  Palou  begged  his  superior  to 

13  After  his  arrival  from  Spain  in  1749,  Fr.  Serra  made  the  whole 
distance  between  Vera  Cruz  and  the  capital  on  foot,  and  injured 
his  leg  so  badly  that  he  suffered  from  it  all  through  his  life. 


348  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


stay  behind  and  let  him  go  in  his  stead,  as  it  would  be  im- 
possible for  him  to  travel  in  his  condition ; but  Serra  replied, 
“Let  us  not  speak  of  that.  I have  placed  all  my  confidence 
in  God,  through  whose  goodness  I hope  to  be  permitted  to 
reach  not  only  San  Diego  to  plant  and  establish  the  standard 
of  the  holy  Cross  at  that  port,  but  Monterey  as  well.” 

“I  resigned  myself,”  Fr.  Palou  continues,  “seeing  that  the 
fervent  superior  surpassed  me,  and  not  a little,  in  faith  and 
confidence  in  God  for  whose  love  he  sacrificed  his  life  on  the 
altar  of  his  apostolic  labors.  The  pain  of  parting  increased 
when  I saw  that,  in  order  to  mount  the  ass  upon  which  he 
made  the  journey,  and  to  dismount,  two  men  had  to  raise 
him  into  the  saddle  or  out  of  it.  His  last  farewell  was : 
‘A  Dios,  until  Monterey,  where  I hope  we  shall  be  united 
to  labor  in  that  vineyard  of  the  Lord.’  I shall  be  very 
glad  of  that,  but  my  last  words  were,  ‘Until  eternity.’  He 
reproved  me  gently  for  my  little  faith,  and  then  he  began  the 
long  tour  through  the  missions  visiting  the  Fathers,  consoling 
all,  and  recommending  himself  to  their  prayers.”  Don  Galvez 
himself  had  noticed  the  condition  of  Fr.  Serra’s  foot,  and  had 
urged  him,  though  in  vain,  to  remain  on  the  peninsula;  but 
in  a letter  to  Fr.  Palou  the  inspector-general  wrote,  “I  am 
very  glad  that  the  Rev.  Fr.  Junipero  goes  with  the  expedition, 
and  I praise  his  faith  and  the  grand  confidence  which  he  has 
that  he  must  grow  better,  and  that  God  must  grant  him  to 
reach  San  Diego ; this  same  confidence  I too  have"  As  the 
result  showed,  this  hope  was  not  confounded. 

Nothing  illustrates  more  graphically  the  unworthy  treatment 
the  missionaries  received  while  the  missions  were  in  charge 
of  the  comisionados,  a condition  which  continued  at  Loreto, 
than  the  following  paragraph  from  Fr.  Serra’s  Diario:  “From 
my  mission  of  Loreto  I did  not  take  more  provisions  for  so 
long  an  excursion  than  one  loaf  of  bread  and  a piece  of  cheese. 
I 7VOS  there  all  the  year,  as  far  as  temporal  matters  go,  as  the 
mere  guest  for  the  crumbs  of  the  royal  commissary,  zvhose 

Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  ii,  cap.  v,  23-24;  “Vida,”  cap.  xiv,  66-67; 
Serra,  “Diario,”  Note  4. 

IB  Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xiv,  67-68;  “Noticias,”  tom.  ii,  cap.  v,  24-25. 


Monterey  Expeditions;  Fr.  Serra  349 

liberality  at  my  departure  did  twt  extend  further  than  the 
aforesaid;  but  the  said  Father  supplied  that  lack  with  such 
efficacious  arrangements — in  the  way  of  his  solicitude  for  food, 
clothing  for  my  use,  and  comforts  for  my  journey — that  not 
even  I myself  could  have  managed  to  contrive  them,  though 
owing  to  my  sins  I do  not  cease  to  be  fond  of  my  convenience. 
May  God  repay  such  charity.” 

Fr.  Serra  left  San  Javier  at  daybreak  of  April  1st,  1769, 
and  about  noon  he  arrived  at  San  Jose  de  Comundu,  which 
was  twelve  leagues  distant.  The  resident  missionary,  Fr.  An- 
tonio Martinez,  had  gone  to  Purisima  to  replace  Fr.  Juan 
Crespi,  who  had  joined  Rivera.  For  this  reason  the  Fr. 
Presidente  remained  over  Sunday  the  2d  to  sing  the  High 
Mass  and  to  preach  to  the  Indians.  In  the  same  manner  he 
celebrated  the  next  day  to  which  the  feast  of  the  Annunciation 
had  been  transferred.  After  the  return  of  Fr.  Martinez,  Serra 
set  out  on  the  5th  for  Purisima  Concepcion,  where  he  arrived 
on  the  same  morning,  “received  with  a dance  of  the  Indians 
with  all  the  solemnity  possible,”  as  Serra  relates  in  his  Diario. 
The  soldier  Don  Francisco  Maria  de  Castro,  whom  Fr.  Serra 
lauds  for  his  conscientiousness,  was  the  major-domo  and  guard. 
After  he  had  selected  the  church  goods  which  the  mission 
could  spare,  according  to  the  directions  of  Don  Galvez,  Serra 
bid  farewell  to  Fr.  Martinez,  who  had  accompanied  him  from 
San  Jose  de  Comundu,  and  started  out  for  Mission  Guadalupe 
at  daybreak  of  the  7th. 

“I  traveled  all  day,”  Serra  says,  “except  a little  halt  which 
I made  at  midday  to  take  a bite  and  some  rest.  When  night 
came  on  I tarried  on  the  ground.  There  I talked  with  some 
ten  families  of  Indians,  and  when  I asked  them  for  the  reason 
of  their  being  there,  they  told  me  with  much  sorrow  that 
they  were  of  the  mission  of  Guadalupe;  and  that  the  Father, 
for  want  of  provisions,  had  found  himself  obliged  to  send  them 
out  to  the  mountains  to  seek  their  food ; and  that  as  they 
were  not  accustomed  to  this,  their  hardship  was  great,  par- 
ticularly in  seeing  their  babies  suffer  and  hearing  them  cry.  I 


16  Palou  at  San  Javier. 

17  Serra,  “Diario,”  note  4,  no.  2. 


350  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

felt  sorry  enough,  and  though  it  was  somewhat  unfortunate 
that  the  pack-train  was  behind  and  could  not  arrive  that  night, 
they  were  not  left  without  some  alleviation ; for  with  a por- 
tion of  pinole  which  I carried  they  made  themselves  a dish 
of  good  atole,  which  was  for  the  women  and  children. 
Afterwards  the  process  was  repeated  for  the  men.  At  this 
they  were  consoled,  the  more  so,  when  I told  them  that  they 
should  go  to  their  mission ; that  already  corn  was  on  the 
way  to  the  Father  by  sea  from  Mulege  by  order  of  the  most 
illustrious  inspector.  I took  my  rest,  and  had  them  pray 
together.  They  concluded  by  singing  a very  tender  song  of 
the  love  of  God;  and  as  those  of  that  mission  have  justly  the 
fame  of  singing  with  especial  sweetness,  I had  a good  deal  of 
consolation  in  hearing  them.” 

After  crossing  “those  painful  hills,”  Serra,  about  midday 
of  April  8th,  arrived  at  the  mission  station  of  San  Miguel, 
which  was  attended  from  Guadalupe.  “I  found  an  equal  or 
greater  number  of  Indians,”  he  writes,  “and  I gave  them 
the  same  aid.”  After  nightfall  he  entered  Mission  Guadalupe 
“well  tired.”  The  9th  being  a Sunday,  he  celebrated  holy 
Mass  and  remained  at  the  mission  with  Fr.  Lector  Juan 


18  Ground  corn. 

18  A mush  made  of  corn  meal. 

20  Baegert  relates  that  in  some  churches  the  singing  of  the  lit- 
anies, Masses,  etc.,  was  very  good.  Fathers  Bischoff  and  Nascim- 
ben  especially  had  taken  pains  to  teach  singing.  “In  einigen 
Kirchen  hoerte  man  kein  uebles  Gesang,  schoene  lauretanische 
Litaneien,  Messen  und  dergleichen,  welches  Singen  besonders  P* 
Xaverius  Bischoff  aus  der  Grafschaft  Glatz  in  Boehmen,  und  P. 
Petrus  Nascimben,  ein  Venetianer,  in  Californien  eingefuehrt,  und 
die  Californier  beyderley  Geschlechts  mit  unvergleichlicher  Muehe 
und  Geduld  gelehrt  haben.”  Baegert,  S.  J.,  “Nachrichten,”  pte. 
ii,  sec.  iv. 

21  The  “Out  West”  translator  has  “Reader”  for  the  term 
“Lector.”  Lector  in  the  schools  of  religious  Orders  is  equivalent 
to  professor.  The  Franciscans  use  the  term  to  designate  the  pro- 
fessors of  higher  studies.  Fr.  Sancho,  like  Serra,  had  been  lector 
of  theology,  i.  e.,  professor  of  theology.  Lecturer  would  be  the 
proper  term  in  English.  “Reader”  with  religious  means  the  per-- 
son  who  reads  while  the  others  take  their  meals. 


Monterey  Expeditions;  Fr.  Serra 


351 


Sancho.  Fr.  Juan  Gaston  of  Mission  Santa  Rosalia  came 
here  to  meet  his  superior  on  the  10th,  because  Serra,  on  ac- 
count of  the  bad  condition  of  his  leg,  and  lest  the  expedition 
to  San  Diego  be  delayed,  had  decided  not  to  visit  Santa 
Rosalia,  which  lay  eighteen  leagues  away  from  the  road.  It 
was  the  only  mission  not  visited  by  the  Fr.  Presidente.  Fr. 
Sancho  provided  his  superior  with  another  servant,  an  Indian 
lad  of  fifteen  years,  who  could  read  and  speak  Spanish,  and 
serve  holy  Mass.  With  the  consent  of  his  parents  the  youth 
accompanied  Fr.  Serra  to  the  north.  After  he  had  made  a 
selection  of  the  church  goods  as  at  the  other  missions,  Serra 
on  the  14th  set  out  for  San  Ignacio  by  way  of  Santa  Cruz 
and  San  Borja,  stations  on  the  road,  and  arrived  early  next 
morning,  solemnly  welcomed  at  the  church  door  by  Fr.  Juan 
de  Medina  Veitia. 

“The  missionary  of  this  mission  ever  since  we  arrived  in 
California,”  Fr.  Serra  writes  in  his  Diario,  “was  Fr.  Miguel 
de  la  Campa,  a member  of  our  College,  a missionary  who 
labored  many  years  in  the  missions  of  the  Sierra  Gorda, 
whence  he  had  come  to  these ; and  he  was  already  on  his  way 
accompanying  the  second  division  of  the  expedition  by  land. 
On  the  27th  of  March,  said  Father  set  out  from  this  mission, 
and  for  the  time  there  came  to  occupy  his  place  Fr.  Juan 
Leon,  22  who  at  the  beginning  had  been  assigned  as  missionary 
to  Mission  Santa  Maria  de  los  Angeles,  where  he  was  almost 
always  discontented  because  of  the  lack  of  provisions  to 
maintain  so  many  neophytes  and  to  regale  the  Gentiles;  for 
many  came  every  day  requesting  baptism.  For  this  reason 
he  had  absented  himself  from  it,  his  absence  being  supplied 
by  the  missionary  of  Mission  San  Borja,  which  was  nearest. 
He  had  besought  me  to  change  him  to  some  other  mission, 
and  I sent  him  to  this  one,  it  being  understood  that  the  Father 
of  San  Borja  was  in  said  mission  of  Santa  Maria  de  los 
Angeles,  while  his  (San  Borja)  was  attended  by  Fr.  Andres 
Villaumbrales,  who  had  been  missionary  of  that  of  San  Luis 
Gonzaga,  one  of  those  extinguished  by  the  most  illustrious 


22  Fr.  de  Medina  Beitia. 


352  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


inspector.  At  the  same  time,  having  no  assignment  of  his 
own,  the  said  Fr.  Juan  Leon  had  come  to  this  of  San  Ignacio 
from  that  of  Santa  Gertrudis.  On  the  16th,  which  was  Sun- 
day, and  the  day  of  the  Profession  of  our  Father  St.  Francis, 
on  which  our  Order  celebrates  the  feast  of  the  holy  Archangel 
St.  Raphael,  who  is  the  patron  of  travelers,  I celebrated  it 
quietly,  renewing  my  profession,  as  the  religious  in  our  whole 
Order  do  on  this  day.” 

The  Fr.  Presidente  on  the  morning  of  the  18th  resumed 
his  journey  and  entered  Mission  Santa  Gertrudis  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  20th  of  April.  “The  Indians  came  forth  to  meet 
me  with  dancing  and  festive  demonstrations,”  Serra  relates, 
“and  the  Father  Missionary,  Fr.  Dionisio  Basterra,  vested  in 
surplice,  stole  and  cope,  and  accompanied  by  acolytes  with 
the  processional  Cross,  candlesticks,  censer,  and  holy  water. 
I venerated  the  holy  Cross,  sprinkled  the  people  with  holy 
water,  and  we  entered  to  give  thanks  unto  God  for  so  much 
that  we  owed  Him.  ^3  As  soon  as  the  Father  had  taken  off 
the  sacred  vestments  and  we  gave  each  other  the  first  embrace, 
the  eyes  overflowed  with  tears  (which  even  now  come  to  me 
anew  as  I write  this),  without  our  being  able  to  speak  a word 
until  for  a long  time  we  had  paid  this  permissible  tribute  to 
nature.  Many  days  before  the  Father  had  fallen  into  pro- 
found sadness  for  being  alone  among  so  many  isolated  In- 
dians, without  a soldier  or  a servant  ( for  the  captain  had 
taken  for  his  expedition  both  the  one  and  the  other),  or  even 
an  interpreter  of  any  use.  He  had  communicated  his  dejection 
to  me  by  various  letters  and  asked  me  for  relief.  I could  not 
give  it  to  him,  much  as  I desired ; and  I tried  in  various  ways 
not  only  by  consoling  him,  but  by  speaking  to  the  most  illus- 
trious inspector-general,  writing  to  the  captain,  and  talking 
to  the  governor,  all  without  success,  since  by  no  one  of  these 
means  could  I procure  one  soldier  to  act  as  guard  for  him. 


23  Fr.  Serra,  as  the  superior  of  the  missions,  was  officially  re- 
ceived; hence  the  ceremonial  reception,  which  was  probably  ac- 
corded him  at  each  mission. 

2<  Captain  Rivera,  the  leader  of  the  first  division,  who  seems  to 
have  made  extensive  and  inconsiderate  use  of  his  authority. 


Monterey  Expeditions;  Fr.  Serra 


353 


whereby  he  could  have  had  some  relief  and  comfort.  His 
Excellency  told  me  that  the  escort  had  been  taken  away  against 
his  express  order;  but  that  the  captain  would  arrange  it,  and 
if  not  he,  the  governor  would.  I wrote  to  the  former  and 
received  the  reply  that  the  governor  would  remedy  it,  as  he 
(the  captain)  needed  the  soldiers.  I spoke  to  the  governor, 
and  the  Father  himself  talked  to  him  earnestly,  when  he  passed 
by  his  mission,  where  he  entertained  him  as  well  as  he  could. 
What  the  governor  answered  was  that  he  not  only  could  not 
give  him  a guard,  but  that  he  intended  to  leave  the  next  mis- 
sion of  San  Borja  without  one,  which  has  had  three  soldiers 
at  least  ...  In  order  to  give  him  some  consolation,  I 
tarried  five  days,  and  not  idly ; for  we  occupied  ourselves  in 
assembling  the  Indians  of  the  rancherias  to  propose  to  them 
the  plan  of  the  most  illustrious  inspector-general,  which  was 
very  much  to  my  taste,  namely,  that  a sufficient  number  of 
families — even  though  there  were  two  hundred — should  pass 
on  to  Purisima  Concepcion  de  Cadegomo  and  make  their  homes 
there,  where  there  is  a lack  of  people  and  an  abundance  of 
provisions,  and  land  and  water  wherewith  to  plant  for  all  in 
common ; and  in  particular  and  above  all,  where  food  would 
be  assured  them  three  times  a day,  and  sufficient  clothing, 
which  all  they  have  lacked  and  always  will  lack  at  their  own 
mission — or  it  were  better  to  say,  in  its  hills,  for  they  have 
no  lands  for  it,  not  even  possible  ones.  In  these  proposals, 
responses,  and  explanations,  those  days  were  passed.” 

Serra  departed  from  Santa  Gertrudis  on  the  26th,  and  on 
the  morning  of  the  28th  he  was  solemnly  received  at  Mission 
San  Francisco  de  Borja  by  Fr.  Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen. 
The  30th  being  a Sunday,  the  Fr.  Presidente,  at  the  request 
of  the  missionary,  sang  the  High  Mass  and  preached  to  the 


25  But  scarcely  wise  if  the  natives  were  unwilling,  and  fraught 
with  disappointment  even  if  for  a time  they  allowed  themselves 
to  be  persuaded.  It  is  to  be  noted  with  satisfaction  that  Serra, 
unlike  Galvez,  would  have  no  force  employed,  but  endeavored  to 
reason  with  the  natives  for  their  own  good.  Besides  Purisima 
lay  not  so  far  from  Santa  Gertrudis  that  the  difference  would  have 
been  seriously  felt  by  the  Indians. 


354  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


neophytes,  as  he  had  done  at  Santa  Gertrudis  the  Sunday  be- 
fore. In  the  afternoon  of  May  1st  Serra  left  San  Borja.  “On 
the  3d,”  he  writes,  “I  arrived  at  the  old  mission  of  Calomo- 
fue,  where  I tarried  all  night  and  celebrated  Mass  the  fol- 
lowing day  with  the  vestments  I had  already  asked  from 
Mission  Santa  Maria.  On  the  4th,  which  was  the  day  of  the 
Ascension  of  the  Lord  into  heaven,  I celebrated  Mass  in  that 
deserted  church,  a ruinous  jacal.  On  the  5th  I rose  well 
and  early,  and  by  a very  rough  road  at  about  half-past  eight 
in  the  morning  arrived  at  Mission  Santa  Maria  de  los  Angeles. 
Here  I came  up  with  the  governor  and  Fr.  Miguel  de  la 
Campa.” 


26  Doubtless  the  Calagnujuet  of  Jesuit  times.  See  chapter  xv, 
Part  II,  of  this  work.  Compare  “Sunset  Magazine,”  December, 
1906,  pp.  153-154. 

27  Constructed  of  poles. 

28  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  viii,  38-39;  tom.  ii,  cap.  v,  25. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Fr.  Serra  at  Santa  Maria. — Founding  of  Mission  San  Fernando. — 
Address  to  the  Indians. — The  First  Converts. — Fr.  Serra’s  Sore 
Leg. — Remarkable  Cure. — He  Reaches  Link’s  Station. — Inci- 
dents on  the  Road. — The  Indians. — He  arrives  at  San  Diego. 

WHILE  the  provisions  for  the  expedition,  which  had  been 
brought  up  from  Loreto  on  the  San  Xavier,  were  trans- 
ported from  the  beach  at  San  Luis  Gonzaga  to  Santa  Maria,  Fr. 
Serra  examined  the  situation  at  the  mission.  “On  the  6th  of 
May,”  he  writes,  “Fr.  Campa,  the  governor,  and  I,  accompanied 
by  Salgado,  the  soldier  guard  of  the  mission,  examined  its  water 
resources  and  arable  lands,  estimated  the  opportunities  which 
it  offered  in  its  vicinity  and  the  other  things  that  a mission 
needs.  It  did  not  seem  to  us  so  bad  as  they  had  described  it 
to  us,  so  that,  though  I had  before  been  entirely  inclined  that 
the  mission  should  be  removed  from  there  on  account  of  what 
they  had  reported  to  me  concerning  it,  now  that  I saw  it  I 
was  firmly  attached  to  the  spot  and  to  the  contrary  opinion ; 
and  thus  I wrote  to  the  most  illustrious  inspector-general  and 
to  Fr.  Lector  Pal6u,  who  had  to  manage  it  as  presidente  of 
the  missions  and  who  had  to  remain  in  my  absence. 

“On  the  7th,  which  was  Sunday,  I sang  High  Mass  and 
preached  to  the  neophytes,  who  are  the  poorest  of  all  . . . 

From  the  mission  I took  along  the  vestments  for  celebrating 
holy  Mass  on  the  march ; the  chalice,  chasuble,  and  everything 
necessary,  of  which  I sent  an  itemized  account  to  Loreto,  in 
order  that  it  might  be  replaced,  as  the  mission  is  so  poor. 
I bid  farewell  to  those  poor  people  with  pain  at  having  to 
leave  them  for  a time  without  a missionary,  though  in  the 
hope  that  their  orphanage  should  not  last  a great  while.  On 
the  11th  we  two  Fathers  and  the  governor  set  out  from  the 
mission,  and  on  the  12th  we  arrived  at  the  place  called  La 
Poza  de  Agua  Dulce.  ^ Along  the  road  we  saw  various  little 
ranchos  of  Gentile  Indians  and  recent  tracks  of  them ; but 


1 The  Pool  of  Sweet  Water. 


356  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


not  one,  little  or  big,  allowed  himself  to  be  seen;  their  hiding 
themselves  mortified  my  desires  to  talk  to  them  and  to  caress 
them.  On  the  13th,  bearing  in  mind  that,  if  we  proceeded  at 
the  gait  of  the  pack-train,  we  should  have  to  make  two  more 
days’  journey  to  arrive,  and  that  the  second  would  be  the 
day  of  Pentecost,  I prayed  the  governor  to  permit  us  to  go 
ahead  in  light  order  to  make  the  road  in  a day.  Thus  it  was 
done.  We  two  Fathers  with  said  governor,  one  soldier,  and 
two  servants,  traveled  all  day,  and  at  nightfall  arrived  at  Vila 
Catha,  2 where  the  soldiers  who  were  there  received  us  with 
much  satisfaction.  We  saw  various  little  huts  and  the  tracks 
of  Indians,  but  not  one  of  the  Indians.  All  this  stretch  of 
country  is  even  less  supplied  than  the  rest  of  the  Californias 
for  the  sustenance  of  its  inhabitants,  since  from  Santa  Maria 
unto  here,  inclusive,  I have  not  seen  even  a single  pitahaya 
tree,  neither  the  sweet  nor  the  sour,  but  only  now  and  then 
a cactus  and  a rare  garambullo.  The  most  are  candle  cactus, 
a tree  useless  for  everything,  even  for  fire.”  Nevertheless  the 
country  about  the  camp  and  northward  made  such  a favorable 
impression  that  Governor  Portola  and  the  Fr.  Presidente  re- 
solved to  found  a mission  on  a spot  known  among  the  Indians 
as  Velicata,  in  latitude  thirty  degrees  and  longtitude  one 
hundred  and  fifteen  degrees  and  five  minutes,  sixty  leag^ues 
from  San  Francisco  de  Borja,  in  order  to  facilitate  communi- 
cation between  the  Lower  California  missions  and  San  Diego. 

“On  the  14th,”  says  Fr.  Serra,  “the  feast  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
(Pentecost),  in  the  morning,  a little  hut  of  palisades  was 
cleaned  and  adorned.  It  was  one  of  the  several  that  the  first 
division  of  the  expedition  had  left  standing,  and  the  one 
which  they  told  us  had  served  for  a chapel  on  the  day  of  St. 
Margaret  of  Cortona,  February  22d,  when  Fr.  Lasuen  cele- 
brated the  first  Mass  at  Vila  Catha,  to  give  Communion  to 
the  captain  and  soldiers  who  had  gone  from  Santa  Maria  to 
confession  in  fulfillment  of  the  annual  precept  and  in  prep- 
aration for  the  expedition.  It  is  said  that  this  was  the  first 

2 “Out  West”  has  this  spelling,  and  presumably  it  is  Serra’s. 
Palou  has  Vellicata.  Others  write  Vilacata  or  Velicata,  which 
latter  form  we  have  adopted. 


Founding  of  San  Fernando;  Fr.  Serra  357 


Mass;  for  although  the  Jesuit  Father  Link  was  there  (as  is 
shown  by  his  diary),  the  soldiers  who  accompanied  him  say 
he  did  not  hold  services  there.  ^ In  that  hut,  then,  the  altar 
was  arranged,  the  soldiers  were  drawn  up  under  arms  in  their 
leather  jackets  and  shields,  and  with  all  the  neatness  of  holy 
poverty  I celebrated  Mass  on  that  great  day,  with  the  con- 
solation that  this  was  the  first  of  those  Masses  which  must 
be  continued  with  the  permanency  of  that  new  mission  of 
San  Fernando,  which  dated  from  that  day.  The  Mass,  while 
it  lasted,  was  solemnized  by  the  oft-repeated  discharges  of 
the  muskets  of  the  soldiers,  the  fumes  of  the  powder,  in  this 
instance,  supplying  the  place  of  that  of  incense,  which  we 
could  not  offer  because  we  did  not  have  it.  As  there  was 
no  more  wax  to  burn,  except  the  short  end  of  a candle  which 
I found,  the  Father  did  not  celebrate  Mass  that  day,  but 
heard  the  Mass  with  the  rest  in  fulfilment  of  the  precept. 
After  we  had  sung  the  Veni  Creator,  etc.,  we  formed  the 
procession  with  the  soldiers  and  the  Indian  neophytes  who 
accompanied  us,  without  a single  pagan  being  visible.  Per- 
haps they  were  scared  by  so  many  thunders.  Then  we  erected 
the  standard  of  the  Cross  in  the  place.  I named  for  first 
missionary  of  the  new  mission  Fr.  Miguel  de  la  Campa,  who 
was  very  happy  in  this  charge,  knowing  that  many  Gentiles 
frequented  the  locality,  and  seeing  that  this  spot  offers  all 
the  conveniences  of  land  and  water  to  maintain  those  that 
may  gather  to  form  the  mission.”  Palou,  ^ moreover  relates 
that  “on  the  morning  of  the  feast  of  Pentecost  Portola  took 
solemn  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the  Spanish 
king,  whereupon  Fr.  Serra,  vested  with  cope  and  alb,  blessed 
water,  and  with  it  the  chapel  and  the  grand  Cross,  which  latter 
having  been  venerated  by  all  was  planted  in  front  of  the 
chapel.  He  named  as  patron  of  the  mission  the  holy  king  of 
Castile  and  Leon,  San  Fernando,  the  patron  of  the  College, 
and  as  its  missionary  Fr.  Miguel  de  la  Campa  y Cos ; and 
having  sung  the  first  High  Mass,  he  delivered  a fervent  ser- 

3 See  Part  II,  chapter  xiv,  this  work. 

* “Vida,”  cap.  xv,  69-70;  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  viii,  39;  tom.  ii, 
cap  vi,  26-27. 


358  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


mon  on  the  Coming  of  the  Holy  Spirit  and  on  the  founding 
of  the  mission.”  This  was  the  beginning  of  the  first  and  last 
mission  established  by  the  Franciscans  in  Lower  California. 

“In  the  evening,”  Fr.  Serra  continues,  “we  more  particularly 
examined  the  arroyo  where  the  dam  for  irrigation  could 
easily  be  built,  and  all  appeared  very  suitable  to  us,  except 
that  there  is  a great  lack  of  poles  and  timbers  for  the  build- 
ings ; but  we  took  into  account  that  perhaps  in  the  unknown 
surroundings  time  might  disclose  something,  and  that  if  not 
this  is  not  such  a lack  that  for  it  the  settlement  must  be  aban- 
doned, even  though  it  cost  the  hardship  of  bringing  them  from 
afar.  In  other  respects  the  situation  appears  excellent,  and 
thus  I hope  that  in  time  it  will  be  a good  mission.  By  order 
of  the  most  illustrious  inspector-general,  the  Father  was  given 
the  fifth  part  of  the  cattle-herd  which  had  been  gathered  there 
for  the  expedition.  I left  him  one  of  the  four  loads  ® of 
biscuit,  a tercio  ® of  flour,  soap  of  that  which  I was  carrying 
for  the  expedition ; and  on  behalf  of  the  governor  some  choc- 
olate, grape  raisins,  figs ; and  of  maize  more  than  forty 
fanegas.  So  he  remained  with  what  he  can  get  along  and 
with  what  he  can  regale  the  Indians  for  some  time  until  he 
shall  receive  more  aid.” 

“The  15th  of  May,  the  second  day  of  Pentecost^  and  of 
the  newly-founded  mission  (as  the  packs  had  arrived,  we  two 
Fathers  had  wax  candles  to  celebrate  Mass  one  after  the 
other),  was  for  me  a day  of  much  consolation;  for  soon  after 
the  Masses,  I having  retired  inside  the  hut,  they  informed 
me  that  Gentiles  were  coming  and  already  near.  I praised 
the  Lord.  I kissed  the  earth,  giving  His  Majesty  thanks  that 
after  so  many  years  of  desire  for  them.  He  had  granted  me 
the  favor  to  see  myself  among  them  in  their  own  country. 
I went  out  quickly,  and  found  myself  with  twelve  of  them, 
all  grown-up  men,  except  two  who  were  mere  boys,  one  of 
them  about  ten  years  and  the  other  about  sixteen  years.  I 


5 “Carga,”  it  is  equal  to  275  lbs. 

® “Tercio,”  about  162  lbs.  according  to  “Out  West.” 

7 “Segundo  dia  de  Pascua,”  i.  e.,  Pascua  del  Espiritu  Santo,  which 
is  the  term  for  Pentecost.  Second  day,  i.  e.,  Monday. 


Founding  of  San  Fernando;  Fr.  Serra  359 


saw  what  I had  scarcely  believed  when  I read  it,  or  when  it 
was  told  me,  namely,  that  they  went  entirely  naked  like  Adam 
in  paradise  before  his  sin.  Thus  they  go  and  thus  they  pre- 
sented themselves  to  us.  We  conversed  a long  while  with 
them,  without  in  all  that  time  there  being  noticed  in  them, 
though  they  saw  us  clothed,  the  least  sign  of  shame  for  being 
in  that  naked  condition.  I laid  both  hands  upon  the  heads  of 
all,  one  after  another,  in  token  of  affection,  and  I filled  both 
their  hands  with  dried  figs,  which  they  at  once  began  to  eat. 
We  in  turn  received,  with  signs  that  we  appreciated  them 
much,  the  presents  which  they  gave  us,  which  were  a net 
full  of  roasted  mezcales  and  four  fish  of  more  than  ordinary 
size  and  beauty,  though,  as  the  poor  Indians  had  not  had  the 
thoughtfulness  of  cleaning  them  out,  much  less  of  salting 
them,  the  cook  said  they  were  unfit  for  use.  Fr.  Campa  like- 
wise regaled  them  with  raisins ; the  governor  gave  them  leaf 
tobacco ; and  all  the  soldiers  treated  them  kindly  and  gave  them 
something  to  eat.  Through  an  interpreter  I let  them  know 
that  the  missionary  whom  they  saw  present,  and  who  called 
himself  Fr.  Migiiel,  would  remain  with  them  at  that  place ; 
that  they  and  the  other  people  of  their  acquaintance  should 
come  to  visit  him ; that  the  Father  would  be  their  true  friend ; 
that  the  soldiers  who  were  with  the  Father  would  all  do  them 
much  good  and  no  harm ; and  that  they  should  not  steal  the 
cattle  that  wandered  about  the  land,  but  that  if  they  needed 
anything  they  should  come  to  the  missionary,  who  would 
always  give  them  what  he  could.  It  seemed  that  they  paid 
good  attention  to  such  and  similar  reasoning,  and  that  all  gave 
signs  of  assent  to  them,  so  that  it  appeared  to  me  that  there 
should  be  no  delay  in  gathering  them  into  the  apostolic  net.”  ® 

Fr.  Serra’s  opinion  was  soon  verified,  but  owing  to  the 
haste  with  which  the  expedition  had  to  proceed,  the  venerable 
founder  did  not  have  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  first  bap- 
tism administered ; but  three  days  later,  while  on  the  road, 
he  received  the  welcome  news  from  Fr.  Campa,  that  forty- 
four  Indians,  men,  women  and  children,  had  already  asked 

8 Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xv,  71-72.  Compare  “Out  West,”  April, 
1902,  pp.  405-406. 


360  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


to  be  baptized,  and  that  they  had  placed  themselves  under 
instructions  for  that  purpose.  Only  four  years  after,  when 
the  Dominicans  took  charge,  as  many  as  two  hundred  and 
ninety-six  neophytes  were  on  the  roll  of  this  mission.  Among 
these  was  the  chief  or  capitano,  who  proved  himself  espe- 
cially faithful  and  zealous.  ® 

Leaving  some  soldiers  under  a corporal  for  the  protection 
of  the  new  mission,  the  expedition  began  its  long  march  for 
San  Diego  on  the  evening  of  Monday,  Afay  15th.  After  trav- 
eling only  three  leagues  a halt  was  made  for  the  night.  At 
Velicata  Fr.  Serra’s  sore  leg  apparently  caused  him  no  trouble; 
but  as  soon  as  the  journey  began  the  pain  became  intense. 
After  he  had  dismounted  for -the  first  night,  the  wound  ap- 
peared so  inflamed  that  it  was  feared  mortification  had  set  in. 
Though  he  must  have  suffered  exceedingly,  he  said  nothing; 
nor  did  he  allude  to  it  in  his  diary  until  the  second  day  out 
from  Velicata.  On  the  16th,  after  a ride  of  three  hours,  San 
Juan  de  Dios  was  reached.  Here  the  poor  Father’s  suf- 
ferings grew  so  intolerable  that  he  could  not  rest  in  any  posi- 
tion. Governor  Portola  proposed  that  he  be  taken  back  for  re- 
cuperation to  the  mission  which  was  only  six  leagues  distant, 
but  Serra  replied,  “Do  not  speak  of  this,  dear  Sir;  for  I trust  in 
God ; He  must  give  me  strength  to  reach  San  Diego,  as  He 
has  granted  me  so  far;  and  in  case  that  it  be  impossible,  I 
conform  myself  to  His  holy  will ; but  though  I die  on  the 
road,  I will  not  go  back ; they  may  then  bury  me,  and  I shall 
gladly  rest  among  the  pagans,  if  it  be  the  will  of  God.” 

“On  the  17th,”  Serra  himself  writes  in  his  Diary,  “I  cele- 
brated Mass  there  (San  Juan  de  Dios),  although  with  the 
great  hardship  it  cost  me  to  hold  myself  on  my  feet,  because 
of  my  left  foot  having  become  much  inflamed,  from  which 
for  about  a -year,  or  somewhat  more,  I have  been  suffering; 
and  now  it  has  become  very  swollen  to  half-way  up  my  leg, 
and  its  wounds  are  inflamed.  For  this  reason  I passed  the 


® Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xv,  70-71;  “Noticias,”  tom.  ii,  cap.  vi,  29; 
Serra,  “Diario.” 

10  See  Part  II,  chapter  xiv,  p.  258,  this  work. 

11  Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xv,  72-73;  “Noticias,”  tom.  ii,  cap.  viii,  35. 


FR.  JUXIPERO  SERRA,  O.  F.  M. 


Founding  of  San  Fernando;  Fr.  Serra  361 


days  during  which  we  were  detained  here  mostly  at  full  length 
upon  my  bed,  and  feared  that  soon  I should  have  to  follow 
the  expedition  upon  a stretcher.” 

On  the  18th  of  May  the  sufferer  could  not  celebrate  Mass. 
When  Portola  found  him  unable  to  walk  or  to  travel  on  horse- 
back, he  ordered  a litter  made  on  which  the  Fr.  Presidente 
could  be  borne  by  neophyte  Indians.  On  hearing  this  Serra 
felt  much  distressed  on  account  of  the  trouble  he  was  causing. 
Begging  God  to  let  him  grow  somewhat  better  in  order  to 
avoid  molesting  the  Indians,  he  called  a mule-driver,  Juan 
Antonio  Coronel  by  name,  and  said,  “My  son,  can  you  pre- 
pare a remedy  for  the  sore  on  my  leg  and  foot?”  “What 
remedy  can  I have.  Father?”  Coronel  replied.  “Am  I for- 
sooth a surgeon  ? I am  a muleteer  and  have  cured  the  wounds 
of  animals  only.”  “Well,  my  son,  imagine  that  I am  an  ani- 
mal,” Serra  pleaded,  “and  that  this  is  one  of  their  wounds 
from  which  resulted  the  swelling  of  the  leg.  Make  for  me 
the  same  remedy  which  you  would  apply  to  an  animal.”  The 
muleteer  and  all  bystanders  smiled,  but  Juan  Antonio  said, 
“That  I will  do.  Father,  to  please  you.”  He  accordingly  took 
a little  tallow,  crushed  it  between  two  stones,  mixing  with  it 
the  while  some  herbs  which  he  had  found  near  at  hand. 
Having  heated  the  mass  he  placed  it  upon  the  sore  leg  like  a 
poultice.  God  blessed  the  simplicity  of  both  the  priest  and 
the  mule-driver,  for  Serra  fell  into  a sound  sleep  from  which 
he  did  not  awaken  till  the  next  morning.  He  then  arose  re- 
lieved of  his  pain,  to  recite  Matins  and  Prime  as  usual,  and, 
to  the  amazement  of  the  governor  and  soldiers,  concluded  his 
devotions  by  celebrating  Mass  as  though  he  had  not  been 
afflicted  at  all.  Nor  was  there  any  more  delay  on  the  Fr. 
Presidente’s  account  until  the  expedition  arrived  at  the  port 
of  San  Diego. 

“On  the  21st,”  a lengthy  entry  in  the  Diario  says,  “a  Sunday 
and  the  feast  of  the  Most  Holy  Trinity,  after  I had  celebrated, 
and  all  had  heard  Mass,  I made  them  a brief  exhortation  con- 
cerning the  good  conduct  which  we  ought  all  to  observe  on 


12  Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xv,  73-74. 


362  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


a road  whose  principal  end  was  the  greater  honor  and  glory 
of  God.  . . . And  in  the  name  of  God,  Triune  and  One, 

our  march  was  ordered  and  begun.”  Serra  gives  lengthy  de- 
scriptions of  the  road  and  incidents  with  Indians,  which  are 
not  of  sufficiently  general  interest  to  be  dwelt  upon  here.  On 
the  24th,  the  eve  of  Corpus  Christi,  which  that  year  fell  upon 
the  25th  of  May,  the  expedition  came  to  a spot  which  was 
given  the  name  Corpus  Christi.  On  the  feast  Serra  cele- 
brated Mass,  after  which  the  march  was  resumed.  On  the 
27th  they  reached  the  place  which  the  Jesuit  Father  Wen- 
zelao  Link  had  named  Cieneg^illa  while  on  his  way  to  find 
the  Colorado  River  in  1766,  as  one  of  the  soldiers  claimed 
who  had  been  with  the  Jesuit  on  that  trip.  From  here,  twenty- 
five  leagues  north  of  San  Fernando,  Link  had  continued 
directly  north  and  had  been  forced  back  by  a sierra  which 
his  animals  could  not  pass. 

Portola,  therefore,  turned  to  the  northwest  in  the  direction 
of  the  Pacific  Ocean.  On  Sunday,  the  28th  of  May,  the 
troops  had  a little  bloody  encounter  with  about  forty  aggres- 
sive savages,  after  which  holy  Mass  was  celebrated.  During 
the  day  very  many  Indians,  all  naked,  followed  the  travelers 
to  the  halting-place.  “Until  now,”  Serra  relates,  “we  had 
not  seen  any  women  among  them ; and  for  the  present  I de- 
sired not  to  see  them,  because  I feared  that  they  went  naked 
like  the  men.  Two  women  now  appeared,  talking  as  rapidly 
and  as  efficaciously  as  this  sex  knows  how  and  is  accustomed 
to  do.  When  I saw  them  so  decently  covered  that  we  could 
take  it  in  good  part  if  greater  nudities  were  never  seen  among 
the  Christian  women  of  the  missions,  I was  not  sorry  for 
their  arrival.  The  most  youthful  one,  who  was,  they  said, 
the  wife  of  the  chief,  carried  upon  her  head  the  regalement 
which  I had  never  seen,  and  which  was  a great  pancake  of 
a thing  like  dough,  but  full  of  fibres.  I went  to  lay  my  hands 
upon  her  head,  and  the  dough  stuck  to  them ; but  she  and 
her  husband  at  once  began  to  explain  to  me  how  it  was  eaten. 


13  Serra,  “Diario”;  Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xv,  74-75.  See  Part  II, 
chapter  xiv,  p.  358,  this  work. 


Founding  of  San  Fernando;  Fr.  Serra  363 

On  the  29th  we  went  forth,  and  the  day’s  journey  was  only 
three  hours,  but  most  painful,  for  all  of  it  was  through  hills, 
ascents,  descents,  all  slopes  of  earth,  but  steep  and  wearisome. 
At  last  we  descended  to  the  plain,  and  the  hardship  could  be 
considered  well  employed,  because  of  the  excellence  of  the 
stopping-place,  equal  to  which  we  have  seen  none  so  far.” 
Several  places  were  found  suitable  for  missions,  notably  the 
one  reached  on  May  29th,  where  Fr.  Serra  celebrated  holy 
Mass  on  the  next  day,  the  feast  of  San  Fernando.  The  gov- 
ernor thought  it  the  best  place  in  California.  “If  it  is 
managed  that  the  mission  of  Villa  Catha  (Velicata),”  Serra 
writes,  “keeps  the  name  San  Fernando,  distinct  from  Santa 
Maria,  it  would  give  me  pleasure  to  have  this  one  called  San 
Pedro  Regalado ; but  for  the  present  I will  only  name  this 
spot  for  the  day,  San  Fernando.”  The  march  slowly  con- 
tinued through  the  month  of  June,  and  Fr.  Serra  .seems  to  have 
celebrated  holy  Mass  every  day.  Great  crowds  of  Indians 
were  occasionally  encountered  the  nearer  the  expedition  ap- 
proached San  Diego.  At  times  some  of  their  own  Indian 
attendants  would  run  away,  probably  from  homesickness,  cer- 
tainly not  for  lack  of  kindness  on  the  part  of  Fr.  Serra.  On 
one  occasion,  on  hearing  that  a few  of  the  Indian  following 
had  deserted,  he  exclaimed : “God,  our  Lord,  bless  them  as 
well  for  the  benefit  they  have  been  to  us,  as  for  the  draw- 
back their  absence  will  be  to  us  in  the  future.” 

On  the  27th  of  June  he  relates;  “In  a short  while  more 
and  more  pagan  men,  women  and  children  gathered  about  us 
in  such  great  numbers  that  I did  not  count  them.  Their 
affability  now  declined  to  familiarity,  for  if  in  sign  of  affec- 
tion we  put  our  hands  on  their  heads  or  shoulders,  they  did 
the  same  to  us ; and  if  they  saw  us  seated,  there  they  sat  close 
to  us,  and  always  with  the  mania  that  we  should  give  them 
everything  they  saw,  without  stopping  at  little  things.  They 
asked  me  for  my  habit,  the  governor  they  begged  for  his 
leather  jacket,  waistcoat,  breeches,  and  all  he  had  on,  and 
thus  as  to  the  rest.  They  even  bothered  me  enough  to  give 


Serra,  "Diario. 


364  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

them  my  spectacles.  I took  them  oflf  for  one  whose  actions 
seemed  to  signify  that  I should  lend  them  to  him  to  see  what 
they  were,  but  God  knows  what  it  cost  me  to  recover  them, 
because  he  ran  away  with  them.  At  last,  after  a thousand 
difficulties,  I recovered  them  after  they  had  been  in  the  hands 
of  the  women  who  hankered  for  them.  Only  articles  of  food 
they  did  not  wish.” 

On  the  same  day  the  travelers  received  news  through  an 
Indian  that  the  sea  expedition  had  arrived  at  San  Diego. 
About  noon  of  the  28th  Sergeant  Ortega,  who  had  always 
gone  ahead  of  the  main  body  to  prepare  the  camping-places, 
came  with  ten  or  more  soldiers  and  fresh  animals  to  meet 
Portola  and  his  company.  He  confirmed  the  news  that  the 
two  ships  had  reached  the  port.  On  the  29th,  the  feast  of 
Saints  Peter  and  Paul,  the  governor  left  the  expedition  early 
in  the  morning  with  eight  soldiers  to  hasten  his  arrival  at  the 
long-sought  port,  whilst  Fr.  Serra  once  more  celebrated  holy 
Mass,  “and  plenty  of  Gentiles  witnessed  it  with  much  atten- 
tion,” as  he  writes.  Finally,  on  July  1st,  1769,  after  having 
traveled  forty-six  days,  the  Fr.  Presidente  with  the  main  body 
entered  the  camp  at  San  Diego. 

Subsequent  events,  as  well  as  the  particulars  about  the  ex- 
pedition which  went  by  sea,  will  be  found  in  the  next  volume. 
It  is  well,  as  Bancroft  remarks,  to  preserve  the  names  applied 
by  these  first  expeditions  between  Velicata  and  San  Diego. 
The  route  taken  and  the  names  applied  to  the  various  local- 
ities are,  therefore,  copied  from  Crespi’s  Diario  and  appended 
in  a footnote.  Serra  and  Portola  gave  different  names  to 


15  Fr.  Serra,  “Diario”  in  “Out  West,”  C.  F.  Lummis,  Editor, 
March  to  July,  1902;  Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xv;  “Noticias,”  tom.  ii, 
capp.  v-vi. 

15  Crespi,  “Diario,”  in  Palou’s  “Noticias,”  tom.  ii,  37-97;  Ban- 
croft, “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  490.  From  Velicata  to  San  Juan 
de  Dios,  arroyo,  4.5  leagues;  Santos  Martires,  arroyo,  3 leagues; 
Las  Palmas,  arroyo,  3 leagues;  S.  Angelo  de  Fulgino,  arroyo,  or 
Corpus  Christi,  3.5  leagues;  Alamos,  arroyo,  3.5  leagues;  Ciene- 
guilla,  4 leagues,  in  30  degrees,  56  minutes;  S.  Ricardo  (Santa 
Humiliana),  3 leagues;  S.  Vincente  Ferrer  (Santa  Petronila),  3 
leagues;  S.  Dionisio,  rio,  3 leagues,  in  31  degrees,  8 minutes;  S. 


Founding  of  San  Fernando;  Fr.  Serra  365 


some  of  the  places,  according  to  the  feast  of  the  day  on  which 
they  happened  to  be  camped  there.  Most  of  these  are  added 
in  parenthesis. 

Leon,  arroyo  (S.  Andres  Hispelo),  2 leagues;  S.  Angel  de  Clavacio 
(S.  Pacifico),  6 leagues;  S.  Telmo,  pozo  (Stos  Martires),  4 leagues, 
in  31  degrees,  11  minutes;  S.  Rafael  (Sta  Margarita),  3 leagues; 
S.  Bernabe,  S leagues;  Santa  Isabel  (S.  Guido),  3 leagues,  in  32 
degrees;  Alisos,  arroyo  (S.  Nazario),  5 leagues;  S.  Jacobo  Ilirico 
(S.  Antonio),  2 leagues,  in  32  degrees,  8 minutes;  S.  Anselmo 
(Basilio),  3 leagues;  S.  Francisco  Solano  (San  Antonio),  1.5 
leagues;  S.  Jorge  (S.  Atenogenes),  2 leagues;  Stos  Martires  (S. 
Gervasio),  3 leagues;  S.  Pedro  Martir  (Sta  Miguelina),  2 leagues; 
Santos  Apostoles,  3 leagues;  Santa  Cruz  (Visitacion),  1 league,  in 
32  degrees,  14  minutes;  Sta  Monica  (S.  Juan,  3.5  leagues);  S.  Esta- 
nislao,  valle  (S.  Juan  Bautista),  4 leagues,  in  32  degrees,  18  min- 
utes; S.  Juan  Bautista  (S.  Juan  Capistrano);  S.  Antonio,  valle  (S. 
Francisco  Solano),  4 leagues;  S.  Pio  (S.  Bienvenuto),  4 leagues; 
Stos  Martires,  pocita  (Carcel  de  S.  Pedro),  3 leagues,  opposite  the 
Coronados;  Santo  Espiritu  on  San  Diego  Bay. 


CHAPTER  \TI. 


Galvez’s  Last  Regulations. — School  for  Sailors. — Unwise  Orders 
Concerning  the  Soldiers  and  the  Price  of  Mission  Products. — 
Palou  Removes  to  Loreto. — Governor  Armona. — Epidemic  in 
the  South. — Fr.  Moran  a Victim. — Folly  of  Transplanting  In- 
dians.— Galvez’s  Anger. — He  Remembers  the  Missions. — Shabby 
Treatment — Fr.  Palou  Defends  Indian  Rights. — He  Reports 
to  Mexico. — Fr.  Ramos  Goes  to  Mexico. — Armona  Retires. 

FTER  the  inspector-general  had  despatched  the  San  Car- 


los and  the  San  Antonio  on  their  errand  to  the  north, 
he  went  to  Loreto  and  arrived  there  on  April  22d,  1769.  He 
informed  Fr.  Palou  “that  he  had  resolved  to  continue  Loreto 
as  a mission,  because  it  had  been  the  first  on  the  peninsula,” 
Pal6u  writes,  ^ “and  that  as  I,  in  the  absence  of  the  Rev.  Fr. 
Junipero  Serra,  should  have  to  act  as  presidente,  I should 
have  to  remain  there  and  manage  it  as  its  missionary ; that 
he  would  leave  a decree  directing  that  Indian  families  to  the 
number  of  one  hundred  be  brought  from  the  other  missions, 
which  had  more  than  they  needed,  and  added  to  the  nineteen 
which  it  (Loreto)  had;  that,  to  begin  with,  twenty-five  super- 
fluous families  should  be  brought  from  San  Javier  in  order 
to  work  the  mission  field ; and  that  for  the  period  of  one 
year  the  weekly  rations  of  an  almud  ^ and  a half  of  corn 
should  be  given  them  from  the  government  store. 

“When  I asked  him  how  they  should  support  themselves 
thereafter,  inasmuch  as  the  mission  of  Loreto,  though  it  has 
much  land,  lacked  water,  and  it  had  been  experienced  that 
less  rain  fell  there  than  anywhere  in  California,  he  replied 
that  it  had  the  rancho  of  San  Juan,  and  that  by  furnishing 
meat  to  the  government  warehouse  they  could  obtain  corn  for 
their  maintenance  and  cloth  to  clothe  themselves ; that  they 
could  help  themselves  by  manual  labor  for  which  reason  he 
had  ordered  that,  besides  the  rations,  they  should  be  allowed 
six  dollars  a month  while  they  worked  for  the  royal  store,  or 

1 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xiii,  61-63. 

2 8 to  10  lbs. 


Galvez’s  Unwise  Orders;  New  Governor  367 


did  other  work  as  it  came  to  hand ; that  they  could  also  help 
themselves  by  fishing  and  selling  the  fish  to  the  colonists,  and 
likewise  by  diving  for  pearls ; and  that  for  such  a purpose  he 
would  order  a boat  to  be  given  to  the  mission,  so  that  by  this 
means  and  others,  which  were  not  wanting,  they  could  well 
support  themselves. 

“I  had  to  submit  to  this,  bearing  in  mind  from  what  was 
said,  that  some  missionary  had  to  stay  at  Loreto  to  transact  the 
business  and  keep  the  accounts  between  the  mission  and  the 
store.  His  lordship  also  fixed  the  annual  stipend  which  was  to 
be  paid  to  me  from  Mexico  for  the  support  of  the  two  mission- 
aries, and  which  he  said  should  be  five  hundred  dollars  in  ad- 
dition to  the  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  for  the  expense  of 
wax  and  olive  oil  for  the  lamp,  as  I said  in  the  eleventh  chapter. 
For  everything  he  would  leave  his  decrees,  as  he  would  also 
direct  that  the  garden  belonging  to  the  store  should  be  turned 
over  to  the  mission,  so  that  with  its  product  it  might  assist 
in  maintaining  the  mission,  and  that  for  everything  else  he 
would  draw  up  instructions  according  to  which  the  mission 
and  everything  else  should  be  regulated.”  From  all  this  it  is 
evident  that  Galvez  did  not  think  it  necessary  to  take  any 
counsel  from  those  who  alone  were  competent  to  judge  about 
the  advisability  or  practicability  of  his  measures,  and  there- 
fore the  result  was  confusion  and  failure. 

Among  other  things  Galvez  also  resolved  to  found  a train- 
ing school  for  sailors  in  which  Indian  boys  were  to  be  in- 
structed how  to  manage  the  mission  launches,  as  he  had  or- 
dered that  one  should  be  built  at  San  Bias  for  each  mission. 
For  this  purpose  as  many  as  forty  orphan  boys,  from  ten  to 
fourteen  years  of  age,  were  to  be  taken  from  the  missions  and 
placed  at  this  school.  In  the  beginning  the  establishment  was 
to  receive  one  hundred  fanegas  of  flour  from  the  government 
.store ; but  after  that  the  boys  were  to  support  themselves  by 
their  own  labor  and  at  the  cost  of  the  missions.  ® Nothing 
seems  to  have  come  of  the  chimerical  plan. 

In  making  these  and  similar  regulations  the  inspector-gen- 
eral passed  his  last  days  in  California.  The  worst  orders 


3 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xiii,  62-63. 


368  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


were  those  issued  for  the  soldiers  and  for  regulating  the  price 
of  mission  goods.  From  this  it  may  be  clearly  seen  that, 
despite  his  piety,  the  welfare  of  the  missions  on  the  peninsula 
was  not  uppermost  in  his  mind,  but  rather  the  king’s  treasury, 
no  matter  how  much  the  missions  suffered  in  consequence. 
After  going  over  the  accounts  of  the  royal  warehouse  and 
the  pay  of  the  military,  he  arbitrarily  fixed  the  wages  of  the 
soldiers  as  follows : Those  serving  south  of  Loreto  were 
daily  to  receive  four  redles,  ■* *  out  of  which  they  had  to  sustain 
themselves  and  furnish  their  own  horses,  weapons,  and  am- 
munition. ® Those  stationed  at  Loreto,  and  in  the  north  as 
far  as  Santa  Maria,  were  allowed  five  reales  a day,  and  the 
soldiers  on  the  expedition  and  in  the  new  missions,  six  reales. 
To  indemnify  the  soldiers  for  this  reduction  of  their  pay,  Gal- 
vez reduced  the  price  of  the  goods  sold  at  the  store,  in  such  a 
way,  however,  that  the  burden  fell,  not  upon  the  government, 
but  upon  the  poor  Indian  missions.  A new  price-list  was  ar- 
ranged for  everything.  Thus  corn,  which  had  been  sold  for 
four  dollars  a fanega,  was  reduced  to  three  dollars  and  a half ; 
beans  and  garvanzos  from  six  dollars  to  five  dollars  a fanega; 
dried  figs  from  six  to  four  dollars  an  arroba ; manteca,  used 
in  the  preparation  of  food  instead  of  lard,  from  six  to  three 
dollars  an  arroba ; fresh  meat  from  six  to  two  reales ; dried 
meat  from  twelve  to  six  reales;  wine  from  six  to  four  reales; 
brandy  from  ten  to  seven  reales  a cuartillo  or  pint,  etc.  The 
missions,  on  the  other  hand,  were  required  to  sell  these  arti- 
cles to  the  government  store  for  one  real  less,  and  to  pay 
for  the  trouble  of  handling  them.  All  these  regulations  the 
inspector  left  in  writing  with  the  temporary  governor,  Juan 
Gutierrez,  and  then,  on  the  1st  of  May,  1769,  embarked  for 
Sonora,  accompanied  by  the  chaplain  of  the  troops.  Rev.  Pe- 
dro Fernandez,  who  had  attended  to  the  needs  of  the  presidio 
since  the  departure  of  the  Jesuits.  ® 


* A real  is  equal  to  twelve  and  one-half  cents. 

5 ‘‘Para  los  del  Sur  a cuatro  reales  con  la  condicion  que  de  ellos 
habian  de  comer,  poner  las  bestias  necesarias,  las  armas,  polvora 
y balas.” 

* Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xiii,  63-64. 


Galvez’s  Unwise  Orders;  New  Governor  369 


After  the  departure  of  Jose  de  Galvez,  Fr.  Palou  turned 
Mission  San  Javier  over  to  Fr.  Juan  Escudero,  and  collecting 
twenty-five  families,  who  volunteered,  he  removed  with  them 
to  Mission  Loreto  as  the  inspector  had  commanded.  Fr. 
Benito  Sierra  was  sent  to  Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege,  and  Fr. 
Juan  Gaston  was  placed  in  charge  of  Punsima  Concepcion  de 
Cadegomo,  which  since  the  month  of  February,  when  Fr. 
Juan  Crespi  joined  Rivera,  had  been  attended  from  San  Jose 
de  Comundu.  ’’ 

“As  soon  as  I took  charge,”  Fr.  Palou  writes,  “I  discovered 
that  the  mission  at  Loreto  could  not  subsist  and  that  all  the 
others  in  a short  time  would  decline;  because  owing  to  the 
new  price-lists,  the  value  of  meat,  tallow,  fat,  figs,  wine,  and 
brandy  had  very  much  decreased,  and  these  articles  were  the 
only  products  of  the  missions,  and  from  the  sale  of  which  the 
Indians  were  provided  with  cloth  to  cover  themselves,  and 
with  corn  in  those  years  when  none  was  harvested,  which 
harvest  generally  does  not  yield  enough.  Despite  my  misgiv- 
ings, I tried  to  await  the  results,  so  that  with  the  experience 
made  I might  approach  the  inspector-general  for  relief,  though 
I well  knew  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  obtain  it  while  the 
pay  of  the  soldiers  was  reduced.”  * 

On  June  12th  Don  Matias  de  Armona,  ® the  new  governor 
arrived  at  Loreto.  After  studying  the  situation  on  the  penin- 
sula, he  resolved  not  to  take  possession  of  the  governorship, 
nor  to  return  to  California  after  a conference  with  the  inspector 
at  Alamos,  Sonora,  unless  Galvez  modified  his  orders  concern- 
ing the  peninsula.  He  was  informed  that  the  king  had  hereto- 
fore furnished  $30,000  annually  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
military,  but  that  Galvez  wanted  this  expenditure  to  be  cov- 
ered by  California,  though  the  revenues  were  not  only  insuffi- 
cient but  uncertain.  “I  felt  very  much  the  distress  of  the 
gentleman,”  says  Palou,  “because  in  the  few  days  that  he 
staid  at  Loreto  I recognized  in  him  all  the  requisites  of  a good 
governor.  I explained  my  misgivings  to  him  concerning 

7 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xiv,  65. 

8 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xiv,  65-66. 

9 “Sargento  mayor  del  regimiento  de  la  Corona.” 


370  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


the  damage  to  the  missions  from  the  new  price-list,  which  I 
showed  him,  so  that  he  could  with  his  own  eyes  see  that  the 
income  from  the  meat  which  was  used  at  Loreto  and  weekly 
amounted  to  little  more  than  one  hundred  arrobas,  did  not  pay 
the  wages  of  the  cowherds ; that  to  pay  them  sixteen  dollars 
a week  was  needed,  besides  the  rations,  whereas  the  meat 
amounted  to  little  more  than  twelve  dollars.  I explained  other 
points  to  him,  in  order  that  he  might  speak  to  the  inspector, 
as  he  promised  to  do,  and  that  he  should  write  to  me  if  he  did 
not  return  to  the  peninsula.  Thereupon  he  bid  farewell  and 
on  June  24th  sailed  away  in  the  same  galeota  that  had  brought 
him  from  San  Bias.” 

Meanwhile,  in  May,  1769,  a pestilential  fever  broke  out  at 
San  Jose  del  Cabo.  Fr.  Murguia,  who  was  staying  with  the 
curate  of  Santiago  waiting  for  a ship  to  take  him  to  San 
Diego,  hastened  to  the  afflicted  mission  to  assist  the  stricken 
people.  While  attending  to  his  duties  he  also  fell  sick,  but 
managed  to  reach  Mission  Todos  Santos  nearly  dead.  He 
recovered  slowly,  but  now  Fr.  Juan  Moran,  the  missionary 
in  charge,  was  attacked  by  the  fever  while  on  his  way  to  hear 
the  confession  of  a sick  Indian,  and  died  before  the  curate  of 
Santiago,  who  had  been  called,  could  administer  the  sacra- 
ments. “Though  I felt  pained  that  he  had  not  received  the 
holy  sacraments,”  Fr.  Palou  writes,  “I  had  the  consolation  of 
his  blameless  life,  and  that  by  all  he  was  considered  a good 
religious.”  By  direction  of  Don  Galvez  the  curate  of  Santiago 
thereafter  attended  San  Jose  as  a mission  station,  and  thus 
both  places  reverted  to  the  bishop  of  Guadalajara,  or  in  other 
words,  were  secularized.  Santa  Ana  and  the  surrounding 
mines  and  ranchos  were  already  in  charge  of  a secular  priest, 
so  that  in  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula  the  Franciscans, 
through  Fr.  Juan  Ramos  de  Lora,  retained  only  Todos 
Santos. 

The  missionaries  were  laboring  hard  and  managing  the  tem- 
poral affairs  of  the  missions  under  the  most  disheartening  cir- 
cumstances in  order  to  advance  the  spiritual  welfare  of  their 

10  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xiv,  66-67. 

11  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xiv,  68-70. 


Galvez’s  Unwise  Orders;  New  Governor  371 

neophytes,  when  suddenly  an  epidemic  of  measles  spread 
through  all  the  missions  from  Loreto  northward,  carrying  off 
many  natives  of  all  ages.  This  malady  had  not  subsided,  when 
another  more  serious  disease  began  to  rage.  So  many  of  the 
Indians  died  that  San  Jose  de  Comundu  and  Purisima,  whither 
Galvez  had  transplanted  many  neophytes  from  Guadalupe,  were 
again  reduced  to  the  small  number  which  they  had  before. 
Guadalupe  also  lost  many  of  its  people  from  the  same  cause. 
At  San  Javier  the  havoc  created  by  the  epidemic  was  not  as 
great  as  at  Guadalupe ; but  at  the  pueblo  of  Santiago  in  the 
south  the  pestilence  worked  so  fearfully  that  all  the  Indians 
who  had  been  settled  there  from  Todos  Santos  died,  besides 
many  of  its  original  inhabitants.  The  same  disaster  overtook 
San  Jose  del  Cabo,  where  all  the  families  placed  there  from 
San  Javier,  with  one  exception,  besides  many  of  the  native 
population,  fell  victims  to  the  pest.  At  Todos  Santos  the 
plague  at  its  first  appearance  killed  more  than  three  hundred 
children  and  adults;  but  as  many  of  the  panic-stricken  neo- 
phytes fled  to  the  mountains  and  died,  it  is  impossible  to  give 
the  exact  number  of  the  victims. 

The  Guaicuros,  whom  Galvez  had  removed  to  Todos  Santos 
from  the  suppressed  missions  of  Dolores  and  San  Luis  Gon- 
zaga,  never  resigned  themselves  to  their  lot,  not  so  much  be- 
cause they  had  been  transplanted,  but  because  they  were  forced 
to  live  in  community.  Formerly  they  had  been  free  to  rove 
about  the  mountains,  which  was  satisfactory  to  them,  albeit 
they  had  to  subsist  upon  wild  fruits.  They  now  caused  end- 
less trouble,  and  in  their  discontent  destroyed  or  stole  every- 
thing they  could  reach ; nor  did  the  authority  or  the  respect 
due  the  inspector-general  awe  them  to  desist.  Galvez  him- 
self went  to  Todos  Santos  from  Santa  Ana  to  pacify  and  cor- 
rect them ; but  so  little  improvement  follow'ed,  says  Palou,  that 
on  the  same  day  on  which  he  let  them  feel  his  displeasure, 
they  stole  the  dinner  prepared  for  him ; and  on  the  night  be- 
fore his  departure  for  Santa  Ana  they  stole  everything  made 
ready  for  his  journey.  This  angered  the  inspector-general  to 
such  a degree  that  the  missionaries  with  difficulty  restrained 


12  Ibidem  cap.  xv,  70-71. 


372  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


him  from  hanging  some  of  the  Indians,  whom  he  had  already 
ordered  to  make  their  last  confession.  In  his  wrath  he  de- 
clared that  such  a race  of  people  deserved  to  be  put  to  the 
sword  so  that  they  might  not  pervert  the  rest.  The  discon- 
tent increased  to  such  an  extent  that  it  became  necessary  to 
station  soldiers  among  the  neophytes ; they  had  their  hands 
full  bringing  back  deserters,  who  in  turn  would  cause  all 
manner  of  annoyance  to  the  poor  missionaries. 

It  might  be  supposed  that  his  experience  with  these  Indians 
would  have  opened  the  eyes  of  Don  Galvez  to  their  real  na- 
ture, to  the  folly  of  transplanting  them,  and  to  the  necessity 
of  taking  measures  for  the  relief  of  the  missionaries ; his 
previous  and  subsequent  action,  however,  seems  to  force  the 
conclusion  that  he  had  not  been  sent  to  the  peninsula  for  the 
benefit  of  the  missions  and  neophytes,  but  rather  for  the  re- 
lief of  the  royal  treasury  at  the  expense  of  the  peninsula. 
Nevertheless,  about  the  middle  of  August,  1769,  $8,500  worth 
of  cloth  arrived,  which  Galvez  ordered  to  be  distributed  among 
the  neophytes.  He  also  commanded  the  keeper  of  the  Loreto 
warehouse  to  allow  the  Fathers  additional  goods  to  the  value 
of  $1,500,  but  to  charge  them  to  the  missionaries.  Fr.  Palou 
sent  all  this  to  the  different  missions,  so  that  the  Fathers  could 
dress  all  their  wards,  who  had  never  before  appeared  so  well 
clothed.  In  subsequent  years  the  missionaries  continued  to 
provide  clothing  for  the  natives  from  the  royal  warehouse, 
and  in  payment  furnished  beef  and  produce. 

When  writing  his  thanks  to  the  inspector-general  for  the 
cloth  he  had  sent,  Fr.  Palou  took  occasion  to  tell  him  that  he 
feared  the  missions  in  future  might  not  be  able  to  go  to  this 
expense,  nor  even  to  do  what  the  Jesuits  had  done  in  this  way, 
because  the  price  of  mission  products,  upon  which  the  mis- 
sions and  the  Indians  depended  for  their  maintenance,  had 
been  so  materially  lowered.  The  letter  found  Galvez  ill  with 


13  “Fue  precise  contenerlo  para  que  no  ahorcase  a unos  que  ya 
habia  mandado,  confesar,  y prorumpio  que  merecia  tal  raza  de 
gente  que  se  pasasen  a todos  por  cuchillo,  para  que  no  maleasen 
a los  otros.” 

1^  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xv,  71-72. 


Galvez’s  Unwise  Orders;  New  Governor  373 

fever,  so  that  no  action  was  taken ; but  during  the  month  of 
October  he  sent  a commissary  for  the  Loreto  store  in  the 
person  of  Don  Antonio  Lopez  del  Toledo,  who  was  to  act  as 
governor  in  the  absence  of  Armona.  The  latter  informed  Fr. 
Palou  that  he  had  not  spoken  to  the  inspector-general  about 
the  matters  which  he  had  promised  to  advocate,  “because  it 
was  the  same  to  speak  to  him  of  California  and  to  make  him 
show  anger.”  “At  the  same  time,”  Palou  writes,  “in  reply 
to  what  I said  before  I received  from  the  inspector  a letter 
in  which  he  said  to  me  that  by  means  of  the  directions  and 
instructions  which  he  had  given,  and  which  the  new  commis- 
sary of  Loreto  brought  along,  my  tears  ought  to  be  wiped' 
away,  and  that  for  the  rest  I should  have  recourse  to  Divine 
Providence.” 

The  new  commissary  reached  Loreto  on  October  23d,  1769, 
and  from  him  Fr.  Pal6u  learned  that  Galvez  had  ordered  him 
to  deliver  the  articles  considered  necessary  for  the  mission  of 
Loreto,  but  to  ask  for  a receipt,  and  to  forward  it  to  the  in- 
spector so  that  he  could  determine  whether  or  not  they  should 
be  charged  to  the  mission.  This  was  one  of  the  points  which 
Fr.  Pal6u  had  mentioned  to  Galvez  when  he  wrote  “that  all 
the  utensils  for  the  house  as  well  as  for  the  Indian  commun- 
ity had  been  received  at  the  warehouse,  but  that  not  as  much 
as  a plate,  or  a napkin,  had  been  turned  over  for  the  use  of 
the  missionary  Fathers,  not  even  the  least  thing,  not  an  earthen 
jar,  nor  a pan,  nor  a metate  to  prepare  the  food  for  the 
Indians;  that  having  asked  the  temporary  governor  in  charge 
of  the  store,  he  had  replied  to  me  that  all  belonged  to  the 
royal  warehouse,  that  he  had  received  it  by  inventory  from  his 
predecessor,  Don  Francisco  Troya,  that  the  mission  in  the 
time  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  had  kept  an  account  separate  from 
that  of  the  warehouse,  and  that  among  all  the  rest  on  the 


15  “Pues  lo  mismo  era  hablarle  de  la  California  que  manifestaba 
enojo!”  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xv,  72-73. 

16  “que  con  las  providencias  e instrucciones  que  habia  dado,  y 
llevaba  el  nuevo  comisario  de  Loreto,  se  me  enjugarian  las  lagrimas, 
y que  en  lo  demas  ocurriese  a la  Divina  Providencia.” 

11  Curved  stone  for  mashing  corn  and  making  tortillas  or  cakes. 


374  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


peninsula  this  mission  was  the  best  provided  with  utensils, 
and  that  the  mission  had  paid  the  store  for  everything,  as 
was  clear  from  the  account  books  of  the  time  of  said  Fathers, 
and  that  the  inspector  had  charged  the  royal  commissary  to 
deliver  to  the  mission  what  belonged  to  it.  Besides  these  in- 
structions Galvez  had  issued  another  which  the  commissary 
intimated  to  me  as  follows : ‘In  the  work  of  taking  out  salt 

to  the  wharves  of  Carmen  Island,  and  in  other  work  in  the 
service  of  the  king,  the  commissary  should  employ  the  Indians 
of  Mission  Loreto,  and  from  the  other  missions  others  that 
might  be  needed,  and  to  give  them  on  account  of  the  royal 
treasury  the  usual  subsistence,  without  other  wages,  because 
all  subjects,  who  are  truly  such,  have  the  obligation  of  serving 
the  king.’  ” 

“In  another  chapter  of  said  instructions,”  Palou  tells  us, 
(and  it  is  well  that  he  reproduced  them,  so  that  the  haughty 
attitude  of  the  Spanish  officials  towards  the  Indians  and  their 
missionaries  stands  out  clearly),  “he  (Galvez)  told  the  com- 
missary that  he  should  populate  the  saltworks  of  Carmen  Is- 
lands with  enough  people,  erect  a warehouse  there  for  the 
storing  of  salt,  and  take  precaution  that  all  the  barks  which 
had  to  return  brought  the  salt  to  San  Bias.  The  commissary 
intimated  these  instructions  to  me  and  said  that  he  would 
soon  have  to  execute  them,  and  that  the  Indians  should,  there- 
fore, quickly  make  ready,  and  that,  as  there  were  few  at 
Loreto,  I should  ask  the  missionaries  of  the  neighboring  mis- 
sions to  send  laborers  for  the  royal  service  which  must  have  a 
sufficient  number.  Hearing  this,  and  considering  that  in  the 


18  “dandoles  de  cuenta  de  la  real  hacienda  el  mantenimiento 
acostumbrado,  sin  otro  estipendio  de  jornal,  porque  todos  los 
vasallos,  que  verdaderamente  los  son,  tienen  obligacion  de  servir 
al  rey.”  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xv,  73-75.  Galvez  was 
evidently  a firm  believer  in  the  un-Catholic  doctrine  of  royal  abso- 
lutism. He  seems  to  have  been  a typical  State  Catholic,  though  of 
the  better  class,  with  whom  Religion  is  but  the  handmaid  of  the 
State,  and  the  ministers  of  Religion  not  messengers  of  Christ,  but 
only  officials  of  an  inferior  branch  of  the  State.  The  very  doc- 
trines of  Christ  must  be  made  subservient  to  the  notions  of  kings 
and  politicians,  or  be  outlawed! 


Galvez’s  Unwise  Orders;  New  Governor  375 

adjoining  missions  the  Indians  had  become  very  scarce  on 
account  of  the  epidemic  mentioned  before,  that  they  were 
needed  for  necessary  work,  and  that,  if  the  land  were  not 
cultivated,  they  would  have  to  purchase  corn  from  the  ware- 
house at  so  high  a price,  that  to  the  discredit  of  the  mission- 
aries great  damage,  if  not  the  destruction  of  the  missions, 
must  result  therefrom,  I wanted  to  prevent  it.  For  that 
reason  I asked  the  royal  commissary  what  wages  would  be 
given  to  the  Indians?  He  answered:  ‘None;  that  as  the 

inspector  had  commanded  in  the  instructions,  only  rations 
would  be  allowed  to  those  that  worked  and  during  the  time 
of  the  work.’  I asked  him  further,  who  should  have  to  sup- 
port their  wives  and  families?  who  should  have  to  give  them 
clothing,  and  who  should  have  to  maintain  them  if  they  were 
sick?  To  all  of  which  he  replied,  ‘The  missions.’  Well,  if 
the  missions  have  to  maintain  and  clothe  them,  it  is  necessary 


that  they  work  for  the  missions ; and  therefore,  as  long  as 
they  are  not  paid  the  six  dollars  a month  for  their  labor,  as 
the  inspector  has  ordered  in  the  price-list  which  he  left,  I can- 
not furnish  a single  Indian,  because  I am  convinced  that  the 
said  instructions  are  erroneous,  if  not  fictitious,  for  in  them 
no  mention  is  made  of  the  wages  which  a few  months  before 
have  been  assigned  them,  and  therefore  he  should  suspend 
the  execution  of  the  regulations  which  he  claimed  to  possess. 
With  this  he  departed.” 

As  a schooner  happened  to  be  on  the  point  of  sailing  for 


19  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xv,  75-76.  It  is  to  be  regretted 
that  some  of  the  haughty,  bluffing,  and  meddlesome  officials  in 
Upper  California,  Neve  for  example,  did  not  have  to  deal  with 
the  fearless  Pal6u.  Above  is  the  fac-simile  of  Palou’s  signature. 


376  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


San  Bias,  Fr.  Palou  sent  a full  report  to  the  Fr.  Guardian  of 
the  College  of  San  Fernando.  The  Fr.  Guardian  replied  that 
the  discretory  had  deemed  it  inadvisable  to  approach  the  vice- 
roy on  the  subject,  as  he  would  doubtless  refer  them  to  the 
inspector ; that  Palou  should  address  himself  to  Galvez,  and  in 
case  of  an  adverse  decision  he  should  send  his  own  memorial 
and  the  inspector’s  reply  to  the  College,  which  would  bring 
them  to  the  notice  of  the  viceroy.  Months  passed  before  this 
answer  of  his  superior  reached  Loreto ; but  Palou  had  not 
waited  for  instructions.  He  had  meanwhile  sent  a circular  to 
all  the  missionaries  and  asked  their  opinion  as  to  what  was 
to  be  done  with  regard  to  the  regulations  as  represented  by 
the  new  commissary,  a copy  of  which  he  enclosed.  At  the 
same  time,  as  he  intended  to  visit  Galvez  in  person,  he  called 
to  Loreto  Fr.  Juan  Ramos  de  Lora,  whom  the  College  had 
named  presidente  in  case  that  Fr.  Palou  should  at  any  time 
have  to  be  absent  or  should  be  incapacitated.  Fr.  Ramos 
turned  his  mission  Todos  Santos  over  to  Fr.  Murguia,  who 
had  recovered  from  his  illness,  and  hastened  to  Loreto,  where 
he  arrived  on  December  2d,  1769. 

In  the  meantime  the  replies  had  come  from  the  Fathers. 
All  were  unanimous  in  their  opinion  that  Fr.  Palou  should 
resign  the  care  of  the  mission  temporalities,  in  order  that,  if 
they  perished  or  declined  through  the  execution  of  the  instruc- 
tions, it  could  not  be  attributed  to  the  missionaries  of  the 
Franciscan  Order.  Pal6u,  accordingly,  drew  up  a document 
formally  renouncing  the  control  of  the  mission  property,  and 
signed  it  with  the  missionaries  of  the  three  nearest  missions 
only,  because  there  was  no  time  to  obtain  the  signatures  of 
the  others.  Fr.  Juan  Ramos  then  embarked  for  Sonora  to 
present  the  paper  to  the  inspector-general.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  Juan  Gutierrez,  the  acting  governor.  Unfortu- 
nately Galvez  had  departed  for  the  capital ; but  on  March 
14th,  1770,  Fr.  Ramos  brought  back  a letter  which  the  in- 
spector, before  leaving  Sonora,  had  written  to  Palou  inviting 
him  to  plead  his  case  in  writing  and  assuring  him  that  it 
would  receive  the  same  attention  as  though  he  appeared  in 
person.  Palou  now  wrote  a full  statement  and  added  a 


Galvez’s  Unwise  Orders;  New  Governor  377 

number  of  propositions  for  the  guidance  of  the  College.  These 
documents  Fr.  Dionisio  Basterra,  who  was  retiring  to  the 
College  on  account  of  ill-health,  toqk  along  when  he  embarked 
on  March  19th.  Fr.  Ramos  in  his  mission  launch  returned  to 
Todos  Santos  by  way  of  La  Paz.  Fr.  Murguia  was  recalled 
to  Loreto  and  arrived  in  the  beginning  of  May  to  prepare 
himself  for  the  journey  overland  to  San  Diego, 

Meanwhile  Matias  de  Armona,  the  governor-elect,  tried  in 
vain  to  be  relieved  of  his  office,  because  no  provisions  had  been 
made  to  pay  the  soldiers,  and  the  peninsula  was  unable  to 
maintain  them ; but  he  was  ordered  to  take  charge  of  his  post, 
and  to  be  confident  that  all  he  had  asked  would  be  forwarded. 
He  arrived  at  Cerralvo  on  June  13th,  1770.  From  Santa  Ana 
he  wrote  to  Fr.  Palou,  and  asked  him  for  a report  on  the 
state  of  the  missions  and  how  they  could  be  advanced  without 
extraordinary  cost  to  the  royal  treasury.  Fr.  Palou  went  to 
Santa  Ana  himself  by  way  of  Todos  Santos.  After  cele- 
brating the  feast  of  the  patron  saint,  July  26th,  the  governor 
and  Fr.  Palou  together  proceeded  to  Mission  Todos  Santos 
for  the  feast  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Angels,  August  2d,  and 
received  there  the  welcome  news  that  the  port  of  Monterey 
in  the  north  had  been  discovered  and  occupied.  The  event  was 
celebrated  on  the  next  day  with  a High  Mass  of  thanksgiving. 
On  returning  to  Santa  Ana  another  High  Mass  was  cele- 
brated for  the  same  purpose. 

During  these  days  also  Armona  received  notice  from  the 
viceroy  that  he  was  permitted  to  retire  from  California  to 
Mexico.  Armona  then  urged  Palou  to  draw  up  a list  of 
propositions  for  the  welfare  of  the  Indians,  which  he  prom- 
ised to  recommend  to  the  viceroy.  Pal6u  did  so,  and  had 
the  satisfaction  of  seeing  some  of  them  granted.  Some  of 
those  conceded  ordered  that  the  commissary  should  settle  his 
accounts  with  the  missions ; that  the  mission  of  Loreto  should 
receive  the  balance  due  at  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits,  as  well 
as  all  that  was  taken  from  the  rancho  since  their  departure ; 
that  the  unmarried  Indian  men  at  Santa  Ana  should  return 


20  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  capp.  xv-xvi,  76-80. 


378  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

to  their  missions,  because  they  had  not  received  the  mechani- 
cal instruction  promised ; that  the  mission  Indians  should  not 
work  on  the  San  Bias  transports ; and  that  the  prices  for  the 
mission  products  should  be  rearranged.  After  finishing  his 
business  with  the  governor,  Fr.  Palou,  embarking  at  La  Paz 
on  August  24th,  1770,  in  a mission  launch,  retired  to  Loreto, 
whilst  Armona  remained  at  Santa  Ana  until  November  9th, 
when  he  sailed  for  San  Bias,  leaving  Bernardino  Moreno  to 
act  as  governor  until  another  should  be  appointed. 


21  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xvii,  80-83. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


Fr.  Basterra’s  Memorial. — Its  Fifteen  Petitions. — Fr.  Lasuen’s  Re- 
port.— The  New  Governor. — Fr.  Rioboo  Goes  South. — Three 
Letters  from  the  Viceroy. — Articles  Sent  to  the  Five  Missions. 

WHEN  Fr.  Basterra  reached  the  capital  about  the  begin- 
ning of  July,  1770,  he  visited  the  inspector-general 
to  place  the  grievances  of  the  missionaries  before  him,  with 
the  remark  that  he  had  orders  to  deal  with  the  inspector  only. 
Galvez  received  him  kindly,  and  directed  him  to  draw  up  a 
memorial  of  all  he  was  to  advocate,  which  then  would  receive 
due  attention.  Basterra  accordingly  compiled  the  following 
Representacion,  which  Palou  reproduced  in  his  Noticias,  and 
accompanied  with  the  appended  explanations.  ^ 

“Memorial  Presented  to  the  Inspector-General. — Most  Illus- 
trious Inspector-General,  Don  Jose  de  Galvez. — Since  Your 
Lordship  permits  me  to  present  to  you  in  writing  the  urgent 
petitions  which  Fr.  Francisco  Palou,  presidente  of  the  mis- 
sions of  (Lower)  California  and  missionary  of  Loreto,  has 
entrusted  to  me,  I proceed  herewith  to  do  so  according  to  my 
ability,  satisfied  that,  as  Your  Lordship  already  knows  me, 
your  kindness  will  overlook  my  errors. 

“The  first  thing,  then,  which  said  Father  begs  of  Your 
Lordship  is  that  Your  Lordship  by  decree  command  that  the 
Indians  engaged  at  work  for  the  king  be  paid  the  six  dollars 
a month  and  the  daily  rations,  as  Your  Lordship  determined 
when  you  were  on  the  peninsula ; for  the  royal  commissary, 
Don  Antonio  Lopez  y Toledo,  wanted  the  Indians  to  work 
for  the  rations  only.  This  every  one  else  that  goes  there 
will  demand.”  Fr.  Palou  adds  by  way  of  explanation  that 
as  father  of  the  Indians  he  considered  himself  obliged  to  ask 
for  justice,  and  therefore  the  request  was  made.  ^ 


iTomo  i,  cap.  xviii,  85-89. 

2“Atendiendo  yo,  como  padre  de  dichos  Indios,  tenia  obligacion  a 
pedir  justicia,  por  esto  se  hizo  dicha  representacion  de  la  primera 
suplica.”  (Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xix,  92.)  The  missionaries 


380  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


“The  second  petition  is  that  Your  Lordship  command  that 
the  meat  be  sold  at  a higher  price  than  Your  Lordship  deter- 
mined; for  the  said  Fr.  Presidente  (Palou),  (inasmuch  as 
his  mission  supplies  the  presidio),  has  experienced  that  month 
after  month  the  mission  runs  into  debt  to  the  amount  of  eight 
or  nine  dollars,  for  it  pays  each  of  the  vaqueros  as  much  as 
six  and  eight  dollars  a month.”  Fr.  Palou  explains  that  the 
royal  store  required  Mission  Loreto  to  furnish  weekly  fifty 
arrobas  of  meat  for  the  soldiers  and  sailors,  but  paid  only  one 
cent  a pound,  or  $12.50  a week.  The  mission  had  only  the 
rancho  of  San  Jose  stocked  with  wild  cattle,  for  the  capture 
and  slaughter  of  which  alone  six  or  seven  cowherds  were 
needed  at  six  and  eight  dollars  a month.  This  cutting  down 
of  the  mission  income  was  altogether  due  to  the  withholding 
of  the  $30,000  which  under  the  rule  of  the  Jesuits  the  king 
annually  paid  for  the  maintenance  of  the  soldiery,  but  which 
the  Franciscans  were  now  expected  to  save  to  the  royal  treas- 
ury out  of  the  meager  products  of  the  barren  missions. 

“The  third  petition  is  that  all  the  household  goods  be 
delivered  to  said  Father  (Palou)  without  charge,  and  also 
that  to  Mission  Loreto  be  paid  the  silver  and  the  balance 
which  it  had  at  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits.”  These  articles 
had  been  purchased  from  the  store,  but  they  were  not  deliv- 
ered. 

“The  fourth  petition  is  that  Don  Francisco  Trillo  pay  Mis- 
sion San  Ignacio  for  ten  tinajas  ^ of  brandy,  and  that  Your 
Lordship  so  command  as  Your  Lordship  verbally  promised 

considered  themselves  as  holding  the  place  of  parents  with  regard 
to  the  Indians.  This  view  was  recognized  by  the  kings.  The 
question  will  be  ventilated  in  the  next  volume. 

3 A tinaja  was  an  earthen  jar;  jug  is  probably  meant  here.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  either  the  Jesuits  or  Franciscans  manufactured 
brandy;  the  liquor  was  very  likely  a part  of  the  consignment  of 
goods  sent  from  Mexico  and  used  for  medicinal  purposes.  The 
friars,  as  stewards,  held  themselves  responsible  for  every  article  to 
the  real  owners,  the  Indians.  On  this  point  they  were  exceedingly 
scrupulous;  hence  the  seemingly  trivial  petition  for  the  jars  or 
their  value. 


Basterra’s  Memorial;  Viceroy’s  Letters  381 

to  the  said  Fr.  Presidente  (Palou),  and  that  said  tinajas  be 
paid  at  the  royal  warehouse. 

“The  fifth  petition  is  that  Your  Lordship  order  a re-exam- 
ination  of  the  accounts  as  far  as  they  touch  the  income  and 
the  expenditures  of  the  missions ; for  when  the  books  are 
examined  it  will  be  found  that  some  entries  are  made  twice 
and  others  are  wanting;  and  that  Your  Lordship,  after  ex- 
amining and  correcting  them  as  they  ought  to  be,  command 
that  what  the  missions  acquired  and  what  is  due  them  be  paid 
in  money  through  the  sindico.  * 

“The  sixth  petition  is  that  the  missions  should  not  be  obliged 
to  purchase  cloth,  tobacco,  etc.,  at  the  warehouse,  but  that  they 
may  bring  these  goods  from  Mexico  City  to  Guadalajara;  for 
it  is  evident  that  in  this  way  they  would  save  some  money, 
and  the  Indians  would  have  a little  more  for  clothing  and  food. 

“The  seventh  petition  is  that  the  payment  of  the  ten  thousand 
dollars  which  Your  Lordship  ordered  to  be  given  from  the 
Pious  Fund,  which  belongs  to  the  missions,  in  the  shape  of 
clothing  (which  have  already  been  distributed),  be  repeated, 
or  of  a part  of  said  amount,  for  the  same  purpose,  until  the 
missions  have  sufficient  income  to  clothe  their  respective  In- 
dians.” This  Fr.  Palou  declares  was  reasonable,  inasmuch  as 
the  Pious  Fund  existed  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indian  missions, 
.not  for  the  use  of  the  government.  Moreover,  only  three 
missions  on  the  peninsula  were  able  to  clothe  their  Indians 
without  this  assistance. 

“The  eighth  petition  is  that  Mission  Loreto  should  not  be 
obliged  to  furnish  more  mules,  horses,  and  asses  than  those 
that  have  the  government  store  brand ; for  after  a careful 
search  of  the  rancho,  there  were  not  found  more  than  twenty- 
four  mules  in  all  with  the  store  brand ; of  horses,  young  and 
old,  there  were  found  sixty,  ten  belonging  to  the  warehouse ; 
and  of  asses,  eight,  all  belonging  to  the  store.”  It  had  been 
stipulated  that  twenty-four  mules,  eighteen  horses,  and  ten 
asses  should  be  considered  the  property  of  the  royal  store. 
They  were  kept  at  the  mission  rancho,  but  were  branded  to 
distinguish  them  from  the  mission  stock.  When  the  Fran- 


< This  refers  to  the  accounts  in  the  city  of  Mexico;  the  sindico 
was  the  lay  procurator  for  the  Franciscans. 


382  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

ciscans  took  charge  there  were  no  more  than  given  in  the 
petition;  nevertheless,  Trillo  demanded  the  original  number. 
Hence  the  petition  against  his  action. 

“The  ninth  petition  is  that  the  missions  should  not  be  obliged 
to  forward  the  surplus  produce  and  goods  to  the  store,  but 
that  they  might  sell  them  to  any  person ; that  in  case  the  royal 
store  needed  some  of  the  goods,  the  commissary  should  make 
his  demand  through  the  Fr.  Presidente,  or  through  whoever 
may  be  in  charge  of  the  mission  accounts,  so  that  the  latter 
procure  them  from  the  missions,  thus  avoiding  much  annoy- 
ance to  the  missionary  Fathers ; and  that,  after  said  produce 
and  goods  have  been  forwarded,  the  commissary  should  make 
payment  in  money,  as  well  for  the  goods  as  for  the  transpor- 
tation, just  as  the  missions  would  have  to  pay  for  what  they 
obtained  from  the  store. 

“The  tenth  petition  is  that  the  governor  and  commissary 
should  not  meddle  with  the  temporalities  entrusted  to  the 
Fathers  by  his  Lordship ; for  the  royal  commissary,  Antonio 
Lopez  de  Toledo,  came  with  the  impression  that  everything 
that  existed  at  the  missions  was  at  his  disposal,  and  that  the 
Fathers  were  his  inferiors ; and  he  said  another  thing,  that  if 
the  Fathers  did  not  send  him  what  he  wanted,  he  would  come 
with  soldiers  and  would  take  off  the  lock  from  the  granaries 
and  would  carry  away  the  contents  by  force. 

“The  eleventh  petition  is  that,  as  to  the  garden  which  his 
Lordship  has  added  to  the  temporal  property  of  Mission  Lo- 
reto with  the  obligation  that  the  Father  take  care  that  its 
fruits  are  delivered  to  the  governor  and  to  the  royal  com- 
missary, he  should  order  this  obligation  revoked,  because  from 
it  might  result  much  friction  between  those  gentlemen  and  the 
Father,  as  to  whether  he  took  good  care  or  not,  whether  or 
not  all  that  it  produced  was  delivered ; besides  no  Father 
stationed  there  would  take  charge  if  the  said  gentlemen  are 
the  first  who  must  be  regaled  with  what  the  garden  pro- 
duces.”* The  garden  contained  six  olive  trees,  two  fig  trees, 
about  twenty  old  vines,  a few  pomegranates,  and  some  cotton 
plants.  ® 


5 It  savored  of  insolence  to  make  such  demands  upon  a priest. 


Basterra’s  Memorial;  Viceroy’s  Letters  383 


“The  twelfth  petition  is  that  the  governor  and  commissary 
should  live  outside  of  colegio,  ® as  the  temporary  governor, 
Don  Juan  Gutierrez  had  done,  and  thus  avoid  that  the  doors 
of  the  colegio  remain  open  at  night  until  said  gentlemen  might 
want  to  retire.  Many  also  enter  at  night  to  make  their  sup- 
plications and  propositions  to  the  governor.”  The  annoy- 
ances, says  Palou,  which  follow  are  evident  when  in  one  and 
the  same  habitation  and  school  live  the  governor,  the  Fathers, 
and  the  commissary,  and  worse,  when  in  the  same  building 
adjoining  the  church  is  the  royal  storeroom,  which  is  a public 
store  not  only  for  clothing,  but  also  for  every  kind  of  eatables 
and  apparel.  ^ 

“The  thirteenth  petition  is  that  no  contribution  or  token  of 
subjection  should  be  imposed  upon  the  Indians  of  the  north, 
and  that  those  imposed  in  the  south  should  be  abolished;  for 
although  the  Indians  have  not  been  able  to  plant,  as  well  by 
reason  of  the  many  diseases  as  by  reason  of  the  flight  of 
others  to  the  mountains,  the  commissary,  nevertheless,  wanted 
to  impose  said  tax  on  the  produce  of  the  missions  in  the  south, 
which  doubtless  will  cause  want  in  the  maintenance  and  in 
the  clothing  of  the  Indians.”  Palou  makes  a lengthy  note  here 
which  it  is  best  to  reproduce.  By  a decree  of  Don  Galvez  the 
Indians  of  the  three  southern  missions,  Todos  Santos,  San- 
tiago, and  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  had  been  directed  to  cultivate 
at  each  mission  an  extra  piece  of  land  sufficient  to  take  the 
planting  of  one  fanega  of  corn ; the  yield  was  to  be  brought 
to  the  royal  commissary  at  Santa  Ana  in  recognition  of  their 
subjection  to  the  King  of  Spain.  Those  of  Santiago  and  San 
Jose  had  not  planted  the  field  on  account  of  the  epidemic ; 
those  of  Todos  Santos  had  refused,  because  they  had  been 
transplanted  thither  against  their  will.  The  commissary  then 
wanted  to  levy  the  contribution  upon  the  missions.  With  re- 


S The  house  containing  the  quarters  of  the  governor,  mission- 
aries, and  commissary,  etc.  It  was  called  colegio  probably  on 
account  of  the  little  school. 

This  shows  what  intolerable  conditions  prevailed  at  the  prin- 
cipal mission  and  what  little  regard  those  haughty  officials  had 
for  the  ordinary  rules  of  decency  and  good  manners. 


384  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


gard  to  the  northern  missions,  Galvez,  in  consideration  that 
they  lacked  water  and  arable  land  to  do  as  much  planting  as 
in  the  south,  decreed  that,  in  recognition  of  their  subjection 
to  the  king,  they  should  give  the  tenth  part  of  the  product  to 
the  royal  warehouse,  likewise  of  the  wine  and  figs ; “and  when 
he  asked  me,”  Palou  relates,  “whether  I thought  them  unable 
to  do  that,  I replied  that  I did  not  judge  the  said  Indians 
disposed  as  yet  to  pay  tribute  or  tithes,  as  well  because  they 
were  so  poor  and  still  new  Christians,  as  because  they  were 
on  the  frontier.  He  rejoined  that  it  was  no  tax,  but  only  a 
recognition  of  subjection  to  the  king.  Well,  Sir,  I responded, 
all  that  the  missions  produce  must  be  refunded  in  supporting 
and  clothing  the  Indians  who  labored  for  it.  If  a part  of  it 
is  turned  over  to  the  store,  so  much  less  would  there  be  to 
give  to  the  Indians.”  ^ There  the  matter  seems  to  have  rested 
for  the  time ; but  the  commissary,  acting  upon  the  written 
orders  of  Galvez,  made  the  demands,  so  that  Palou  saw  him- 
self compelled  to  appeal  to  the  inspector  through  Fr.  Basterra. 

“The  fourteenth  petition  is  that  neither  the  governor  nor 
the  commissary  should  take  or  detain  the  mission  boats,  nor 
prevent  the  Indians  from  using  them.  If  in  case  of  some 
urgent  necessity  the  boats  are  wanted,  proper  compensation 
should  be  made.  The  Fr.  Presidente  should  also  be  informed 
of  the  urgency  so  that  he  can  determine  it. 

“The  fifteenth  petition  is  that,  as  his  Lordship  has  ordained, 
the  missions  of  San  Jose  del  Cabo  and  Santiago  should  con- 
tinue in  charge  of  a curate;  for,  apart  from  the  fact  that  these 
pueblos  have  much  declined,  some  injury  may  result  to  us 
from  their  administration,  inasmuch  as  our  enemies  would 
not  neglect  to  accuse  us  of  trafficking  with  the  Philippine  ships 
which  stop  at  San  Jose  to  recuperate  their  men.”  ® 

8 Galvez  showed  that  he  neither  understood  the  Indians,  nor  used 
ordinary  judgment  in  dealing  with  them.  He  was  guilty  of  the 
very  disregard  of  Indians’  rights  which  he  unjustly  attributed  to 
the  Jesuits.  It  was  foolish  to  make  the  Indians  recognize  vassal- 
age  to  the  king  in  this  provoking  manner;  they  barely  recognized 
or  understood  their  subjection  to  the  Creator. 

® This  was  exactly  what  had  happened  to  the  Jesuits,  wherefore 
Palou  wisely  endeavored  to  forestall  similar  charges.  The  curate 


Basterra’s  Memorial;  Viceroy’s  Letters  385 


“These,  Illustrious  Sir,  are  the  petitions  which  the  Fr.  Pre- 
sidente,  Fr.  Francisco  Palou,  and  Fr.  Juan  Ramos  confiden- 
tially entrusted  to  me,  warning  me  that  I should  manifest 
them  neither  to  His  Excellency  (the  Viceroy),  nor  to  any  one 
else;  because  the  said  Fathers  have  confidence  in  Your  Lord- 
ship  alone  that  for  the  welfare  of  those  poor  Indians  you  will 
decree  all  that  will  be  useful  and  expedient,  and  His  Excel- 
lency, the  viceroy,  will  confirm  it  for  its  greater  permanency. 
Thus  do  said  Fathers  hope,  and  I hoping  the  same,  pray  God, 
our  Lord,  to  prosper  the  life  of  Your  Lordship  many  years. 
San  Fernando,  July  10th,  1770. — Fr.  Dionisio  Basterra.” 

“In  all  the  said  petitions,”  says  Palou,  “I  had  no  other  ob- 
ject than  the  welfare  of  the  missions  which  are  in  charge  of 
the  religious  of  my  College,  and  the  consideration  of  the 
honor  of  my  apostolic  Institute.  Though  no  decision  followed 
concerning  them,  I rested  assured  and  xyas  without  misgivings 
of  being  at  fault  for  having  been  silent.”  Galvez,  indeed, 
made  promises  to  Fr.  Basterra,  but  none  were  carried  out, 
■“either  because  he  was  distracted  with  other  things  of  greater 
importance,”  as  Palou  charitably  expresses  himself,  “or  be- 
cause he  disagreed  with  the  Rev.  Fr.  Guardian  of  the  Col- 
lege about  the  number  of  missionaries  who  would  have  to  go 
to  California  and  the  new  establishments,  as  I shall  relate 
farther  on.” 

About  this  time,  at  the  request  of  Fr.  Palou,  and  in  compli- 
ance with  the  wishes  of  Governor  Armona,  the  different 
missionaries  made  a report  on  the  state  of  their  respective 
missions.  Only  one  of  them,  the  report  of  Fr.  Fermin  Fran- 
cisco de  Lasuen  of  Mission  Francisco  de  Borja,  is  extant. 
From  this  document,  dated  August  31st,  1770,  we  learn 


appointed  for  the  two  pueblos  had  already  withdrawn  and  gone 
to  Mexico  with  Armona,  “because,”  as  he  said,  “those  pueblos 
were  not  for  curates,  but  for  missionaries,”  that  is  to  say,  they 
were  too  poor.  (Palou,  “Noticias,”  100.) 

10  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xix,  91-100. 

11  Ibidem,  cap.  xviii,  90. 

12  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum.  Bancroft  gives  date  of 
August  31,  1771,  which  is  an  error. 


386  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

that  forty-two  Indian  families,  composed  of  one  hundred  and 
fifteen  souls,  lived  at  Mission  San  Borja,  besides  four  widow- 
ers, one  of  whom  had  a son,  and  three  widows,  two  of  whom 
had  a daughter  each.  In  addition  twenty-two  orphan  boys, 
eleven  orphan  girls,  six  old  invalid  women,  and  eight  old 
invalid  men  were  maintained  at  the  mission.  “Various  sick 
people,  of  whom  there  are  always  enough,”  Fr.  Lasuen  writes, 
“stay  at  the  mission,  but  return  to  their  rancherias  when  they 
have  recovered.  Six  pueblos,  which  harbor  the  remainder 
of  the  Christians  on  the  list,  belong  to  the  mission.  These  are 
San  Juan,  San  Francisco  Regis,  Los  Angeles,  Guadalupe,  El 
Rosario,  and  San  Ignacio.  There  is  little  difference  between 
these  Indians  and  the  surrounding  pagans.”  In  a former 
statement  made  to  Don  Galvez,  Fr.  Lasuen  had  reported  one 
thousand  and  sixteen  souls  under  his  charge,  and  he  now 
thought  that  the  number  was  about  the  same,  barring  those 
that  had  died  in  excess  of  those  that  had  been  baptized. 
During  the  two  years  of  his  administration  one  hundred  and 
twenty  children  and  one  hundred  and  six  adults,  or  two  hun- 
dred and  twenty-six  in  all,  received  baptism.  During  the 
same  period  two  hundred  and  twenty  adults  and  one  hundred 
and  four  children  died.  There  was  no  missionary  stationed 
at  Mission  Santa  Maria,  according  to  Lasuen ; for  this  reason 
the  Indians  of  the  rancheria  San  Pedro  y San  Pablo,  near 
the  Arroyo  Calagnujuet,  where  that  mission  had  first  been 
established,  twenty-five  leagues  from  San  Borja,  were  induced 
to  join  those  of  Rancheria  Guadalupe. 

In  the  same  document  Fr.  Lasuen  urged  the  appointment  of 
two  missionaries  at  each  mission,  according  to  the  regulations 
of  his  College,  and  to  insure  success  for  missionary  efforts. 
In  this  connection  Bancroft  has  this  to  say:  “Lasuen  makes 

an  eloquent  appeal  for  two  padres  at  each  mission,  less  (?) 
perhaps  because  he  needed  help,  than  because  he  longed  for 
company.  We  can  in  some  degree  imagine  the  desolate 

13  Lasuen  spells  it  Calangujuet. 

1*  All  that  Bancroft  says  of  the  Indians  is  true,  but  that  was 
not  the  motive  for  Lasuen’s  request.  The  missionaries  knew  in 
advance  what  conditions  they  should  meet,  yet  they  volunteered. 


Basterra’s  Memorial;  Viceroy’s  Letters  387 


loneliness  of  a padre’s  life  at  a frontier  mission ; but  the  reality 
must  have  been  far  worse  than  anything  our  fancy  can  picture. 
These  friars  were  mostly  educated,  in  many  cases  learned, 
m.en ; not  used  to  nor  needing  the  bustle  of  city  life,  but  want- 
ing, as  they  did  their  daily  food,  intelligent  companionship. 
They  were  not  alone  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the  word,  for 
there  were  enough  people  around.  But  what  were  these 
people? — ignorant,  lazy,  dirty,  sulky,  treacherous,  half-tamed 
savages,  with  whom  no  decent  man  could  have  anything  in 
common.  Even  the  almost  hopeless  task  of  saving  their  mis- 
erable souls  must  have  required  a martyr  for  its  perform- 
ance.” 

Toward  the  end  of  1770  a new  governor  was  appointed  for 
the  peninsula  in  the  person  of  Don  Felipe  Barri.  He  sailed 
from  San  Bias  with  his  family  and  Fr.  Juan  Antonio  Rioboo, 
O.  F.  M.,  about  the  middle  of  January,  1771,  but  did  not 
reach  Cerralvo  until  March  22d.  When  Fr.  Rioboo  arrived 
at  Santa  Ana,  he  informed  Fr.  Palou  by  letter  that  the  two 
Indian  pueblos  of  San  Jose  and  Santiago  were  without  a 
priest,  the  curate  having  retired  to  Mexico,  and  that  he  would 
take  charge  if  the  Fr.  Presidente  permitted.  Governor  Barri 
urged  Fr.  Palou  to  grant  the  permission,  lest  the  people  go 
without  instruction  and  the  sacraments.  The  Fr.  Presidente 
consented  that  Fr.  Rioboo  remain  temporarily,  but  only  on 
condition  that  he  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  temporal  affairs 
of  the  pueblos.  The  governor  thereupon  appointed  major- 
domos  or  stewards  for  both  places  to  manage  the  temporali- 
ties. At  the  same  time  he  transmitted  to  Fr.  Palou  three 
letters  from  Viceroy  de  Croix,  which  on  account  of  the  spirit 
they  manifest  and  the  information  they  contain  are  reproduced 
here.  They  were  all  written  on  the  same  day  and  read  as 
follows : “In  accord  with  the  illustrious  inspector-general,” 


Not  one  desired  to  retire  on  account  of  the  things  Bancroft  de- 
scribes. How  little  does  a writer  of  the  materialistic  caliber  of  a 
Bancroft  comprehend  the  aims  and  motives  of  a Catholic  mis- 
sionary! The  real  motive  for  Lasuen’s  request  will  appear  later. 

15  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  729. 

16  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xx,  104-105;  cap  xxi,  105-106. 


388  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


the  first  letter  tells  Father  Palou,  “I  have  resolved,  because 
of  the  important  aims  and  considerations  which  it  is  plain  to 
Your  Reverence  demand  the  reduction  of  the  numerous 
pagans  on  the  peninsula,  that  in  the  packet-boat  San  Antonio, 
which  returns  to  San  Diego  and  Monterey,  ten  religious  should 
go  to  establish  five  new  missions  on  that  coast  for  that  pur- 
pose, and  that  a like  number  of  them  must  be  founded  in  the 
intermediate  region  between  Velicata  and  San  Diego.  I charge 
Your  Reverence  very  particularly,  as  is  proper  for  your  relig- 
ious zeal  to  dispose,  that  with  all  possible  speed  the  founding 
of  these  five  be  realized  by  assigning  two  Fathers  to  each 
from  the  twenty  which  the  San  Carlos  is  bringing;  for  they 
carry  along  all  the  vestments  and  valuable  articles  for  worship 
in  the  said  new  missions,  and  it  would  be  extremely  painful 
to  me  if  their  construction  were  delayed  more  than  is  indis- 
pensable. 

“They  must  take  the  names  respectively  of  San  Joaquin, 
Santa  Ana,  San  Juan  Capistrano,  San  Pascual  Bailon,  and 
San  Felice  de  Cantalicio;  and,  for  the  more  rapid  and  happy 
success.  Your  Reverence  will  proceed  in  union  with  the  lieu- 
tenant-governor, Don  Antonio  de  Toledo,  whom  I am  notify- 
ing that  for  this  purpose,  and  until  the  new  governor  of  the 
peninsula  arrives,  he  should  effectively  contribute  to  the 
achievement  of  so  laudable  an  object.  You  may  know  that 
to  the  sindico  of  the  College  have  been  paid,  besides  the 
stipends  fixed,  and  agreed  to,  by  the  said  inspector,  the 
thousand  dollars  which  are  assigned  to  each  mission.  I wish 
that  Your  Reverence  keep  yourself  in  good  health,  in  which  I 
pray  God,  our  Lord,  to  preserve  your  life  many  years.  Mex- 
ico, November  12th,  1770. — Marques  de  Croix.” 

The  second  letter  also  contains  important  facts  to  which 
we  shall  have  to  refer  in  the  course  of  this  narrative.  “In 
accordance  with  the  agreement  Your  Reverence  has  made  with 
the  illustrious  inspector-general,”  says  de  Croix,  “and  with 


17  Upper  California. 

18  Between  Velicata  and  San  Diego. 

19  Annual  allowance  granted  each  missionary. 
^9  Pal6u,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap  xxi,  106-107. 


Basterra’s  Memorial;  Viceroy’s  Letters  389 


the  plans  and  regulations  which  the  said  illustrious  lord  formed 
on  the  peninsula,  and  which  I have  approved,  there  have  been 
advanced  to  the  thirty  religious  missionaries  who  are  destined 
for  California,  as  well  to  the  twenty  who  must  remain  on  the 
peninsula,  as  to  the  ten  others  who  go  to  the  new  mission  of 
Monterey,  one  year’s  stipend  at  the  rate  of  two  hundred  and 
seventy-five  dollars  a year,  with  the  additional  ten  thousand 
dollars  for  the  founding  of  ten  new  missions  which  are  to  be 
erected,  one  thousand  dollars  respectively  for  each,  which 
amount  of  eighteen  thousand  and  fifty  dollars  your  sindico, 
Don  Jose  Gonzales  Calderon,  collected  at  this  court ; and  as 
fhe  sinodo  22  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-five  dollars  has  been 
assigned  indiscriminately  to  the  missionaries,  notwithstanding 
the  difference  of  their  destination,  it  is  necessary  to  urge  Your 
Reverence  to  inform  me  about  it  minutely,  after  you  have 
ascertained  the  destination  of  the  said  thirty  religious,  so  that 
in  accordance  with  it  and  in  conformity  with  the  regulations 
indicated  concerning  the  sinodos,  the  accounts  may  be  settled 
and  the  respective  expenses,  which  have  been  incurred  by 
those  missionaries  in  the  old  missions,  may  be  paid,  where 
the  sinodo  does  not  amount  to  two  hundred  and  seventy-five 
dollars.  I hope  that  Your  Reverence  will  not  omit  anything 
for  the  right  understanding  of  the  matter.  In  consequence 
their  allowance  begins  from  the  day  on  which  they  depart 
from  this  capital,  since  they  must  pay  the  expenses  of  their 
journey  by  land  to  the  port  of  San  Bias. 

“I  also  inform  Your  Reverence  that  for  each  of  the  ten 
missions  which  are  to  be  established,  the  religious  take  along 
the  vestments,  sacred  vessels,  and  other  necessary  articles  for 
which  they  have  asked.  This  comfort  I have  facilitated  on 
account  of  the  laudable  object  for  which  they  are  intended 
and  on  account  of  the  interest  which  I take  in  the  propaga- 
tion of  the  faith  in  that  heathen  country,  besides  two  rich 

21  It  will  be  seen  that  the  annual  stipend  of  the  Franciscans  was 
$225  less  than  that  of  the  Jesuits.  The  Jesuits  enjoyed  an  allow- 
ance of  $500  a year.  In  both  cases  goods  were  sent  in  place  of 
money. 

22  Annual  stipend. 


390  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


vestments  which  are  destined  one  for  the  new  mission  of 
Monterey  and  the  other  for  the  church  of  Our  Lady  of  Loreto, 
Patroness  of  the  peninsula.  I give  Your  Reverence  this  news 
for  your  information.  May  God  preserve  Your  Reverence 
many  years.  Mexico,  November  12th,  1770. — Marques  de 
Croix.”  23 

The  third  letter  refers  to  the  goods  sent  for  the  new  mis- 
sions. “In  order,”  de  Croix  informs  Palou,  “that  Your  Rev- 
erence may  have  exact  knowledge  of  the  vestments  and  arti- 
cles which  each  assortment  contains  for  any  one  of  the  new 
missions  to  be  established  on  the  peninsula,  I enclose  the  ac- 
companying list,  and  inform  you  that  I have  directed  that  the 
bales  intended  for  the  five  missions  be  forwarded  to  Your 
Reverence,  and  that  those  that  are  marked  with  the  same 
number  are  for  the  use  of  one  and  the  same  mission ; and 
to  avoid  confusion  I have  ordered  that  those  intended  for 
Loreto  25  should  be  addressed  from  six  to  ten,  and  that  those 
that  are  directed  to  Monterey  should  have  the  numbers  from 
one  to  five.  The  goods  so  arranged  and  their  transportation 
1 place  on  this  same  date  in  charge  of  the  royal  commissary 
of  the  port  of  San  Bias,  Don  Francisco  Trillo,  and  I warn 
him  to  take  like  care  in  forwarding  the  precious  vestment 
which  is  intended  for  the  use  of  the  church  of  Our  Lady  of 
Loreto,  the  Patroness  of  the  peninsula ; and  this  I communi- 
cate to  Your  Reverence  for  your  guidance.  God  keep  Your 
Reverence  many  years.  Mexico,  November  12th,  1770. — Mar- 
ques de  Croix. ”2® 

The  articles  sent  to  each  mission,  as  directed  by  Viceroy 
de  Croix,  were  “five  vestments,  white,  red,  violet,  green  and 
black,  respectively ; five  frontales  or  antependia  of  the  same 
colors ; five  palias  or  tabernacle  veils  of  the  same  colors ; two 
albs  and  two  surplices;  two  manteojos  and  two  sets  of  altar- 
cloths  ; two  corporals,  two  cinctures,  and  six  purificators ; one 


23  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxi,  107-109. 

2*  To  be  established  in  Lower  California  between  San  Diego 
and  Velicata. 

25  For  the  missions  in  preceding  note. 

26  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxi,  109-110. 


Basterra’s  Memorial;  Viceroy’s  Letters  391 


crucifix  for  the  altar ; three  candlesticks  and  two  covered  altar 
stones;  one  set  of  altar  cards  and  two  artes;  one  chalice  with 
paten  and  spoon ; one  plate,  cruets,  little  bell,  and  an  altar- 
breadbox ; one  censer  with  boat  and  spoon ; one  altar  breadiron 
and  one  holy-water  pot ; one  silver  shell  for  baptizing ; three 
oilstocks  and  one  salt-cellar ; one  small  ciborium  with  two 
coverings  for  bringing  the  Viaticum  to  the  sick ; one  white 
veil  and  one  white  cape ; one  white  and  one  black  cope ; one 
Roman  ritual ; thirteen  reales  para  las  arras.”  ^8 


27  Reales,  etc.,  were  thirteen  pieces  of  coin  which  the  bride- 
groom gave  to  the  bride  as  a pledge  at  the  marriage  ceremony. 
As  the  Indians  had  no  money,  the  viceroy  provided  these  thirteen 
coins  for  each  church,  where  they  were  kept  for  use  along  with 
the  ring. 

28  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxi,  110-111. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


Governor  Felipe  Barri. — New  Missions. — The  College  Cedes  the 
Sierra  Gorda  Missions. — The  Archbishop’s  Letter. — New  Mis- 
sionaries.— Hardships. — Worst  Grievance  of  the  Fathers. — 
Lack  of  Guards. — Distribution  of  the  Missionaries. — Indian 
Treachery  and  Arrogance. — An  Unreasoning  Governor. — The 
Guaicuros  Turbulent. — A Wily  Indian. — Complains  to  the  Gov- 
ernor.— Palou’s  Efforts  for  Peace. — His  Fearless  Stand. 


OVERNOR  FELIPE  BARRI  with  his  family  arrived  at 


Loreto  on  April  19th,  1771.  “At  first,’’  Palou  relates, 
“he  manifested  great  affection  for  the  holy  habit,  and  he  was 
very  ardent  in  assisting  us  in  the  conversion  of  the  Indians 
and  in  the  progress  of  the  missions.  He  promised  an  agree- 
able harmony  and  explained  that  to  this  effect  his  excellency, 
the  Marques  de  Croix,  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  had  charged 
him  in  one  of  the  instructions  which  he  wanted  me  to  see  to 
assure  myself  of  it.  Thus  he  made  known  at  Loreto  and  on 
the  whole  peninsula,  not  only  in  words  but  also  in  deeds, 
the  affection  which  he  professed  for  us  and  the  good  har- 
mony which  existed  between  us.  This  led  to  the  result  that 
the  Indians,  who  had  grown  somewhat  perverted  in  some  of 
the  missions,  as  far  as  stealing  was  concerned,  became  fright- 
ened. He  said  much  about  the  manner  of  governing  which 
the  missionaries  exercised  in  the  missions,  and  about  the  doc- 
trine and  the  education  which  had  called  forth  his  admira- 
tion, and  he  also  praised  our  disinterestedness  and  charity 
which  he  saw  us  exercise  towards  the  Indians ; this  he  not 
only  said,  but  after  his  recent  arrival  he  also  wrote  it  to  the 
inspector-general.  From  all  this  I inferred  that  his  respect 
and  authority  ought  to  aid  us  greatly  in  advancing  the  mis- 
sions. We  conferred  about  the  manner  in  which  we  should 
go  to  work  in  founding  the  new  missions  according  to  the 
directions  of  his  excellency,  but  the  delayed  arrival  of  the 
Fathers,  as  well  as  the  lack  of  soldiers  on  the  peninsula  needed 
for  the  undertaking,  stopped  us.”  ^ 


1 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxii,  112-113. 


Barri’s  Anger;  Palou’s  Fearlessness  393 


It  will  be  remembered  from  the  preceding  chapter  that  in 
the  beginning  of  August,  1770,  when  the  news  of  the  success 
of  the  Monterey  expeditions  reached  Mexico,  the  viceroy  and 
the  inspector-general  resolved  to  found  ten  new  missions  in 
addition  to  those  of  San  Fernando  de  Velicata,  San  Diego, 
and  Monterey.  For  this  purpose  the  inspector  in  a personal 
interview  informed  the  Fr.  Guardian  of  the  College  of  San 
Fernando  that  the  viceroy  had  decided  to  found  the  missions, 
and  that  therefore  the  forty-four  religious,  who  had  come 
from  Spain  in  1770,  should  proceed  to  the  peninsula  and  the 
newly-discovered  territory.  ^ The  Fr.  Guardian  explained 
that  these  Fathers  were  needed  for  hearing  confessions  in  the 
city,  for  giving  missions  throughout  the  country,  for  replac- 
ing the  missionaries  who  had  been  withdrawn  from  the  mis- 
sions in  the  Sierra  Gorda,  and  for  the  various  offices  and  occu- 
pations in  the  College  itself.  Galvez,  however,  demanded 
that  some  missionaries  should  be  sent  immediately,  and  threat- 
ened to  write  to  the  king,  who  would  use  his  power  over  the 
community.  The  Fr.  Guardian  insisted  that  he  could  not 
spare  as  many  Fathers  as  the  inspector-general  required. 
Thereupon  both  agreed  that  thirty  religious  should  go  to 
California  .on  condition  that  the  archbishop  be  persuaded  to 
take  charge  of  the  five  Sierra  Gorda  missions  by  substituting 
secular  priests  for  the  five  Franciscans,  and  thus  secularizing 
those  five  establishments.  * 

In  sending  so  many  friars  to  the  Indian  missions  of  Cali- 
fornia the  College  of  San  Fernando  was,  indeed,  making  great 
sacrifices.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  College  received 
no  compensation  for  any  of  these  religious,  though  it  had  to 
educate  and  train  them.  All  that  each  missionary  among  the 
Indians  received  as  stipend,  and  all  he  earned  in  any  way 
whatsoever,  went  into  his  mission.  The  College  received 
nothing.  Nor  could  the  individual  missionary  put  aside  any- 
thing whatever  for  himself  or  his  relatives.  Whatever  super- 
ficial or  malevolent  authors  have  written  to  the  contrary  con- 

2 See  close  of  the  Collective  Letter  to  the  viceroy.  Part  III, 
chapter  i. 

3 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xx,  101-102.  See  Appendix  H. 


394  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

cerning  the  Franciscan  missionaries  in  Lower  and  Upper 
California,  who  labored  there  before  the  confiscation  of  the 
missions  in  1835,  is  calumny.  * 

The  five  missions  in  the  Sierra  Gorda  had  been  established 
by  the  College  of  San  Fernando  in  1744,  and  Fr.  Junipero 
Serra  had  toiled  there  with  extraordinary  zeal  and  success  for 
nine  years.  When  the  missions  of  Lower  California  were 
forced  upon  the  College  by  the  viceroy,  the  Fr.  Guardian,  as 
will  be  remembered,  withdrew  five  Fathers  from  the  Sierra 
Gorda,  and  thus,  contrary  to  their  regulations,  but  in  order 
to  satisfy  the  persistent  government,  left  five  religious  at  their 
post  without  a companion.  The  arrangement  was  to  be  tem- 
porary, but  now  the  inspector  insisted  on  having  more  friars 
for  new  missions  and  the  Fathers  in  Lower  California  clam- 
ored for  assistants.  The  discretory,  therefore,  decided  to 
cede  the  Sierra  Gorda  missions  to  the  bishop  of  the  diocese. 
The  friars  did  so  the  more  readily  because  under  their  man- 
agement those  Indians  had  advanced  to  such  a degree  of 
progress  that  their  missions  became  objects  of  emulation 
among  the  surrounding  secular  clergy.  Furthermore,  the  Bull 
of  Pope  Innocent  XL  directed  that,  when  Indian  missions  had 
sufficiently  advanced  in  Christianity  and  civilization,  they 
should  be  turned  over  to  the  bishop,  who  was  to  place  them 
in  charge  of  curates.  As  early,  therefore,  as  June  or  July, 
1770,  the  Sierra  Gorda  missions  were  offered  to  Archbishop 
Francisco  Antonio  Lorenzana,  who  seems  to  have  declined 
them.  Hence  it  was  that  the  Fr.  Guardian  promised  the 
thirty  religious  for  California  only  on  condition  that  the  Col- 
lege be  relieved  of  the  missions  which  had  been  in  the  care 
of  the  Franciscans  for  twenty-six  years.  It  seems  that  this 
was  done ; for  soon  after  the  viceroy  addressed  the  following 
letter  to  the  Fr.  Guardian,  which  explains  itself: 

“The  urgent  petition  of  Your  Reverence  and  the  discretory 
of  July  10th,  last  past,  in  which  you  ask  that  secular  priests 
be  stationed  at  the  five  missions  in  the  Sierra  Gorda,  which 
have  been  in  charge  of  your  Apostolic  College,  I sent  to  the 
fiscal,  and  in  accordance  with  his  reply  I have  resolved  in 


< See  Appendix  F. 


Barri’s  Anger;  Palou’s  Fearlessness  395 


the  decree  of  the  10th  of  the  present  month  to  accede  to  the 
importunities  of  Your  Reverences ; and  I extend  to  you  the 
most  expressive  and  deserved  thanks  for  the  zeal  with  which 
your  missionary  religious  have  known  to  succeed  in  their 
apostolic  labors,  and  I resolved  to  notify  the  Most  Illustrious 
Archbishop  to  name  an  ecclesiastic  to  take  charge  of  said 
missions,  to  provide  them  with  secular  curates,  as  well  as  to 
appoint  Don  Vincente  Posadas,  citizen  of  the  Rio  Verde, 
commissary  to  receive  the  five  missions  mentioned,  with  orders 
that  he  give  to  the  Fathers  a juridical  document  that  there  are 
found  in  them  all  that  is  delivered  up  in  each  one ; and  that 
he  should  not  only  not  place  any  obstacles  to  their  removing 
their  books  and  everything  that  serves  for  their  use,  but  like- 
wise to  provide  them  with  what  is  necessary,  so  that  they  may 
be  restored  with  every  possible  facility  to  their  College,  after 
the  lands  have  been  divided  among  the  Indians  in  the  manner 
which  Your  Reverences  have  proposed  to  me.  I give  you 
notice  of  this  so  that  you  may  be  thoroughly  informed  and 
that  punctual  compliance  may  be  brought  about.  God  keep 
Your  Reverences  many  years.  Mexico,  August  15th,  1770. 
Marques  de  Croix.”  ^ 

Some  months  later  the  archbishop  addressed  himself  to  the 
College  in  a letter  which  likewise  explains  itself.  It  reads  as 
follows : 

“My  Dear  Sir,  The  curate  and  juez  eclesiastico  of  Cade- 
reita  has  reported  on  his  efforts  which  he  made  by  my  order  to 
place  in  charge  of  the  secular  clergy  the  five  missions  of 
Xalpan,  Landa,  Tilaco,  Tancoyol,  and  Conca,  in  the  Sierra 
Gorda.  We  learn  from  them  the  indefatigable  zeal  with  which 
the  sons  of  your  Apostolic  College  have  labored  there.  Since 
it  is  the  invariable  practise  of  your  Institute  to  be  as  ready  to 
give  them  up  as  to  accept  them,  I can  do  no  less  than  mani- 
fest to  Your  Reverence  my  gratitude,  and  the  obligation  under 
which  I find  myself  to  crave  occasions  in  which  to  serve  you. 
Our  Lord  keep  Your  Reverence  many  years.  Mexico,  De- 


5 Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  vi,  24;  cap.  viii,  37-39. 


396  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


cember  22,  1770.  B.  L.  M.  de  V.  Rma.  Your  most  affec- 
tionate Servant.  Francisco,  Archbishop  of  Mexico.”  ® 

The  Fathers  appointed  for  the  missions  already  existing  and 
those  to  be  established  in  Lower  California  were  Juan  Presta- 
mero,  Ramon  Uson,  Marcelino  Senra,  Tomas  de  la  Pena,  Vin- 
cente Imas,  Francisco  Echasco,  Martin  de  Palacios,  Manuel 
Lago,  Pedro  Arriguibar,  Jose  Leguna,  Gregorio  Amurrio,  Juan 
Figuer,  Vincente  Fuster,  Antonio  Linares,  Vincente  Santa 
Maria,  Francisco  Javier  de  Tejada,  Juan  Antonio  Rioboo, 
Miguel  Sanchez,  Jose  Legomera,  and  Francisco  Villuendas.'^ 
Those  going  to  Upper  California  were  Antonio  Paterna,  An- 
tonio Cruzado,  Francisco  Dumetz,  Angel  Somera,  Migpiel 
Pieras,  Buenaventura  Sitjar,  Domingo  Juncosa,  Jose  Caballer, 
Luis  Jaime,  and  Pedro  Benito  Cambon.  These  thirty  friars 
left  the  College  for  Tepic  in  October,  1770.  ® 

Notwithstanding  the  viceroy’s  desire  and  the  superior’s 
orders  that  the  friars  should  lose  no  time  in  traveling  to  their 
destination,  for  want  of  an  opportunity  they  could  not  sail 
from  San  Bias  until  the  beginning  of  the  next  year.  In  the 
meantime  they  remained  at  the  Franciscan  hospice  of  Santa 
Cruz,  Tepic.  Finally,  on  January  2d,  1771,  the  ten  religious 
intended  for  Monterey  sailed  away  in  the  packet-boat  San 
Antonio.^  The  incidents  occurring  on  this  voyage  belong  to 
Upper  California  history,  which  will  be  found  in  the  second 
volume. 

The  twenty  Fathers  assigpied  to  the  peninsula  embarked  on 
the  packet-boat  San  Carlos  in  the  beginning  of  February. 


6 Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  viii,  39. 

7 Palou  has  “these  twenty,”  though  in  his  list  he  gives  the  names 
of  only  sixteen;  another  paragraph,  however,  mentions  Fr.  Rioboo; 
Sanchez,  Legomera,  and  Villuendas  are  named  at  the  distribution. 
(Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvi,  137-138.)  Fr.  Jose  Herrera 
was  another  one  appointed;  but  he  fell  sick  along  with  Fr.  Tejada. 
Without  waiting  until  he  had  fully  recovered,  he  followed  the 
other  friars  by  land  and  died  at  the  Real  del  Rosario.  Fr.  Tejada 
did  not  reach  California  till  April,  1772.  (Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom. 
i,  cap.  xxvi,  136;  cap.  xxxvi,  252.) 

8 Pal6u,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xx,  103-105. 

9 Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xxv,  115. 


Barri’s  Anger;  Palou’s  Fearlessness  397 


They  had  scarcely  left  San  Bias  when  they  encountered  heavy 
storms  which  drove  the  vessel  about  the  gulf,  away  from  the 
desired  harbor,  until  it  ran  aground  on  the  coast  of  Colima 
w'ithin  sight  of  the  port  of  Manzanilla.  The  rudder  was 
broken  and  the  ship  had  suffered  other  damage  so  that  she  was 
considered  unsafe  for  another  voyage.  After  the  friars  had 
landed  by  means  of  the  launch,  Fr.  Juan  Prestamero,  who 
acted  as  superior,  reported  their  misfortune  to  the  viceroy. 
De  Croix  ordered  the  missionaries  to  proceed  overland  to 
Tamasula  on  the  coast  of  Sinaloa,  opposite  Loreto,  and  thence 
to  cross  the  gulf  for  California.  When  the  viceroy’s  order 
arrived  the  captain  had  already  repaired  the  ship;  but  the 
Fathers  preferred  to  travel  the  three  hundred  leagues  to  Sina- 
loa on  foot.  At  the  captain’s  request,  however,  lest  the  crew 
be  without  a priest.  Fathers  Marcelino  Senra  and  Juan  Figuer 
were  permitted  to  take  passage  with  the  church  goods.  Con- 
trary winds  prevented  the  San  Carlos  from  landing  at  the 
port  of  Loreto  until  the  30th  of  August,  seven  months  after 
leaving  San  Bias,  and  when  the  inmates  were  about  to  perish 
for  want  of  fresh  water.  The  other  eighteen  friars  wandered 
to  Sinaloa  and  finally  arrived  at  the  coast,  but  not  till  one  of 
their  number  had  succumbed  to  the  hardships  and  died  on 
the  road. 


Fac-simile  of  Don  Felipe  Barri’s  signature. 

When  Governor  Barri  learned  from  Fathers  Senra  and 
Figuer  that  their  eighteen  brethren  were  probably  waiting  on 


The  name  of  the  deceased  is  not  given,  but  to  all  appear- 
ances it  was  Fr.  Jose  Leguna,  of  whom  no  further  mention  is 
made  in  the  records. 

11  The  cut  shows  that  the  governor  spelled  his  name  Barry.  The 
viceroy  also  wrote  Bucarely  in  conformity  with  the  old  style. 
Palou  and  authors  after  him  generally  use  the  “i”  in  accordance 
with  the  new  style. 


398  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


the  other  coast  for  an  opportunity  to  cross,  he  sent  the  Concep- 
cion over.  She  returned  with  the  seventeen  sorely  tried  relig- 
ious on  November  24th,  more  than  a year  after  they  had  bid 
farewell  to  the  College  of  San  Fernando.  Fr.  Palou,  after 
waiting  for  them  in  vain  until  July,  had  started  out  from 
Loreto  on  the  29th  of  that  month  to  make  a visitation  of  the 
northern  missions.  On  August  30th,  while  at  Mission  Puri- 
sima,  he  learned  from  Fr.  Murguia,  who  had  remained  at 
Loreto,  that  the  San  Carlos  had  arrived  with  only  two  Fathers. 
Palou,  who  at  the  request  of  Governor  Barri  had  already  in- 
terrupted his  official  visit  to  the  missions,  hastened  back  to 
Loreto,  and  arrived  there  on  September  6th.  After  distribut- 
ing the  goods  brought  over  from  Mexico  to  the  respective 
missions,  he  sent  Fr.  Senra  to  Todos  Santos  and  Fr.  Figuer 
to  San  Borja  as  assistants.  This  arrangement  caused  great 
consolation  to  the  two  missionaries  in  charge.  One  of  the 
worst  grievances  suffered  by  the  friars  was  that  no  two  of 
them  were  stationed  at  one  mission,  and  that  some  of  the 
establishments  were  as  many  as  sixty  leagues  apart,  so  that 
it  was  impossible  for  the  poor  religious  to  make  their  con- 
fessions to  one  another  except  after  long  intervals.  The 
missionaries  cared  little  for  company ; but  they  found  it  hard 
to  be  deprived  of  the  spiritual  consolations  which  they  were 
wont  to  find  in  the  sacrament  of  penance,  and  which  the  lowest 
of  their  flock  enjoyed.  It  was  for  this  reason  that  Fr.  Palou 
urged  the  two  new-comers  to  hasten  north  and  south  respect- 
ively in  order  to  give  their  brethren  the  relief  which  they  had 
only  rarely  received  within  the  last  three  years.  Moreover, 
Fr.  Ramos  at  Todos  Santos  dwelt  among  a most  turbulent 
people  and  needed  the  assistance  of  a companion. 

On  November  24th  the  Concepcion  brought  only  fifteen 
instead  of  seventeen  friars  from  Sinaloa,  as  Fr.  Jose  Herrera 
and  Fr.  Francisco  Tejada  had  remained  at  Tepic  on  account 

12  Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xxv,  115-116;  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxii, 
113-116. 

13  Herrera  is  mentioned  here  for  the  first  time  by  Palou.  There 
is  confusion  in  the  number  as  well  as  in  the  names  of  the  Fran- 
ciscan Friars  in  Doyle’s  edition  of  Palou’s  “Noticias,”  which  we 
had  to  use. 


Barri’s  Anger;  Palou’s  Fearlessness  399 


of  sickness.  When  the  fifteen  religious  reached  Loreto  Fr. 
Palou  happened  to  be  at  San  Jose  de  Comundu  with  Fr. 
Ramos,  who  was  explaining  the  deplorable  state  of  his  mis- 
sion to  his  superior.  He  accordingly  wrote  to  the  governor 
for  the  necessary  guards,  in  order  that  at  least  two  new  mis- 
sions could  be  started  in  compliance  with  the  instructions  of 
the  viceroy.  The  governor  replied  that  he  had  received  cor- 
responding orders,  but  that,  as  the  troops  had  not  returned 
from  San  Diego,  he  had  no  soldiers  to  spare ; that  he  had 
asked  Don  Pedro  Corbalan,  the  governor  of  Sonora,  for  re- 
cruits, but  had  not  as  yet  obtained  any ; and  that  he  had 
reported  the  situation  to  the  viceroy.  Fr.  Palou  then  informed 
both  the  College  and  the  government  of  the  predicament  in 
which  the  missionaries  found  themselves.  Both  reports  un- 
fortunately reached  Mexico  when  De  Croix  had  finished  his 
term  of  office,  Don  Antonio  Maria  Bucareli  y Ursua  had  as- 
sumed charge  of  the  government,  and  Don  Joseph  de  Galvez 
had  returned  to  Spain.  Therefore  the  founding  of  the  five 
new  missions  between  San  Fernando  de  Velicata  and  San 
Diego  had  to  be  postponed  until  the  new  viceroy  could  ac- 
quaint himself  with  the  duties  of  his  oflfice  and  the  needs  of 
the  vast  territory  under  his  jurisdiction. 

Fr.  Palou  distributed  the  newly-arrived  friars  among  the 
existing  missions,  until  other  establishments  might  arise,  in  the 
following  order : Fathers  Vincente  Fuster  and  Antonio  Li- 

nares were  sent  far  north  to  Fr.  Miguel  de  la  Campa  at 
Velicata  to  assist  him  at  that  place  and  at  Mission  Santa 
Maria,  which  latter  had  no  resident  missionary;  Fr.  Gregorio 
Amurrio  was  made  assistant  to  Fr.  Juan  Sancho  at  Mission 
Santa  Gertrudis ; Fr.  Jose  Legomera  went  to  San  Ignacio  as 
companion  to  Fr.  Juan  de  Medina  Beitia;  Fr.  Pedro  Arrigui- 
bar  was  appointed  assistant  to  Fr.  Juan  Benito  Sierra  at  Santa 
Rosalia  de  Mulege ; Fr.  Manuel  Lago  was  sent  to  Fr.  An- 
dres Villaumbrales  at  Mission  Guadalupe;  Fathers  Francisco 
Echasco  and  Martin  Palacios  were  assigned  to  Purisima  Con- 
cepcion, where  Fr.  Juan  Gaston  was  stationed;  Fathers  Juan 

Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xxv,  117;  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvi, 
136-137. 


400  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California  ] 

Prestamero,  Tomas  de  la  Pena,  and  Vincente  Imas  were  given  | 
charge  of  Mission  San  Jose  de  Comundu;  Fr.  Ramon  Uson  I 
was  made  the  companion  at  San  Javier  of  Fr.  Fernando  Par-  | 
ron,  who  had  returned  from  San  Diego  and  administered  I 
the  mission  since  Fr.  Escudero  through  ill-health  had  been  I 

compelled  to  retire  to  Mexico;  Fr.  Vincente  Santa  Maria  found  I 
his  work  at  Loreto  with  Fr.  Jose  Murguia;  Fr.  Miguel  San-  I 
chez  was  placed  at  Todos  Santos  to  assist  Fr.  Marcelino  1 
Senra;  and  as  the  bishop  had  appointed  no  curate  in  place  I 
of  the  secular  priest  who  had  left  the  mission  or  pueblo  of  I 
Santiago,  Fr.  Palou  appointed  Fr.  Francisco  Villuendas  to  I 
assist  Fr.  Juan  Antonio  Rioboo  in  taking  care  of  both  San-  I 
tiago  and  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  with  instructions  not  to  meddle  1 
in  the  least  with  the  temporalities  of  either  pueblo.  I 

Lest  subsequent  events  be  misunderstood,  it  will  be  neces-  ' 
sary  to  relate  some  incidents  which  as  specimens  of  Indian 
treachery  and  military  conceit  and  arrogance  afford  a glimpse  8 
of  the  trials  which  the  missionary  must  undergo  wherever  the  Ij 
missions  are  subject  to  military  or  political  interference.  In  i 
this  case  the  animosity  of  a haughty  governor  caused  the  ij 
withdrawal  of  the  Franciscans  from  the  California  peninsula,  f] 
wherefore  the  occurrences  are  stated  at  some  length  accord-  Ij 
ing  to  Fr.  Palou,  who  was  the  superior  of  the  missions.  ij 

“About  the  middle  of  August,  and  while  I was  in  the  north  M 
at  Mission  San  Ignacio,”  Palou  writes,  “I  received  a letter  u 
from  the  governor  asking  me  to  return  to  Loreto  as  quickly 
as  possible,  because  the  Indians  of  Todos  Santos  had  rebelled  M 
and  had  come  in  bands  to  complain  against  the  major-domo  ■1 
of  said  mission.  Knowing  them  already,  I made  little  of  the  h 
matter  and  wrote  to  the  governor  that  he  should  not  be  alarmed  Ml 
about  said  Indians,  as  they  had  done  the  like  before,  but  that  Ml 
nevertheless  we  should  soon  see.  He  sent  a second  letter,  Ml 
whereupon  I at  once  retraced  my  steps  and  reached  Loreto  Ml 
on  September  6th.  Ml 

“When  I arrived  at  Loreto  the  governor  informed  me  thatMl 
two  bands  of  Imhans  and  boys  had  come  from  Mission  TodosMI 
Santos  to  petition  against  the  major-domo  of  said  mission,®  I 

15  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvi,  137-138.  Ml 

i 


Barri’s  Anger;  Palou’s  Fearlessness  401 


and  to  complain  of  being  starved  to  death,  of  floggings  and 
much  work;  that  he  (governor)  as  judge  would  have  to  do 
justice;  that  he  had  already  written  to  the  lieutenant  of  Santa 
Ana  to  send  the  major-domo  of  said  mission  as  prisoner;  and 
that  he  would  have  to  chastise  him  severely  for  the  tyranny 
and  cruelty  which  he  had  practised  on  the  Indians.  I told 
him : Sir,  these  are  misrepresentations  of  the  Guaicuro  In- 

dians ; they  have  always  done  this,  bringing  falsehoods  to 
the  judge  until  he  took  notice  of  them.  I related  various 
instances  about  them  which  occurred  in  the  time  of  the  Jesuit 
Fathers,  and  likewise  what  had  happened  recently  in  the  time 
of  Don  Matias  de  Armona;  that  one  went  to  complain  to 
said  gentleman  against  the  major-domos  that  they  had  flogged 
him,  and  he  uncovered  his  body  which  had  become  one  bleed- 
ing wound.  Horrified  at  the  cruel  punishment,  the  governor 
(Armona)  made  an  investigation,  when  it  was  discovered  to 
be  a wicked  trick  of  the  Indian,  who  had  in  this  manner 
covered  himself  with  wounds  by  slashing  his  body,  in  order 
to  ruin  the  poor  major-domo,  who  had  not  in  the  least  med- 
dled with  the  punishments,  but  only  had  charge  of  the  labor; 
but  if  anything  occurred  he  notified  the  missionary,  who,  like 
a father,  ordered  some  whipping  to  be  administered  in  his  pres- 
ence, seeing  to  it  that  the  chastisement  was  that  for' sons. 

“I  also  related  that  a few  days  after  this  incident  the  gov- 
ernor in  my  company  had  gone  to  Todos  Santos ; on  the 
second  day  of  our  arrival,  all  the  Indian  women  and  some 
men  presented  themselves  complaining  against  the  present 
missionary,  Fr.  Juan  Ramos,  saying  that  he  killed  them  with 
hunger,  let  them  go  naked,  as  could  be  seen  (for  which  pur- 
pose they  presented  themselves  half  covered  with  rags).  As 
I was  present  at  this  scene  they  asked  me  to  rid  them  of  the 
Father,  and  that,  if  I did  not,  the  governor  would  place  a 
secular  priest  with  them.  The  governor,  however,  remem- 
bered what  had  occurred  a few  days  before,  which  I related, 
how  he  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes  that  on  the  day  before 
all  had  gone  about  well  dressed,  the  men  in  pants  and  cotton 
shirt,  the  women  in  chemise,  petticoats,  and  blanket,  and  how 
he  had  likewise  seen  the  good  food  which  was  given  them 


402  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


without  scarcely  any  work,  for  nothing  could  be  entrusted 
to  them,  because  they  destroyed  and  stole  everything;  and 
that  even  for  fetching  the  wood  to  their  own  kitchen  it  was 
necessary  to  hire  a servant  who  received  six  dollars  a month, 
and  who  had  nothing  more  to  do  than  to  bring  wood  for  them  ; 
for  if  any  of  them  were  sent,  he  would  not  return,  but  walk 
off  to  the  hills  to  his  ancient  haunts.  I say,  remembering  all 
this.  Governor  Armona,  after  listening  to  them  with  patience 
and  prudence,  consoled  them  by  saying  that  he  would  remedy 
this,  when  they  went  to  their  homes. 

“He  took  the  following  steps:  Reflecting  with  his  sagacity 

about  those  that  had  made  the  speeches  and  about  those  that 
only  joined  in  the  commotion,  he  called  apart  one  of  the  latter 
and  asked  him  what  the  Father  had  done  to  him  to  make 
him  complain.  He  replied  that  he  had  nothing  to  complain 
about,  and  that  he  wondered  why  his  relatives  complained 
without  cause ; and  asking  him  who  were  the  fault  of  it,  he 
named  two,  who  were  the  ones  that  had  made  the  addresses 
before  all  others.  The  governor  at  once  ordered  them  to  be 
arrested  and  put  in  chains.  The  rest  then  came  to  ask  par- 
don for  what  had  occurred  and  to  beg  that  the  two  be  pun- 
ished, who  were  the  fault  of  everything;  that  they  had  noth- 
ing to  say  either  against  the  Father  or  the  major-domo;  that 
if  they  had  come  before  it  was  because  they  had  been  forced 
by  the  two ; and  after  declaring  which  one  was  more  guilty 
the  governor  sent  him  as  a prisoner  to  Santa  Ana  for  pun- 
ishment, and  thus  the  revolt  was  allayed  and  all  remained 
contented. 

“Having  told  these  two  cases  and  others  which  took  place 
during  the  time  of  the  inspector-general,  who  had  made  the 
declaration  that  the  Guaicuro  nation  deserved  to  be  put  to 
the  sword  lest  they  corrupt  the  rest  on  the  peninsula,  I said  to 
him  (Gov.  Barri)  : Sir,  in  view  of  this  it  is  proper  to  ask 

information  of  the  missionary  Father  and  we  shall  see  what 
he  says.  To  this  he  replied  that  he  did  not  want  to  see  such 
a Father,  neither  him,  nor  his  letter  that  he  had  already 

1®  “A  lo  que  me  respondio  que  al  tal  padre  ni  a el  ni  a carta 
suya  queria  ver,  que  ya  tenia  escrito  al  teniente  le  enviase  preso 
al  mayordomo.”  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxiii,  p.  119. 


Barri’s  Anger;  Palou’s  Fearlessness  403 


written  to  the  lieutenant  to  send  him  the  major-domo  as  a 
prisoner.  Well,  Sir,  if  he  is  proved  guilty  punish  him  as 
judge.  Notwithstanding  what  was  said,  I wrote  to  Fr. 
Ramos  to  tell  me  the  facts  of  the  case,  and  he  replied,  giving 
me  his  individual  version  of  all,  and  as  the  case  went  higher 
up  and  the  complaint  reached  the  viceroy,  it  has  seemed  to 
me  right  to  be  explicit  on  this  point,  by  giving  the  motive  for 
the  trouble  as  the  said  missionary  Father  Juan  Ramos  de  Lora 
wrote  it  to  me,  and  the  Fathers  Marcelino  Senra  and  Juan 
Antonio  Rioboo  confirmed  it. 

“I  have  already  said  that  the  Guaicuro  Indians  never  had 
settled  down  in  their  native  missions  of  La  Pasion  and  San 
Luis  Gonzaga,  but  that  they  were  accustomed  to  live  in  the 
sierras  like  deer,  maintaining  themselves  with  wild  fruits,  and 
gathering  at  the  mission  for  Mass  only  on  those  Sundays 
when  it  was  the  turn  of  their  rancheria ; that  only  one  ranch- 
eria  assisted  on  one  Sunday  and  the  other  on  another  Sun- 
day. The  inspector-general  had  transplanted  all  these  ranch- 
erias  to  Todos  Santos  to  live  together  in  community.  As 
they  had  been  accustomed  to  live  in  the  mountains,  they  found 
this  hard,  and  soon  began  to  run  away,  so  much  so  that,  on 
informing  the  inspector,  he  found  it  necessary  to  place  more 
guards  at  the  mission,  and  to  assign  some  soldiers  who  did 
nothing  else  than  bring  back  fugitives.  Some  Indians  of  the 
same  tribe,  who  appeared  more  quiet  and  reasonable,  were 
selected  to  accompany  the  soldiers.  Among  them  was  the 
chief  of  a rancheria  whose  name  was  Leandro ; he  acquitted 
himself  perfectly,  and  through  him  they  succeeded  in  bringing 
back  many  Indians ; but  as  only  a few  remained  and  running 
away  was  continual,  it  became  necessary  for  the  chief  to  stay 
outside  the  mission  nearly  the  whole  year ; for  when  one  band 
of  deserters  came,  another  had  already  started  out,  so  that 
he  turned  about  in  search  of  these.  This  the  Indian  did  with 
pleasure,  for  which  reason  the  Father  flattered  him  a great 
deal,  giving  him  better  clothing,  letting  him  take  mules  for 
his  excursions,  and  taking  care  that  the  mission  plant  a good 
piece  of  land  with  corn  for  him,  so  that  he  had  no  further 
trouble  about  it  than  to  receive  the  yield  and  sell  it ; because 


404  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

for  himself  and  his  family  he  had  enough  from  the  weekly 
rations  that  were  distributed,  when  his  was  set  apart  from 
the  others.  Thus  the  matter  stood  when  I was  at  Todos 
Santos  with  Governor  Armona.  The  Father  praised  the  con- 
duct of  the  Indian,  and  regretted  that  he  had  not  been  at  the 
mission  on  the  occasion  for  which  we  came,  and  he  said  to 
us  that  if  he  (Leandro)  had  been  present  the  revolt  referred 
to  before  would  not  have  occurred. 

“The  said  chief,  however,  became  wicked,  or  to  speak 
more  correctly,  his  evil  deeds  and  vices  were  discovered ; for 
having  turned  over  some  Indians,  his  very  companions  accused 
him  before  the  Father  by  saying  that  Leandro  delivered  those 
he  wished,  but  his  friends  remained  in  the  hills  as  well  as 
the  women  whom  he  wanted  for  his  purposes.  The  Father 
investigated  and  found  it  to  be  true,  and  when  the  chief  ar- 
rived he  charged  him  in  the  presence  of  the  major-domo. 
When  he  saw  himself  accused,  instead  of  humbling  himself 
and  asking  pardon,  he  grew  insolent  and  answered  the  Father 
impudently ; but  the  major-domo  could  not  bear  this  and  there- 
fore said  to  him : ‘Ah ! you  rogue,  is  that  the  way  to  speak 

to  the  Father !’  Then  fearful  of  chastisement  he  fell  upon  his 
knees  and  asked  pardon.  The  Father  forgave  him  and  con- 
tented himself  with  saying  that  he  had  no  more  use  for  him, 
and  that  he  should  remain  quietly  at  the  mission. 

“Little  satisfied  with  this  the  Indian  planned  revenge,  and 
a few  days  after  asked  for  permission  to  go  to  Santa  Ana  on 
business.  Fr.  Ramos  gave  it,  and  then  he  went  to  tell  the 
lieutenant  that  the  entire  mission  was  in  revolt ; that  all  wanted 
to  run  off  to  the  hills,  and  that  the  Father  had  already  told 
him  not  to  go  in  search  of  them ; that  the  cause  for  the 
trouble  was  the  cruelty  of  the  major-domo,  who  ill-treated 
them  with  blows ; that  he  had  already  killed  one,  whom  he 
named,  and  that  he  had  come  to  unburden  his  conscience. 

17  This  is  a good  specimen  of  the  duplicity  of  which  an  Indian 
is  capable,  and  which  he  practises  to  this  day,  when  religion 
does  not  control  him.  For  governor  substitute  U.  S.  Indian  Agent, 
when  the  story  can  be  duplicated  by  any  experienced  Indian 
missionary.  See  Appendix  G. 


Barri’s  Anger;  Palou’s  Fearlessness  405 


The  lieutenant,  hearing  this,  advised  him  to  proceed  with  the 
others  to  Loreto,  and  to  lay  his  complaints  before  the  gov- 
ernor. Soon  after  returning  to  the  mission  he  asked  permis- 
sion to  go  and  bring  some  fugitives  who  were  prowling  about 
near  the  mission.  The  Father  who  through  other  Indians  was 
already  aware  of  his  plans,  said  to  him  : ‘See  here ! I already 

know  that  you  want  to  go  and  complain  to  the  governor,  but 
in  order  that  you  may  not  go  without  permission,  I give  it 
to  you ; and,  in  order  that  you  may  travel  with  convenience, 
take  two  mules  from  the  mission  and  go  with  them.’  He 
left  and  gave  as  excuse  that  he  went,  not  to  Loreto,  but  to 
bring  in  fugitives.  A few  days  after  his  departure  some  of 
the  Indian  w’onien  and  men  whom  he  had  already  notified  dis- 
appeared, and  went  to  the  hills  of  La  Pasion  and  San  Luis  to 
collect  those  that  were  scattered,  and  who  were  those,  as  I 
said,  about  whom  there  was  charge  that  he  let  them  live 
there  and  never  brought  them  to  the  mission.  With  all  these 
he  presented  himself  to  the  governor  and  made  the  same  com- 
plaint. He  also  added  against  the  Father  that  he  would  not 
hear  the  confession  of  the  Indians;  that  one,  whom  he  named, 
had  died  without  confession ; and  that  as  he  departed  from 
Todos  Santos  the  Father  had  said  to  him,  ‘Go;  I already  know 
that  you  go  to  see  the  governor ; but  you  must  know  that  the 
governor  commands  nothing  in  the  mission,  nor  has  he  power 
to  remove  the  major-domo,  but  that  I command  here  and  no 
one  else.’ 

“The  governor  was  highly  incensed  at  this,  because  he 
firmly  believed  that  by  what  was  said,  which  he  believed  as  the 
Gospel,  his  authority  to  govern  was  denied.  He  did  not  com- 
prehend that  the  intention  of  the  Indian  was  to  have  the  major- 
domo  removed,  in  order  to  be  revenged  upon  him  for  hav- 

18  “Mira,  ya  se  que  quieres  irte  a quejar  al  senor  gobernador, 
y asi  no  te  vayas  sin  licencia  que  yo  te  la  doy;  y para  que  vayas 
con  comodidad  coje  dos  mulas  de  la  mision  y vete  con  ellas.” 

19  This  v.’as  of  course  untrue;  but  the  shrewd  Indian  noticed 
that  the  governor  wanted  to  hear  just  such  complaints.  How 
many  government  inspectors  and  Bancroftian  agents  have  thus 
been  deceived  by  natives  who  guessed  what  was  wanted!  See 
Appendix  G. 


4o6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


ing  hinted  at  punishment  for  the  insolence  which  he  had 
shown  towards  the  Father,  as  I said  before.  He  also  testi- 
fied against  the  Father  in  the  matter  of  confession  pre- 
suming, that  being  governor,  Barri  would  likewise  remove 
the  said  Father,  and  would  give  them  a secular  curate,  as  the 
inspector  had  done  at  Santiago.  He  omitted  what  they  knew 
that,  when  the  Indians  of  Santiago  and  San  Jose  had  fled 
to  the  curate,  he  told  them  to  stay  at  their  mission;  that  if 
they  came  back  they  should  be  flogged ; and  that  for  fear  of 
the  curate  they  had  kept  very  quiet  at  the  mission,  laboring 
with  much  humility  and  assisting  at  all  the  exercises. 

“For  this,  then,  the  said  Indians  came  to  Loreto  in  the  be- 
ginning of  August ; and  while  I was  returning  to  Loreto  the 
governor  wrote  to  his  lieutenant  to  institute  a suit  against  the 
major-domo,  whose  name  was  Juan  Crisostomo  de  Castro, 
and  that  if  he  were  found  guilty  of  the  things  of  which  the 
Indians  accused  him,  he  should  be  sent  up  as  a prisoner  to 
receive  the  merited  punishment.  The  lieutenant  made  an  in- 
vestigation, and  after  summoning  him  and  taking  his  declara- 
tions, he  did  not  send  him  to  Loreto  as  a prisoner,  but  returned 
him  to  the  mission  as  a free  man,  doubtless  because  he  found 
him  innocent.  Nevertheless,  after  receiving  the  lieutenant’s 
letters,  the  governor  in  speaking  to  me  insisted  that  he  would 
have  to  remove  the  said  major-domo  for  being  cruel  and 
tyrannical.  To  this  I replied  that  it  would  be  justice  to  pun- 
ish him  if  he  de.served  punishment,  but  if  not,  that  he  ought 
not  to  be  removed,  for  he  was  the  feet  and  hands  of  the 
Father ; that  with  him  the  mission  had  prospered  in  temporal 
things ; that  on  account  of  the  false  reports  of  the  Indians  the 
Father  had  already  removed  four  minor  major-domos,  and 
had  not  as  yet  found  any  one  whom  he  could  substitute  owing 
to  the  misrepresentations  and  stories  which  the  Indians  brought 
up;  that  if  this  one,  who  was  at  the  head,  were  now  removed, 
the  mission  would  go  to  ruin ; and  that  if  a change  were  made, 
the  governor  himself  should  take  charge  of  the  mission.  He 

20  He  had  been  a soldier  and  was  a man  of  means,  but  took  the 
position  at  the  request  of  Don  Galvez,  who  had  found  him  trust- 
worthy. (“Noticias,”  123.) 


Barri’s  Anger;  Palou’s  Fearlessness  407 


replied  that  if  the  major-domo  had  been  cruel,  he  was  not 
to  blame,  since  he  had  done  what  the  Father  commanded ; and 
that  the  Father  had  said  that  no  one  commanded  in  the  mis- 
sion except  himself ; but  that  the  Father  would  have  to 
know  that  there  was  a king  in  California  and  that  he  would 
make  him  see  whence  he  had  his  authority,  etc. 

“I  endeavored  to  pacify  him  by  saying  that  if  the  Father 
had  been  at  fault  in  anything  or  had  exceeded  his  authority, 
he  (Barri)  need  do  no  more  than  tell  me;  that  I as  superior 
would  proceed  to  investigate  and  give  satisfaction.  To  this 
he  responded  that  he  (Fr.  Ramos)  was  a priest,  and  he  did 
not  want  to  deal  with  him,  but  only  with  the  major-domo; 
that  he  would  make  an  example  of  him,  and  that  as  long  as 
he  was  not  removed  from  the  mission  he  would  not  permit 
the  Indians  to  return  to  it. 

“This  was  declaring  against  all  the  missionaries  and  revers- 
ing himself  in  such  a manner  that  he  now  condemned  all  that 
he  had  praised  before.  He  made  himself  the  patron  of  the 
wicked  so  that  any  Indian  who  committed  theft  or  anything 
similar,  found  in  his  house  an  asylum.  From  this  resulted  the 
loss  of  respect  for  the  missionaries  on  the  part  of  the  Indians, 
the  absence  from  prayers  and  instruction,  and  the  stealing  of 
grain  and  cattle  whenever  they  could,  in  consequence  of  which 
all  the  missions  suffered  great  damage.  The  governor  also 
spread  all  over  the  peninsula  that  the  Fathers  had  nothing  to 
do  with  anything  except  preaching,  hearing  confessions,  and 
saying  Mass ; and  that  all  the  rest  pertained  to  the  governor, 
as  in  fact  he  said  publicly,  and  to  me  he  said  the  same.  I 
answered  that  the  mis.sions  in  spiritual  and  temporal  matters 
were  in  our  charge,  and  this  touched  everything  except  the 
approval  of  the  elections  of  the  village  governors  and  the 
criminal  cases,  as  the  instructions  of  the  inspector-general 
plainly  stated. 

“I  pass  over  the  grave  cases  that  occurred  in  all  that  time 


21  Bancroft  attributes  the  crazy  conduct  of  Barri  to  the  fact  that 
Fr.  Palou  had  not  returned  to  Loreto  at  once,  but  had  made 
light  of  the  Indian  charges.  Offended  pride  it  certainly  was  which 
changed  the  man  from  a friend  to  an  unreasoning  enemy. 


4o8  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


until  we  left  the  missions ; but  we  were  so  situated  that  it  is  a 
wonder  that  the  missions  did  not  rise  in  rebellion.  The  In- 
dians of  San  Xavier  tried  to  do  so  twice.  We  could  correct 
and  chastise  no  one,  so  that  we  were  compelled  to  let  them 
live  as  they  pleased  in  order  to  avoid  greater  evils.  If  they 
wanted  to  come  to  prayer,  they  came;  if  not,  they  stayed  at 
home,  and  this  was  the  case  especially  in  the  missions  round 
about  Loreto,  which  latter  was  entirely  ruined.” 


22  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxiii,  116-126;  Bancroft,  “His- 
tory of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  731. 


CHAPTER  X. 


Fr.  Juan  Escudero  Takes  Palou’s  Complaints  to  Mexico. — Palou 
Surrenders  Mission  Todos  Santos  to  the  Governor. — Proposals. 
— Barri’s  Refu.sal. — Memorial  to  the  College. — Favorable  Reply 
of  the  Viceroy. — Rage  of  the  Governor. — His  “Exhorto.” — Pa- 
lou’s Fearless  Reply. — Low  Scheme  of  the  Governor. — The  Do- 
minicans.— Palou’s  Energetic  Action. — Barri  Baffled. 

Fr.  PALOU  now  reported  the  intolerable  conditions  on 
the  peninsula  to  the  College  of  San  Fernando  with  a 
view  to  have  the  viceroy  restrain  the  governor  from  inter- 
fering with  the  work  of  the  missionaries,  who,  according  to 
the  instructions  of  the  inspector-general,  as  fathers,  masters, 
and  teachers  of  the  neophytes,  had  full  control  of  everything 
pertaining  to  the  Indians,  except  that  it  was  the  privilege  of 
the  governor  to  approve  the  newly-elected  village  goberna- 
dores  and  to  pass  judgment  in  criminal  cases.  This  docu- 
ment was  taken  to  Mexico  by  Fr.  Juan  Escudero,  who  was 
retiring  to  the  mother-house  on  account  of  poor  health.  He 
left  the  port  of  Loreto  in  the  San  Carlos  on  October  25th, 
1771,  and  reached  the  capital  in  December.  The  venerable 
discretory  took  decisive  action,  as  we  shall  see  later.  ^ 

Meanwhile  Fr.  Palou  conferred  with  Fr.  Ramos  about  the 
situation  at  the  latter’s  mission  of  Todos  Santos,  whither  the 
governor  would  not  allow  the  Indians  to  return  until  the 
major-domo  had  been  removed.  As  the  demands  of  Barri 
and  the  ever  turbulent  Guaicuro  Indians  were  unreasonable, 
unjust,  and  subversive  of  order,  the  two  Fathers  agreed  that 
the  best  way  to  settle  the  matter  was  to  surrender  the  mis- 
sion to  the  governor.  In  the  document  presented  to  Barri 
Fr.  Palou  once  more  recited  the  grievances  of  the  mission- 
aries, who  found  it  impossible  to  labor  with  profit  to  the 
neophytes.  “I  made  a surrender  in  writing  to  the  governor,” 
says  Palou,  “telling  him  that  in  view  of  the  fact  that  of  the 
many  Guaicuro  Indian  families,  whom  the  inspector-general 


1 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxiii,  126-127. 


410  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


had  transplanted  to  Mission  Todos  Santos,  only  a few  had 
survived  the  epidemics,  and  that  the  remaining  few  had  never 
settled  down  in  peace,  but  had  run  away  continually,  and 
that  they  did  nothing  more  than  destroy  what  the  mission 
possessed,  stealing  what  they  could,  not  sparing  even  what 
was  sacred  (for  they  had  just  stolen  a silver  wine-cruet  from 
the  church,  etc.)  ; that  no  means  had  been  discovered  to  sub- 
ject them,  because  they  would  at  once  complain  to  the  lieu- 
tenant at  Santa  Ana  and  raise  thousands  of  stories  and  mis- 
representations ; that  the  Father  found  himself  compelled  to 
have  servants  for  everything,  even  for  carrying  wood  to  the 
kitchen  of  the  said  Indians,  whence  resulted  extraordinary 
expenses  to  the  mission ; and  that  in  consequence  of  the  order 
received  from  the  viceroy,  that  all  servants  who  were  from 
the  other  coast  ^ and  served  in  southern  California,  should 
return  to  the  provinces  whence  they  had  come,  there  would 
be  no  one  to  cultivate  the  land  and  to  do  the  necessary  work 
at  the  mission,  I saw  myself  forced  to  surrender  said  mission. 
I begged  him  to  be  pleased  to  distribute  the  few  remaining 
Indian  families  among  the  missions  of  the  north,  since  by 
giving  each  mission  four  of  these  turbulent  families  it  would 
be  easy  to  subdue  them  to  the  ways  of  the  rest  and  thus  gain 
their  souls,  which  I doubted  very  much  if  they  continued  at 
Mission  Todos  Santos,  because  not  having  taken  root  there 
it  is  probable  that  they  would  die  in  the  mountains  as  had 
happened  to  most  of  those  that  had  been  transplanted  to 
said  mission.” 

Palou  suggested  that,  even  though  Santa  Ana  were  depop- 
ulated, the  Spanish  colonists,  or  the  gente  de  razon,  ® could 
settle  down  at  Todos  Santos,  and  they  would  do  so  with 
pleasure  if  they  were  promised  the  said  mission  lands  and 


2 Indians  from  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  who  had  to  be  hired,  because 
the  Guaicuros  would  not  work  and  could  not  be  trusted. 

3 “Gente  de  Razon.”  This  term  was  applied  to  all  white  people 
to  distinguish  them  from  the  natives  who  were  considered  as  act- 
ing without  reason,  that  is  to  say,  not  according  to  the  dictates  of 


reason. 


Memorial;  Bucareli;  Barri  Enraged  41 1 


the  cattle,  which  might  be  divided  among  them ; * that  he 
asked  nothing  for  himself  except  that  the  few  Indian  sur- 
vivors should  be  removed  to  the  northern  missions  in  order 
to  save  their  souls ; ® and  that  said  Spanish  colonists  should 
be  attended  by  the  curate  of  Santa  Ana,  to  whom  for  that  pur- 
pose the  church  of  Todos  Santos  with  all  the  church  goods 
and  the  house  with  its  furniture  should  be  delivered.  In 
this  way,  Palou  stated  to  the  governor,  the  stipends  for  two 
missionaries  could  be  saved  and  the  two  released  Fathers 
would  have  something  for  the  new  missions.  Moreover,  the 
expenses  for  the  guards  could  thus  be  saved,  because  by  dis- 
tributing the  Indians  among  the  other  establishments  the 
soldiers  at  Todos  Santos  would  become  superfluous,  as  in 
case  of  necessity  the  colonists  could  take  up  arms  for  them- 
selves. 

In  reply  to  these  propositions  Governor  Barri  declared  that 
he  had  no  authority  to  accept  the  surrender  of  the  mission, 
but  that  he  would  forward  the  matter  to  the  viceroy  along 
with  his  own  report.  Though  he  had  no  authority  to  accept 
the  resignation  of  the  missionaries,  Barri  used  his  position 
to  annoy  the  same  missionaries  and  to  make  their  stay  im- 
possible. For  this  reason,  and  in  order  to  arrest  the  com- 
plete ruin  of  the  peninsula  establishments,  the  Fathers  resolved 
to  send  Fr.  Ramos  to  Mexico  to  present  a full  statement  of 
the  conditions  to  the  viceroy.  He  embarked  with  Don  Fer- 
nando de  Rivera  about  the  middle  of  January,  1772,  and  ar- 
rived at  the  College  in  March,  just  as  the  discretory  discussed 
the  plan  of  ceding  a part  of  or  all  the  peninsula  missions 


* This  measure  was  defensible  on  the  ground  that  the  land  and 
stock  in  question  did  not  belong  to  the  Guaicuros.  The  original 
natives  had  died  away;  the  Guaicuros  had  been  placed  there  against 
their  will  and  were  unwilling  to  remain.  Thus  all  the  land  and 
stock,  except  the  church  buildings,  house  of  the  priest,  the  appur- 
tenances of  both,  the  gardens,  etc.,  in  short  what  was  necessary 
to  maintain  divine  worship,  became  the  property  of  the  govern- 
ment. 

5 This  was  not  transplating  away  from  their  native  homes,  but 
the  removal  from  a foreign  region,  and  for  incorrigible  turbulence. 
It  brought  them  nearer  to  their  original  territory,  however. 


412  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


to  the  Dominicans.  His  appearance  and  report  doubtless 
hastened  the  decision.  ® 

Meanwhile  Fr.  Escudero  had  presented  Fr.  Palou’s  state- 
ment of  Governor  Barri’s  conduct  to  the  Fr.  Guardian  and  the 
discretos.  They  at  once  endeavored  to  discover  the  suita- 
ble remedies.  The  result  of  their  deliberations  was  the  fol- 
lowing document  which  was  presented  to  Viceroy  Bucareli 
on  December  23rd,  1771.  Some  of  the  provisions  do  not  con- 
cern Lower  California,  but  they  are  reproduced  here  for 
future  reference. 

“The  Fr.  Guardian  and  the  Ven.  Discretory  petitions  the 
viceroy : 

1.  That  the  lieutenant  and  the  captain  of  San  Diego  and 
Monterey  comply  wdth  the  instructions  which  the  illustrious 
inspector-general  gave  to  the  commanders  on  land  and  sea. 

2.  That  a suitable  guard  be  placed  at  the  presidio  of  San 
Diego  and  at  Mission  San  Buenaventura,  which  must  be  fifty 
men  strong  according  to  Don  Fernando  de  Rivera,  because 
at  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel,  where  it  was  intended  to  found 
it,  there  are  found  about  ten  thousand  able-bodied  Indians. 

3.  That  for  each  of  the  new  missions  some  Indian  families 
of  converts  be  sent  to  cultivate  the  land  and  do  other  neces- 
sary work  about  said  missions. 

4.  That  these  families  be  treated  with  humanity  by  giving 
them  the  necessary  food  while  on  the  road,  etc. 

5.  That  the  cattle  herds  be  re-established  and  increased,  so 
that  in  case  of  necessity  provisions  could  be  obtained  from 
Lower  California  and  Sonora. 

6.  To  furnish  the  presidios  and  missions  with  supplies  for 
a year  and  a half,  and  that  for  this  purpose  two  packet-boats 
be  set  apart. 

7.  To  declare  that  Monterey  is  a port,  and  that  San  Fran- 
cisco could  be  a good  one,  but  its  entrance  and  bay  needs 
examination. 

8.  That  for  the  missions  to  be  founded  between  San 

6 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  xxvi,  138-141;  Bancroft,  “History  of 
Texas,”  vol.  i,  731. 

7 The  immediate  vicinity  had  not  that  many. 


Memorial;  Bucareli;  Barri  Enraged  413 


Fernando  de  Velicata  and  San  Diego  many  more  soldiers  are 
needed ; and  that  for  the  churches  many  things  are  wanting 
which  are  now  asked  for,  and  that  it  be  borne  in  mind  that 
there  is  little  or  no  hope  of  converting  these  gentiles.  * 

9.  That  for  the  maintenance  of  the  missions  it  is  expedient 
that  the  temporalities  be  in  charge  of  the  missionaries,  and 
likewise  that  the  missionaries  have  the  authority  to  appoint 
or  remove  servants  and  soldiers,  as  the  Marques  de  Valero 
and  the  leader  of  the  conquest  deemed  expedient,  according 
to  the  decrees  of  the  viceroys.  ® 

10.  That  the  old  missions  should  have  returned  to  them 
the  mules,  horses  and  other  property  furnisehd  by  them  for 
the  new  missions. 

11.  That  the  royal  warehouse  pay  its  debts  to  the  mis- 
sions in  similar  goods  or  in  drafts. 

12.  That  the  warehouse  should  not  receive  the  products 
of  the  missions  except  for  cash  or  useful  goods. 

13.  That  the  Indians  who  worked  for  the  king  be  paid  just 
wages. 

14.  That  the  month  of  June  be  fixed  for  the  sailing  of 
the  bark  which  has  to  bring  the  supplies  to  Loreto,  and  the 
month  of  February  or  April  for  those  that  go  to  San  Diego 
and  Monterey  from  San  Bias. 

15.  That  a suitable  allowance  be  assigned  to  the  religious 
who  go  to  the  said  missions  or  return  from  there. 

16.  That  four  thousand  dollars  be  granted  for  the  four 
missions  of  San  Fernando  de  Velicata,  San  Diego,  Monterey, 
and  San  Buenaventura,  one  thousand  for  each,  as  was  paid 
to  the  other  ten,  according  to  the  regpilation  of  the  inspector- 
general. 

17.  That  the  Dominican  Fathers  or  others  take  charge 

of  the  four  missions  called  Del  Sur  de  la  California  adjoining 
San  Javier,  namely:  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  Santiago  de  los 

8 Those  between  the  two  points  mentioned. 

9 Such  was  the  case  under  Jesuit  control,  and  the  only  way  to 
insure  the  presence  of  moral  men. 

10  This  is  the  first  mention  of  the  Dominicans  in  connection 
with  California,  but  their  real  connection  begins  earlier,  as  we 
shall  see  later. 


414  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

Coras,  Toclos  Santos,  and  San  Javier,  and  three  of  those  in 
the  north  which  are  Purisima,  Concepcion,  Nuestra  Sehora 
de  Guadalupe,  and  Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege,  leaving  to  this 
College  those  of  Loreto,  San  Jose  de  Comundii,  San  Ignacio, 
Santa  Gertrudis,  and  San  Borja. 

18.  That  the  soldiers  be  provided  with  sufficient  rations 
so  that  they  may  be  able  to  work  and  to  guard  the  missions, 
and  that  they  be  approved  by  the  Fathers,  as  their  excellencies 
the  viceroys  Marques  de  Valero  and  the  leader  of  the  Con- 
quista  commanded  in  the  decrees,  a copy  of  which  accom- 
panies the  memorial  presented  herewith.” 

Bucareli  sent  the  following  favorable  reply  to  the  Memorial 
of  the  College: 

“In  consideration  of  this  Memorial  of  Your  Reverences  of 
the  23d  of  last  December,  and  of  the  letters  with  which  the 
Fathers  of  California  accompany  it  concerning  the  incident 
which  occurred  when  six  soldiers  and  one  muleteer  of  the 
presidio  of  San  Diego  deserted,  and  in  conformity  with  what 
was  said  in  his  examination  by  the  fiscal,  I have  given  cor- 
responding orders  to  Governor  Barri  and  Captain  Pedro 
Pages  that  on  the  subjects  contained  in  the  aforesaid  Memor- 
ial they  should  execute  all  that  may  be  easy  to  them  in  order 
to  keep  in  the  tranquillity  which  they  desire  the  missionary 
Fathers  devoted  solely  to  the  spiritual  conquest  and  to  make 
themselves  beloved  by  the  Indians,  informing  me  as  to  this 
matter  about  whatever  they  consider  conducive  to  the  service 
of  God  and  the  king,  doing  all  that  may  be  possible,  and  that 
it  causes  no  inconvenience  to  ask  my  resolution ; to  which  end 
I have  addressed  a copy  of  said  letters  to  Barri,  in  order 
that  after  doing  what  therein  is  asked,  he  tell  me  on  each 
point  what  he  has  executed  and  what  still  remains,  so  that 
the  holy  purposes  for  which  missions  have  been  there  estab- 
lished may  be  accomplished.  All  this  I communicate  to  Your 
Reverences  in  order  that  in  consequence  you  may  write  to 
the  missionary  Fathers  to  the  effect  that  they  may  go  and 
find  their  new  spiritual  conquests  with  all  the  gentleness  and 
sweetness  which  their  zeal  counsels  them  and  the  circum- 


11  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxiv,  127-129. 


Memorial;  Bucareli ; Barri  Enraged  415 


stances  demand.  Supposing  this,  I strictly  charge  the  said 
Barri  and  Pages  to  assist  them  with  their  whole  strength,  in 
order  that  the  royal  intentions  of  his  Majesty  may  be  realized. 
God  keep  Your  Reverences  many  years.  Mexico,  March  18, 
1772.  Antonio  Bucareli  y Ursiia. — To  the  Most  Rev.  Fr. 
Guardian  and  Discretorio  of  San  Fernando.” 

Although  a copy  of  the  Memorial  and  of  the  viceroy’s  reply 
had  been  sent  to  Fr.  Palou  by  way  of  Sinaloa,  he  did  not  re- 
ceive the  documents  for  some  unaccountable  reasoii  until  the 


Fac-simlle  of  Don  Bucarell’s  signature. 


month  of  December,  nine  months  after  date.  Palou  imme- 
diately forwarded  copies  with  his  own  circular  to  all  the 
missionaries  as  Buca.eli  had  directed.  It  was  not  done  so 
secretly,  however,  as  to  escape  the  notice  of  the  governor, 
who  must  have  been  angered  beyond  bounds  by  the  action 
of  the  viceroy;  for  he  sent  Fr.  Palou  an  official  communica- 


12  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  xxiv,  130-131. 


4i6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


tion  which  he  called  an  “exhorto,”  and  in  which  he  claimed, 
says  Palou,  “that  I had  given  out  that  some  orders  to  me 
had  come  from  the  viceroy  that  I should  command  the  penin- 
sula, and  that  the  governor  commanded  in  nothing,  whence 
it  had  resulted  that  on  the  peninsula  all  were  wanting  in  sub- 
ordination and  obedience,  that  this  was  the  same  as  denying 
the  sovereign,  and  that  the  gravest  damages  had  been  the 
consequence.  He  then* exhorted  me  to  publish  such  orders, 
if  I had  them ; and  if  I had  none  to  give  satisfaction  to  the 
peninsula  in  order  to  avert  the  damages  which  threatened.” 

If  the  frantic  Barri  expected  to  intimidate  the  Franciscan 
superior  of  the  Lower  California  missions,  he  soon  discovered 
his  mistake ; for.  instead  of  being  filled  with  apprehension, 
Palou  at  once  answered  by  saying  that  “to  me  no  orders  what- 
ever had  come,  but  to  the  governor;  that  if  he  wished  to 
know  the  contents  of  the  letters  I received,  no  ‘exhorto’  was 
needed ; that  I included  for  him  a copy  of  all  by  sending  him 
the  Memorial  and  the  reply  of  his  excellency;  that  my  Fr. 
Guardian  had  done  nothing  more  in  writing  to  me  than  com- 
ply with  the  instructions  of  his  excellency  to  communicate  the 
information  to  me  and  to  let  my  religious  know,  and  that  I 
thus  complied  with  the  order  of  my  prelate ; that  if  this  was 
the  cause  of  want  of  obedience  to  the  sovereign,  what  would 
have  been  the  result  if  I had  received  the  command  of  his 
excellency  and  had  not  carried  it  out?  that  I was  not  aware 
that  any  damage  had  resulted  to  the  peninsula ; and  that  if 
so,  it  was  his  business  to  remedy  it  in  compliance  with  his 
duties ; and  that  if  they  concerned  me,  I thought  he  should 
advise  me,  when  at  the  cost  of  my  blood  I would  try  to 
check  it.” 

13  This  was  a request  sent  from  one  judge  to  another  who  being 
his  equal  could  not  be  ordered  to  carry  out  what  was  demanded. 
It  was,  therefore,  called  “exhorto,”  exhortation  or  supplication, 
because  one  only  asks  and  petitions  another  over  whom  he  is  not 
superior.  It  was  generally  employed  to  secure  the  presence  of 
a fugitive  criminal,  or  of  a witness,  etc.  The  request  had  to  be 
executed,  or  the  respective  official  had  to  take  the  responsibility 
for  the  consequences.  (“Diccionario  de  Legislacion,”  p.  661,  Ma- 
drid, 1873.) 

1*  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxv,  131-133. 


Memorial;  Bucareli;  Barri  Enraged  417 

The  baffled  governor  was  bent  on  mischief,  however.  This 
was  fortunately  detected  by  the  Dominican  Fathers,  who  had 
arrived  at  Lx)reto  two  months  before  this  incident,  and  were 
awaiting  the  arrival  of  their  commissary  in  order  to  receive 
the  formal  transfer  of  the  missions.  Inasmuch  as  they  were 
interested  in  the  welfare  of  the  missions  they  saw  what  was 
transpiring  and  penetrated  the  designs  of  the  implacable  Barri. 
They  warned  Fr.  Palou  that  the  clause  in  the  “exhorto,”  which 
stated  that  greater  injury  was  threatening,  and  that  Fr.  Palou 
should  be  held  responsible  for  the  consequences,  meant  trouble"; 
that  they  were  certain  that  the  governor  was  exciting  the 
Indians  of  Mission  San  Xavier  to  revolt  against  the  Francis- 
cans ; and  that  in  two  days  a band  of  San  Xavier  Indians 
would  arrive  at  Loreto  to  demand  that  the  governor  should 
remove  the  Franciscans  on  the  ground  that  the  Indians  would 
no  longer  suffer  their  cruelties. 

“When  I learned  this  news,”  Fr.  Palou  relates,  “I  despatched 
a courier  to  said  mission,  who  left  at  midnight,  and  I wrote 
to  the  Fathers  who  were  at  that  mission,  that  as  soon  as  they 
received  my  letter  Fr.  Jose  Murg^uia  should  come  to  Loreto, 
as  I needed  him,  and  that  Fr.  Santa  Maria  should  immediately 
repair  to  the  mission  which  I indicated,  and  that  they  should 
not  delay,  not  even  to  take  away  clothing.  Thus  it  was  that 
at  daybreak  they  already  had  my  letter.  To  the  two  Domin- 
ican Fathers  who  were  there  (because  not  all  could  stay  at 
Loreto  until  their  Rev.  Fr.  Presidente  should  arrive,  who  was 
to  receive  the  missions),  I wrote  that  they  should  do  me  the 
favor  of  caring  for  the  said  mission,  as  I needed  the  two 
religious,  and  that  I would  be  obliged  to  them  if  they  re- 
mained and  took  notice  of  anv-thing  extraordinary  in  the 
Indians.” 

“On  the  very  day  on  which  the  Fathers  left,  the  Indians 
came  to  ask  the  Dominicans,  who  had  remained  (at  San 
Xavier),  for  permission  to  go  to  Loreto;  and  though  at  first 
they  said  they  went  on  business,  they  at  last  explained  that 
they  went  at  the  request  of  the  governor  to  demand  that 
the  Fernandinos  (Franciscans)  be  removed  and  the  Domini- 
cans be  put  in  their  places.  The  Dominicans  showed  them 


4i8  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


that  there  was  no  necessity  for  this,  as  the  Fathers  had  already 
gone  away,  and  that  the  Fr.  Presidente  had  asked  them  to  take 
charge  of  the  mission,  and  so  there  was  no  reason  to  go. 
Nevertheless,  they  insisted  on  wanting  to  go  to  Loreto;  for  if 
they  did  not  show  themselves  there  on  the  morrow,  for  which 
day  the  governor  had  called  them,  he  would  punish  them. 
‘He  will  not  do  that ; what  you  have  to  do,’  the  Dominicans 
advised  them,  ‘is  to  write  a letter  telling  that,  since  the  Fathers 
had  already  gone  away,  you  would  not  molest  him  about  it, 
when  you  may  be  assured  that  he  will  say  nothing’.  With 
that  the  revolt  was  quelled  before  it  took  shape ; and  though 
one  of  the  (Dominican)  Fathers  came  and  begged  me  to 
return  the  Fathers,  as  all  was  then  quiet,  or  that  I go,  I 
would  not  go,  nor  allow  the  Fathers  to  go,  not  even  when 
one  of  the  ringleaders  wrote  to  me  asking  pardon  in  his  name 
and  for  the  rest,  in  order  to  avoid  the  risk  that  anything 
should  re.sult  therefrom,  and  I only  permitted  Fr.  Murguia  to 
go  at  the  proper  time  to  transfer  the  mission.”  It  is  from 
this  date  then  that  the  Dominicans  acted  as  resident  mission- 
aries of  San  Xavier. 

“In  this  manner,”  Palou  continues,  “the  damage  was  stopped 
which  the  governor  informed  me  was  threatening,  who  unable 
to  contain  himself  at  seeing  his  plan  frustrated,  in  answer  to 
my  letter  gave  vent  to  his  rage  in  another  paper  in  which 
he  wrote  that  he  knew  about  the  Fathers.  He  went  so  far 
as  to  assert  that  a missionary  had  betrayed  some  ignorant 
one  who  made  his  confession  to  him.  The  whole  paper  re- 
duced itself  to  old  stories  and  misrepresentations.  At  the 
same  time  he  told  me  that  he  would  see  if  harm  had  come 
from  the  divulging  of  his  orders,  and  then  employed  his  time 
and  paper  in  explaining  the  instructions  of  the  viceroy  to  his 
own  taste  and  satisfaction ; but  I,  to  arrest  the  storm,  replied 
that  I was  aware  of  his  views,  and  that  his  excellency  would 
determine  when  he  .saw  his  letter  and  my  answer,  which  I 
would  forward  in  order  that  he  judge  what  was  most  expedient. 
Though  this  occurred  in  1773,  I wanted  to  insert  it  here  un- 
der the  supposition  that  all  this  resulted  from  the  order  which 


Memorial;  Bucareli;  Barri  Enraged  419 


the  Fr.  Guardian  and  the  Ven.  Discretory  had  succeeded  in 
obtaining  from  his  excellency  in  favor  of  the  missions. 


15  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxv,  133-136;  Bancroft,  “His- 
tory of  Texas,”  vol.^  i,  735-736. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


Request  for  a Report  on  all  the  Missions. — San  Jose  del  Cabo. — 
Santiago  de  los  Coras. — Todos  Santos. — Pueblo  de  Santa  Ana. — 
San  Francisco  Xavier. — Mission  and  Presidio  of  Loreto. — Puri- 
sima  Concepcion. — Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe. 

AS  EARLY  as  January  18th,  1772,  the  superior  of  the 
peninsula  missions  had  received  an  order  from  Fr. 
Guardian  Rafael  Verger,  dated  Mexico,  June  1st,  1771,  to 
draw  up  a complete  report  on  the  state  of  all  the  mission 
establishments  under  the  following  heads : 

“1.  How  many  families,  ranchos,  and  pueblos  has  each 
mission,  and  what  roads  and  which  are  the  distances? 

2.  What  lands  are  cultivated  and  with  what  laborers? 

3.  How  many  yoke  of  oxen,  how  many  mules  and  horses 
are  left? 

4.  Are  the  last  decrees  observed  which  Governor  Matias 
de  Armona  issued  for  the  welfare  of  the  Indians? 

5.  Is  it  true  that  the  Indians  are  obliged  to  dive  for  pearls 
in  dangerous  waters  where  sharks  and  other  monsters  kill 
many  of  them? 

6.  Inquire  as  far  as  possible  in  what  condition  the  mines 
of  Santa  Ana  are ; whether  it  is  true  that  they  are  destroyed  ? 
This,  though  it  appear  foreign  to  our  mode  of  life,  just  now, 
considering  the  circumstances,  it  is  not.  ^ 


Fac-slmlle  of  Fr.  Verger’s  signature. 


7.  Is  it  true  that  they  have  returned  to  the  custom  of  pay- 
ing the  wages  of  the  soldiers  in  money?  Lastly,  of  all  your 
Reverence  thinks  expedient  for  the  advancement  of  the  mis- 
sions in  spiritual  as  well  as  in  temporal  matters  you  will  send 
me  prompt  notice  in  duplicate ; and  in  case  any  of  the  sick 

1 The  object  doubtless  was  to  ascertain  whether  the  place  could 
maintain  a secular  priest,  in  which  case  it  would  not  be  accepted. 


Palou’s  Report  on  the  Missions 


421 


Fathers  come,  send  the  report  with  him ; I am  told  he  may 
also  come  by  way  of  Guaymas.  There  is  nothing  more  to  say. 
The  Lord  keep  you  in  His  holy  love  and  grace  with  health,  etc. 
— Fr.  Rafael  Verger.”  ^ 

In  obedience  to  his  superior’s  demand  Fr.  Palou,  under 
date  of  February  12th,  1772,  forwarded  the  following  docu- 
ment which  contains  a sketch  of  the  history,  location,  and  con- 
dition of  every  mission  with  reference  to  past  grievances  and 
necessary  reforms.  As  it  is  the  first  complete  statement  re- 
garding the  missions  of  California,  of  great  historical  value, 
and  made  near  the  close  of  the  Franciscan  administration,  it 
is  reproduced  in  this  and  the  next  chapter,  although  much  of 
it  has  been  stated  before.  In  his  introduction  Fr.  Palou  re- 
marks, “I  shall  try  not  to  omit  the  least,  in  order  that  you 
may  obtain  an  adequate  view  of  the  whole  peninsula.”  ^ 

Mission  San  Jose  del  Cabo. 

“This  mission,  distant  from  Cape  San  Lucas  or  the  bay  of 
San  Bernabe  about  twelve  leagues,  and  founded  about  half  a 
league  from  the  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  California,  also  called 
Northern  Sea,  on  which  shore  the  ship  from  China  * usually 
stops  to  take  in  provisions,  which  this  pueblo  and  that  of  San- 
tiago de  los  Coras,  which  is  in  the  neighborhood,  furnish  it, 
is  in  twenty-two  and  one-half  degrees  north  latitude.  It  began 
in  the  year  1730,  the  first  missionary  being  the  venerable 
Father  Nicolas  Tamaral,  whom  the  Indians  soon  after  killed 
with  the  Father  of  Santiago.  It  was  endowed  with  a fund 
of  $10,000  by  the  Marques  de  Villapuente  in  order  to  furnish 
the  annual  income  of  five  hundred  dollars  which  served  to 
maintain  the  missionary  Father.  It  was  in  charge  of  the 
Fathers  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  from  its  foundation  to  their 
expulsion,  which  occurred  in  the  beginning  of  December, 
1767 ; though  in  the  last  years  the  missionary  Father  did  not 
reside  there,  he  attended  to  its  few  Indians.  At  the  end  of 


2 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  142-143. 

3 See  the  whole  report  in  Palou’s  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  capp.  xxvii- 
xxviii,  143-195. 

< The  Philippine  galleon,  which  also  touched  the  China  coast. 


422 


Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


April,  1768,  it  came  under  the  control  of  this  Apostolic  Col- 
lege. The  first  missionary  was  Fr.  Juan  Moran,  who,  after 
having  labored  there  fourteen  months,  died  at  said  mission 
while  administering  it;  for  while  attending  those  who  were 
afflicted  with  the  pestilence,  and  on  returning  from  hearing 
the  confession  of  one,  he  felt  himself  mortally  attacked  and 
soon  died.  ^ 

“During  the  visitation  which  the  illustrious  inspector-gen- 
eral, Don  Jose  de  Galvez,  made  at  this  mission,  seeing  the 
small  number  of  Indians  comprising  it,  he  commanded  that  the 
Indians  of  one  rancheria  from  Mission  San  Javier  settle  there 
in  order  to  receive  the  fertile  lands  which  it  possessed.  Thus 
twelve  families  of  forty-four  souls  went  to  San  Jose  del  Cabo; 
but  they  all,  except  three,  died  during  the  epidemic  of  1769, 
so  that  only  fifty  persons,  old  and  young,  survive.  Before 
leaving  the  peninsula  the  said  inspector  raised  Mission  San- 
tiago de  los  Coras  to  a curacy,  and  assigned  to  it  Mission 
San  Jose  as  a pueblo  de  visita,  ® wherefore  it  went  out  of  our 
control  and  came  under  direct  juri.sdiction  of  the  bishop  of 
Guadalajara.  The  first  curate  was  Rev.  Juan  Antonio  Raeza, 
who  in  the  month  of  November  abandoned  his  curacy  and 
left  the  peninsula,  when  the  curate  of  the  town  of  Santa  Ana 
took  charge  and  managed  it  until  the  month  of  April,  1771. 
His  Excellency,  Viceroy  Marques  de  Croix  then  placed  it 
in  control  of  one  of  the  missionary  Fathers,  Fr.  Juan  Antonio 
Rioboo,  to  administer  its  spiritual  affairs,  while  the  temporali- 
ties were  in  charge  of  a layman  placed  there  by  the  governor 
of  the  peninsula,  for  which  reason,  and  not  knowing  the  con- 
dition in  which  it  is,  I cannot  give  an  account  of  it.” 

Mission  Santiago  de  los  Coras. 

“This  is  distant  from  the  preceding  mission  about  eighteen 
leagues  and  about  five  leagues  from  the  gulf  coast.  It  is 

5 Fr.  Moran  originally  belonged  to  the  Franciscan  province  of 
the  Immaculate  Conception,  Spain,  which  is  all  we  know  of  his 
antecedents. 

6 Pueblo  de  Visita  is  a missionary  station  without  a resident 
priest. 

7 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  144-146. 


Palou’s  Report  on  the  Missions 


423 


situated  in  twenty-three  degrees  north  latitude.  The  Marques 
de  Villapuente  endowed  it  in  1719  with  $10,000,  like  the  pre- 
ceding one,  and  with  the  same  endowment  it  was  in  charge 
of  the  Fathers  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  from  its  foundation 
until  their  expulsion;  but  in  April,  1768,  this  Apostolic  Col- 
lege came  into  control,  when  its  first  missionary,  Fr.  Jose 
Murguia,  was  appointed.  At  the  visitation  the  inspector,  on 
finding  that  said  mission  had  but  few  Indians,  and  nearly  all 
afflicted  with  the  galico,  * he  ordered  that  all  the  native  families 
of  Mission  Todos  Santos,  who  were  contaminated  and  suf- 
fering with  the  same  disease,  should  be  removed  to  Santiago, 
for  the  purpose  of  placing  them  under  an  intelligent  surgeon 
for  treatment.  The  removal  took  place  in  the  month  of 
October  of  said  year,  1768.  The  said  Father  attended  them 
until  April,  1769,  when  by  order  of  the  inspector  the  mission 
was  raised  to  a curacy.  Its  first  curate  was  the  said  Rev. 
Baeza.  A few  months  after,  the  epidemic  broke  out  at  San 
Jose  del  Cabo  mission,  and  killed  all  that  had  come  from 
Todos  Santos,  as  well  as  a great  many  of  the  natives  of  San- 
tiago, for  which  reason  now  it  is  composed  of  only  seventy 
souls  of  old  and  young  people. 

“The  curate  administered  said  pueblo  until  November,  1770, 
when  he  went  to  Guadalajara.  From  the  time  of  his  departure 
until  April  the  curate  of  the  town  of  Santa  Ana  attended  the 
place.  Thereafter,  by  especial  command  of  his  excellency,  a 
friar  had  to  be  stationed  there,  and  at  present  Fr.  Francisco 
Villuendas  has  charge  of  the  spiritual  aflPairs,  whilst  the  tem- 
poralities are  controlled  by  a major-domo  appointed  by  the 


8 Venereal  disease.  Clavijero  writes  that  down  to  the  time  of 
the  expulsion  “El  galico  no  ha  sido  visto  hasta  ahora  en  la  Cali- 
fornia porque  ningun  extranjero  le  ha  llevado”  (“Hist,  de  la  Baja 
California,”  lib.  i,  sec.  xviii.),  so  that  outsiders  corrupted  these  In- 
dians within  one  or  two  years!  Yet  there  are  those  that  blame 
the  missionaries  for  not  wanting  the  Indians  to  come  in  contact 
with  soldiers  and  adventurers,  and  for  insisting  on  selecting  the 
personnel  of  their  guards!  It  is  likely,  however,  that  Clavijero  was 
in  error,  as  he  never  visited  the  country,  and  that  the  dread  dis- 
ease was  communicated  by  the  miners  or  the  soldiers  who  came 
from  Sinaloa  with  Governor  Huidrobo  in  1736. 


424  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

governor  of  the  peninsula,  for  \vhich  reason  I do  not  know 
its  condition,  though  the  said  Father  writes  to  me,  the  same 
as  of  San  Jose,  that  the  said  pueblos  are  in  very  poor  circum- 
stances for  want  of  corn,  and  that  they  subsist  only  on  the 
meat  of  the  starving  cattle  which  they  slaughter.  ® 

Mission  of  Nuestra  Senora  del  Pilar,  commonly  known  as 
Todos  Santos. 

“This  was  endowed  by  the  said  marques  like  the  preceding 
ones,  and  was  founded  in  the  year  1719  at  a place  called  La 
Paz  on  the  bay  of  the  same  name  in  the  Gulf  of  California,  in 
twenty-three  degrees  and  four  minutes.  After  a few  years  it 
was  changed  to  a spot  called  Todos  Santos  in  nearly  the  same 
latitude,  but  on  the  western  coast  about  half  a league  from  the 
shore  of  the  Grand  or  Pacific  Ocean.  It  is  distant  from  San- 
tiago about  thirty  leagues  on  account  of  the  roundabout  way 
taken,  for  there  is  no  direct  road  through  the  high  sierra. 
The  said  Fathers  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administered  this 
mission  from  its  founding  to  their  departure,  but  in  April, 
1768,  it  came  into  the  hands  of  the  College,  receiving  as  the 
first  missionary  Fr.  Juan  Ramos  de  Lora. 

“When  the  illustrious  inspector  at  the  visitation  which  he 
made  saw  the  place  so  favorable  and  the  land  and  water 
abundant,  whilst  the  Indians  were  so  few  and  contaminated 
with  the  galico,  he  determined  to  remove  them  to  Santiago, 
and  to  settle  this  one  with  the  whole  Guaicuro  tribe,  who  were 
living  at  the  two  missions  of  La  Pasion  and  San  Luis  Gon- 
zaga,  because  the  latter  localities  were  not  suitable  to  support 
them  in  community  for  want  of  land  and  lack  of  water.  Thus 
it  was  done  in  September,  1768  by  transferring  to  it  more  than 
seven  hundred  souls  and  abandoning  entirely  the  two  places 
mentioned. 

“The  new  colonists  have  been  so  little  pleased  with  the 
kindness  bestowed  upon  them  to  improve  their  conditions, 
that  they  would  not  take  root  there,  and  only  by  dint  of 
threats  and  chastisements  have  they  made  some  kind  of  stay, 
but  more  to  destroy  what  belongs  to  the  mission  than  to  ad- 


9 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  146-147. 


Palou’s  Report  on  the  Missions 


425 


vance  it,  so  that,  had  it  not  been  for  the  forethought  of  the 
inspector  in  obtaining  hired  servants  and  major-domos  from 
outside  to  cultivate  the  land,  the  whole  mission  work  must 
have  come  to  an  end,  since  the  expenses  caused  by  their  deser- 
tions were  not  small,  as  a number  of  men  had  to  be  on  hand 
who  did  nothing  else  than  go  in  search  of  fugitives.  The 
contagious  epidemic  which,  as  I already  have  said,  destroyed 
the  mission,  carried  away  many,  and  not  a few  in  the  hills. 
For  this  reason  only  one  hundred  and  seventy  souls  are  now 
found  on  the  list,  about  thirty  of  whom  are  deserters  in  the 
mountains.  From  the  inventories  of  the  said  mission  it  is 
seen  that  it  has  about  four  hundred  head  of  half-starved  cattle, 
one  hundred  mares  and  fillies,  forty  horses,  seventy  mules, 
one  hundred  sheep,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  goats.  Besides 
more  than  $4000  have  been  expended  in  procuring  imple- 
ments and  useful  articles  for  the  house,  vestments  and  furni- 
ture for  the  sacristy.  From  the  surrender  of  the  mission, 
which  I made  to  the  governor,  you  will  have  read  what 
little  hope  there  is  in  spiritual  matters.  . . . Fr.  Ramos 

having  left  the  mission  on  January  15th  to  present  our  griev- 
ances in  person,  the  two  Fathers  Marcelino  Senra  and  Migpiel 
Sanchez  are  in  charge.” 

The  Mining  Town  of  Santa  Ana. 

“It  is  situated  between  the  two  missions  of  Santiago  and 
Todos  Santos,  and  distant  from  the  latter  about  twelve  leagues 
and  from  the  other  about  eighteen  leagues.  It  was  established 
on  the  arrival  of  the  inspector,  who  for  that  purpose  bought, 
at  the  expense  of  the  king,  the  works  of  Don  Manuel  de 
Osio  which  had  their  own  chapel.  Some  houses  were  added 
for  the  dependents  in  the  royal  service  and  after  the  same 
style  for  some  individual  settlers,  though  but  few.  From  the 
beginning  of  its  establishment  they  were  occupied  in  mining 
for  metal,  though  it  had  not  yet  passed  the  construction  period 
when  Don  Armona  arrived.  From  what  I heard  an  intelli- 
gent man,  versed  in  such  matters,  say,  the  mines  are  of  so 
little  value  that  they  do  not  pay,  though  beforehand  they 


10  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  :,  cap.  xxvii,  147-149. 


426  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

occasioned  extraordinary  expenses.  It  is  the  general  opinion 
that  said  mission  is  of  no  importance,  and  I believe  that  the 
news  of  it  has  reached  the  ears  of  the  illustrious  inspector- 
general  ; for  an  order  issued  in  December  came  from  him 
directing  that  all  the  Indians  of  the  provinces  of  Sinaloa  and 
Sonora,  who  had  been  brought  over  to  work  said  mines,  should 
be  given  permission,  nay,  commanded,  to  return  to  their  re- 
spective pueblos.  It  has  already  been  published  at  said  town 
of  Santa  Ana.  Likewise  I was  assured  that  an  order  came  to 
sell  all  that  pertains  to  the  mining  branch,  as  also  that  the 
mines  be  sold  if  any  one  is  found  to  purchase  them,  and  if 
not,  that  they  be  given  to  any  one  that  can  work  them ; from 
which  I infer  that  the  mines  have  not  been  what  in  the  begin- 
ning they  were  published  to  be.  By  removing  the  laborers  to 
save  expenses  to  the  king  the  said  town  may  be  said  to  be 
extinguished,  and  its  curate  without  the  daily  dollar  of  income, 
which  was  granted  him  from  the  mining  estate  when  he  was 
stationed  there.  No  parishioners  will  remain  to  him,  except 
the  few  settlers  of  two  hamlets  which  are  in  the  neighbor- 
hood called  San  Antonio  and  El  Oro,  which  before  the  com- 
ing of  the  inspector  had  a larger  population  and  were  at- 
tended by  the  missionary  Father  of  Todos  Santos.  They  are 
unable  to  support  a curate.  The  town  is  distant  from  the 
gulf  about  seven  leagues,  and  from  its  site  through  a pass  in 
the  mountains  the  island  of  Cerralvo  may  be  seen.” 

Mission  San  Francisco  Javier. 

“This  was  founded  in  the  beginning  of  October  of  the  year 
1699.  Juan  Caballero  endowed  it  with  $10,000  in  order  that 
its  revenue  of  five  hundred  dollars  might  serve  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  missionary,  as  in  the  case  of  the  preceding  ones. 
At  first  it  was  established  at  a spot  called  by  the  natives 
Riaundo,  in  the  sierra  called  V’^igge ; but  after  some  time  it 
became  necessary  for  want  of  water  to  remove  it  to  the  place 
it  now  occupies,  which  is  in  a narrow  dale  with  openings 
to  the  north  and  the  south,  but  hemmed  in  by  high  moun- 
tains of  solid  rock.  It  lies  on  an  arroyo  which  has  water 


Palou,  “Xoticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  150-151. 


Palou’s  Report  on  the  Missions  427 

only  in  time  of  rain ; but  toward  the  north  the  mission  has  a 
copious  spring  whose  flow  is  joined  by  some  streamlets.  From 
it  by  means  of  a ditch  water  is  led  to  the  mission  where  it  is 
collected  in  two  reservoirs  of  masonry  for  the  purpose  of  irri- 
gating the  little  pieces  of  land  which  are  entirely  surrounded 
by  a stone  wall.  When  the  rains  are  abundant  all  the  land 
can  be  planted  with  corn,  but  even  then  the  planting  requires 
no  more  than  five  fanegas  of  corn,  which  occurs  but  very  sel- 
dom ; generally  but  two  fanegas  are  used  up,  because  sufficient 
water  for  irrigating  more  cannot  be  obtained. 

“It  also  has  small  pieces  of  land  called  vineyards,  with 
olives,  figs,  guayabas,  and  other  fruits.  It  has  the  best  church 
building  on  the  peninsula,  built  of  masonry  with  vaulted  roof ; 
the  sacristy  and  part  of  the  dwelling  are  of  the  same  material, 
but  covered  with  tules.  Besides  the  land  mentioned,  other 
pieces  of  irrigable  soil  are  cultivated  with  success  on  the  site 
of  the  old  mission  about  three  leagues  north  of  the  present 
mission,  but  only  in  years  when  water  is  very  abundant.  To 
the  south  also,  at  a distance  of  four  leagues  from  the  mis- 
sion, about  the  place  called  Presentacion,  as  much  as  two 
fanegas  were  planted  in  the  years  when  the  rains  were  plen- 
tiful. 

“This  mission  was  in  charge  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  from  its 
inception  until  the  last  of  January,  1768,  when  the  Jesuit 
Father  left  it ; thereupon  it  passed  under  control  of  the  Col- 
lege on  the  6th  of  April,  when  I,  as  missionary,  received  it 
through  appointment  from  the  Fr.  Presidente,  Fr.  Junipero 
Serra.  From  that  time  till  now,  November  24th,  1771,  there 
have  been  baptized  eighty-three  children,  one  hundred  and  fif- 
teen old  and  young  have  died,  and  fourteen  couples  have  been 
married.  When  I received  it  the  mission  had  three  pueblos 
de  visita  which  were  named  respectively  Nuestra  Senora  de 
los  Doloies,  Santa  Rosalia,  and  San  Javier  el  Viejo,  only 
pueblos  in  name  without  churches  or  dwelling  for  the  priest. 
Only  in  two  of  them  are  there  some  kind  of  huts,  but  not 
more  than  four ; all  the  rest  have  no  other  houses  or  shelter 
than  the  shade  of  the  shrubs  which  are  surrounded  with  rocks 


12  .Ancient  San  Javier,  that  is  to  say,  the  first  mission  site. 


428  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


or  boughs.  By  order  of  the  inspector-general  all  the  Indians 
were  removed  to  the  mission  proper,  but  seeing  that  there 
was  not  enough  land  to  raise  grain  for  the  support  of  all,  he 
directed  that  twelve  families  should  pass  on  to  establish  them- 
selves at  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  and  twenty-five  families  should 
settle  down  at  Loreto,  so  that  the  mission  was  reduced  very 
much.  At  present  it  numbers  sixty  families  of  married  peo- 
ple and  seven  widows,  in  all  two  hundred  and  twelve  persons 
old  and  young.  The  mission  has  a rancho  for  cattle,  but  all 
are  in  poor  condition.  It  owns  only  six  tame  cows  with  six 
calves,  sixteen  breeding  cattle,  eight  steers,  six  yoke  of  oxen 
for  plowing,  four  plowshares,  and  eight  points  for  plowing. 
All  the  rest  of  the  cattle  are  half-starved,  because  they  are 
scattered  as  far  as  the  other  coast,  and  I am  told  that  many 
die  for  want  of  pasturage,  which  has  all  been  consumed  by 
the  locusts ; for  the  same  lack  of  feed  many  horses  have  died, 
so  that  there  are  only  twenty-six  mares,  seven  fillies,  four 
horses,  and  forty-three  mules  and  asses ; seven  of  the  latter 
are  useless  on  account  of  age,  and  the  rest  are  weak  partly  for 
lack  of  feed,  and  partly  from  being  worn  out  through  carry- 
ing corn  from  Loreto,  as  in  the  preceding  year  there  was  no 
harvest ; because,  though  the  grain  was  put  into  the  earth  three 
times,  the  wheat,  too,  as  many  times,  the  locusts  devoured 
everjdhing.  Hence  it  was  found  necessary  to  subsist  on  corn 
purchased  at  the  royal  warehouse  at  six  dollars  a load,  and  the 
pay  for  fetching  it ; and  if  this  help  should  cease,  the  mission 
would  be  on  the  point  of  destruction.  Just  now  there  is  a 
small  piece  sown  with  wheat  which  is  growing  well,  and  a 
good  harvest  is  expected  if  God  delivers  it  from  the  plague 
which  usually  destroys  the  growth  in  its  best  season.  The 
mission  has  twenty-two  tame  horses  for  the  herders,  though 
at  present  they  are  inserviceable  for  lack  of  feed.  Of  sheep 
there  are  seven  hundred  and  thirty-three  head ; of  goats  two 
hundred  and  seventy,  though  for  want  of  pasturage  many  die. 

“The  yield  of  grapewine  (with  the  sale  of  which  the  corn 
is  paid)  was  very  small  on  account  of  the  damage  caused  by 
the  locusts  in  the  vineyards ; for  it  has  only  twenty  tinajas  of 
wine  each  holding  fifty  pints ; besides  it  is  very  poor  on  ac- 


Palou’s  Report  on  the  Missions  429 

count  of  the  said  damage ; the  same  trouble  was  experienced 
in  the  orchards,  where  much  of  the  fruit  withered  and  all  was 
scorched.  This  is  nothing  to  wonder  at,  since  there  have 
been  so  many  locusts,  as  the  old  people  say,  that  never  have 
such  a multitude  been  seen,  nor  for  so  long  a time,  for  in  this 
mission  they  lingered  more  than  a year  without  any  means  to 
get  rid  of  them.  After  this  plague  came  the  drought  which, 
though  it  killed  the  locusts,  as  they  died  of  hunger,  deprived 
the  whole  sierra  of  pastures,  causing  great  mortality  among 
the  cattle  and  other  animals,  and  much  discouragement  to  the 
Fathers  who  saw  the  devastation. 

“This  mission  is  situated  in  twenty-five  and  one-half  degrees, 
and  is  distant  from  the  gulf  coast,  where  the  presidio  is,  about 
eight  leagues,  the  first  two  of  which  are  over  the  most  wretched 
roads  in  the  direction  of  Loreto;  three  leagues  then  run  to- 
wards the  north  and  five  towards  the  east.  The  roughness 
of  the  sierra  does  not  permit  a direct  road  from  the  Pacific, 
to  the  gulf  shore.  It  is  a day  and  a half’s  travel  from  Mission 
San  Jose  de  Comundu,  which  lies  to  the  north  about  twelve 
leagues,  the  greater  part  of  which  are  most  rugged  hills. 

“From  the  mission  of  Todos  Santos  and  the  town  of  Santa 
Ana  which  lies  toward  the  south,  it  is  distant  one  hundred 
leagues.  At  about  forty  leagues  on  said  road  is  situated  the 
rancho  of  San  Luis  Gonzaga,  formerly  a mission.  At  this 
place  the  inspector  located  the  family  of  a retired  soldier  by 
giving  him  possession  in  writing  of  said  land ; he  also  obtained 
the  very  house  in  which  the  missionary  Father  used  to  live ; 
the  church  serves  as  chapel  for  the  rancho  people.  Galvez 
also  directed  that  from  time  to  time  the  missionary  Father  of 
San  Javier  should  go  there  to  offer  up  holy  Mass,  and  when 
there  are  two  missionaries  there,  one  should  go  to  this  rancho 
every  month  and  during  the  Lenten  season  to  see  that  all 
complied  with  the  precept  of  Confession  and  Communion,  a 
charge  which  is  more  burdensome  (on  account  of  the  long  and 
deserted  road),  than  if  the  three  pueblos  de  visita  had  re- 
mained as  before,  as  the  most  distant  was  no  more  than  four 
leagues  away.” 


13  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  151-156. 


430  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

Mission  de  Nuestra  Seiiora  de  Loreto  and  Royal  Presidio. 

“This  was  the  first  that  was  founded  on  the  peninsula,  and 
began  on  the  25th  of  October,  1697,  on  which  day  possession 
was  taken  of  the  peninsula  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty,  and 
the  first  Mass  was  celebrated  by  the  venerable  Father  Juan 
Maria  de  Salvatierra  of  the  Company  of  Jesus.  It  is  located 
on  the  banks  of  the  bay  called  San  Dionisio,  in  twenty-five 
degrees  north  latitude.  Towards  the  east  it  has  the  Island 
of  Carmen,  and  to  the  south-southeast  another  called  Los 
Danzantes,  which  form  two  inlets,  one  between  the  two  islands 
which  bears  the  name  of  La  Bocachica,  another  between  the 
isle  of  Los  Danzantes  and  the  mainland,  and  in  this  latter  is 
the  entry  for  the  port  of  Escondido  in  which  the  ships  have 
their  refuge  from  all  storms,  which  protection  they  miss  at 
said  bay  of  San  Dionisio,  where  also  they  see  themselves  pre- 
vented from  landing  on  account  of  the  shallow  water;  for 
even  the  launches  of  the  mission  must  cast  anchor  outside. 
The  port  of  Escondido  lies  from  the  mission  about  seven 
leagues,  a part  of  which  runs  over  a most  wretched  road. 
Toward  the  northeast  it  has  another  island  called  Coronado, 
between  which  and  Carmen  is  a harbor  called  the  Grand ; be- 
tween Coronado  and  the  point  on  the  mainland  there  is  an- 
other small  bay,  and  even  large  barks  may  enter  it. 

“In  the  year  1698  Don  Juan  Caballero  endowed  this  mission 
with  $10,000,  like  the  foregoing.  It  was  in  charge  of  the 
Fathers  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  from  its  foundation  until  the 
beginning  of  February,  1768,  when  they  left  the  peninsula. 
During  this  time,  as  is  clear  from  the  books,  there  were  bap- 
tized six  hundred  and  forty-six  children  and  adults,  Spaniards 
and  Indians,  and  three  hundred  and  twenty-nine  were  buried, 
whilst  ninety-two  marriages  were  celebrated,  including  Span- 
iards and  Indians. 

“The  College  took  charge  on  the  first  of  April,  1768,  the 
first  missionaries  being  the  Rev.  Fr.  Presidente,  Fr.  Junipero 
Serra,  and  his  companion,  Fr.  Fernando  Parron,  although  they 
controlled  spiritual  matters  only  until  they  left  for  Monterey, 
when  the  Rev.  Bachelor  Pedro  Fernandez,  chaplain  of  the 
Guaymas  expedition,  came  and  took  charge.  He  remained 


Palou’s  Report  on  the  Missions  431 

until  the  first  of  May,  1769,  when  the  mission  returned  to  the 
care  of  the  College,  which  administered  it  by  order  of  the 
inspector-general  in  both  temporal  and  spiritual  affairs.  From 
the  departure  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  until  the  last  of  December, 
1771,  there  have  been  baptized  seventy-six  children  of  either 
Indian  or  of  Spanish  parents.  There  have  died  one  hundred 
and  thirty-one  persons ; and  twenty  couples  were  married. 

“On  the  side  of  the  mission  towards  the  gulf  is  the  royal 
presidio,  and  it  alone  separates  the  church  and  colegio,  which 
is  constructed  of  masonry  with  flat  roofs,  from  the  mission. 
At  present  the  town  is  occupied  by  women  and  children  of  the 
soldiers  only,  because  most  soldiers  are  now  at  San  Diego, 
Monterey,  and  the  frontier.  In  front  of  the  town  is  the  suburb 
for  the  royal  sailors,  which  likewise  generally  has  only  women, 
because  their  men  are  in  the  ships.  The  mission  is  situated  in 
a beautiful  and  sufficiently  extensive  plain,  which  for  want  of 
water  as  well  as  for  the  scarcity  of  rain  cannot  be  cultivated 
at  all,  wherefore  to  avoid  the  expense  they  provide  themselves 
with  water  from  wells  which  are  tolerably  wholesome.  Dur- 
ing the  visitation  which  the  inspector  made  he  found  the 
mission  deserted  by  the  Indians,  .so  that  only  nineteen  fami- 
lies could  be  found ; he  therefore  ordered  the  number  to  be 
increased  to  a hundred  families  by  drawing  twenty-five  away 
from  San  Javier  and  the  rest  from  other  missions  in  the  north. 
I put  the  decree  into  execution  (partly)  at  once  by  taking 
twenty-five  families  from  San  Javier,  but  I suspended  the  re- 
moval of  the  rest,  because  there  was  not  wherewith  to  main- 
tain them. 

“The  mission  is  composed  of  forty  families  with  one  hun- 
dred and  sixty  persons.  It  has  a rancho  for  cattle  which  are 
all  scattered  so  that  their  number  cannot  be  known ; but  it 
has  no  tame  ones.  It  has  thirty-two  mares,  fifty-four  horses 
and  fillies,  seven  mules,  but  neither  sheep  nor  goats.  It  has  no 
other  revenue  upon  which  to  subsist  and  with  which  to  clothe 
the  Indians  than  the  cattle  which  it  can  slaughter  at  the 
ranch.  It  is  distant  from  San  Javier  eight  leagues,  the  road 
over  which  for  five  leagues  runs  to  the  west  and  for  three  to 
the  south ; from  San  Jose  de  Comundu  it  is  eighteen  leagues. 


432  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


of  which  five  run  to  the  west  and  the  rest  towards  the  north- 
east, the  greater  part  of  which  road  goes  over  rough  hills. 
From  Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege  it  is  forty  leagues  traveling 
north  and  going  up  the  coast  of  the  gulf ; within  this  territory 
are  the  cattle  of  the  mission  which  extends  to  the  borders  of 
that  of  Mulege.” 

Mission  San  Jose  de  Comundti. 

“This  was  founded  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1708  on 
the  site  called  Comundu,  twenty  leagues  from  Loreto  to- 
wards the  north,  in  the  midst  of  the  sierra  of  the  same  name, 
and  about  equally  distant  from  both  coasts.  The  Marques 
de  Villapuente  endowed  it  with  $10,000,  like  the  preceding 
ones.  Its  first  missionary  was  Father  Julian  de  Mayorga  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus.  After  a few  years  it  was  removed  to 
the  place  which  it  now  occupies,  which  is  a narrow,  but  long, 
valley  running  east  to  west  in  twenty-six  degrees  north. 
It  has  a good  well,  whence  water  runs  through  a ditch  by 
means  of  which  the  fields  in  said  valley  are  irrigated.  The 
seed  sown  usually  amounts  to  eight  fanegas  of  wheat  and  five 
fan^as  of  corn.  It  has  vineyards  and  orchards  with  olives, 
figs,  pomegranates,  and  other  fruit-trees,  and  also  some  sugar 
cane  which  is  ground  and  manufactured  into  sugar  for  sale. 
Ordinarily  this  mission  does  not  suffer  want,  because  the  yield 
of  wheat  and  corn  is  good.  Enough  cotton  is  raised  to  make 
shawls  and  thus  it  adds  to  the  clothing  and  blankets  made  of 
wool.  It  has  a church,  which,  like  part  of  the  dwelling,  is 
of  masonwork  with  vaulted  roof  and  the  rest  of  stone,  and 
all  covered  with  tules. 

“From  its  foundation  to  the  month  of  January,  1768,  it  was 
in  charge  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers;  from  April  8th  of  the  same 
year  it  came  into  control  of  the  College.  Its  first  missionary 
was  Fr.  Antonio  Martinez.  From  that  date  to  the  9th  of  De- 
cember, 1771,  there  have  been  baptized  ninety-four  children, 
and  there  have  died  two  hundred  and  forty-one  children  and 


Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  156-159. 

15  In  the  preceding  paragraph  Palou  has  eighteen  leagues,  like- 
wise in  the  last  paragraph  on  this  mission. 


I 


Palou’s  Report  on  the  Missions 


433 


adults,  whilst  twenty-eight  couples  have  been  joined  in  matri- 
mony. It  has  no  pueblo  de  visita,  as  all  live  at  the  mission 
and  are  found  to  number  eighty-two  families  with  two  hun- 
dred and  sixteen  souls. 

“The  mission  has  many  wild  cattle,  but  only  twenty-five  tame 
oxen  used  for  plowing  and  six  cows  with  five  calves.  There 
are  thirty-four  tame  and  forty-seven  wild  mules ; fifty-two  rid- 
ing horses,  fifty  unbroken  colts  and  fillies,  seventy-seven  mares 
with  twenty  foals,  twelve  asses,  twenty-three  hundred  and 
eighty-five  sheep  and  lambs,  forty  swine,  and  three  hundred 
and  sixty-five  goats.  The  count  took  place  on  December  18th. 
It  also  has  on  hand  two  hundred  and  thirty  fanegas  of  wheat 
(espinguin)  and  three  fanegas  of  summer  wheat;  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  fanegas  of  corn,  eighteen  arrobas  of  cane  sugar, 
forty-eight  arrobas  of  dried  figs,  five  arrobas  of  dried  grapes, 
and  sixty-six  tinajas  of  wine  each  holding  sixty  pints.  It  has 
sown  six  fanegas  of  wheat  which  is  growing  well.  The  mis- 
sion is  distant  from  the  Loreto  presidio  eighteen  leagues  by 
the  road,  three  of  which  run  toward  the  south  and  the  other 
five  towards  the  east.  From  San  Javier  it  is  twelve  leagues; 
from  Purisima  ten,  half  of  which  are  over  a bad  road.  From 
the  Great  Ocean  it  is  distant  fourteen  leagues,  and  from  the 
g;ulf  about  twenty  over  bad  roads.” 

Mission  Purisima  Concepcion  de  Cadegomo. 

“This  was  founded  in  1713  and  endowed  by  the  Marques 
de  Villapuente  in  the  manner  that  has  been  related  of  the 
others.  It  was  administered  by  the  Fathers  of  the  Company 
of  Jesus  until  January,  1768.  In  April  of  said  year  Fr.  Juan 
Crespi  received  charge  of  it  from  the  College,  and  from  that 
time  until  the  8th  of  December,  1771,  there  have  been  baptized 
thirty-nine  children,  one  hundred  and  twenty  children  and 
adults  have  died,  and  fifteen  couples  have  been  married.  It 
has  no  pueblos  de  visita,  as  the  Indians  all  live  at  the  mission. 
There  are  forty-nine  families,  seven  widowers,  and  three  wid- 
ows, with  sixty  children  of  both  sexes,  or  in  all  one  hundred 
and  sixty-eight  souls. 


Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  160-162. 


434  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

“The  mission  is  distant  from  that  of  Comundu  about  ten 
leagues ; from  Guadalupe  about  thirty  leagues ; from  the  ocean 
it  is  seven  leagues,  and  nine  from  the  gulf.  It  is  in  twenty-six 
and  one-half  degrees  north,  situated  on  the  banks  of  an  arroyo 
called  Cadegomo,  on  a beautiful  spot  and  in  a pleasant  climate. 
It  has  enough  land  capable  of  cultivation  upon  which  may  be 
sown  several  fanegas  of  wheat,  with  an  abundance  of  water 
from  the  said  arroyo,  though  for  irrigating  it  depends  upon 
a very  large  dam  built  across  the  arroyo,  and  upon  the  floods, 
which  when  there  is  high  water  carry  it  away,  as  happened 
in  the  past  year  1770,  when  from  this  the  mission  was  put 
back,  because  they  waited  too  long  in  restoring  it  for  want  of 
laborers ; but,  thanks  be  to  God,  they  finished  it  and  the  mis- 
sion has  returned  to  its  former  condition.  It  has  a church  of 
stone  and  mud  and  partly  of  adobe  roofed  with  tules  like  the 
dwelling. 

“It  has  some  vineyards,  many  fig-trees  and  pomegranates, 
and  much  cotton  is  grown  to  aid  in  clothing  the  Indians. 
Ordinarily  many  figs  are  raised,  and  there  was  a year  when 
nine  hundred  arrobas  were  obtained.  In  the  last  year  only 
three  hundred  were  gathered  on  account  of  the  damage  done 
by  the  locusts ; for  the  same  reason  not  a grain  of  wheat  or 
corn  was  harvested,  when  about  two  hundred  fan%as  were 
expected.  At  present  seven  fan%as  of  wheat  have  been 
sown ; if  they  remain  free  from  the  plague  the  mission  may 
harvest  a good  crop.  It  has  about  sixty  tinajas  of  wine,  each 
holding  sixty  pints.  It  has  no  rancho,  nor  a place  for  one ; 
only  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  mission  it  has  twenty-eight 
tame  but  old  oxen,  of  which  only  four  pair  are  of  service  for 
work ; in  addition  there  are  nineteen  cows,  one  steer,  and 
twelve  yearling  calves.  There  are  other  cattle  running  wild, 
which  cannot  be  counted.  It  has  thirty-seven  mares,  thirty- 
nine  horses  and  fillies,  thirty-six  asses,  twenty-two  mules,  two 
thousand  and  seventy-four  head  of  sheep,  and  two  hundred 
and  eleven  goats.” 


17  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  162-164. 


Palou’s  Report  on  the  Missions 


435 


Mission  de  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe. 

“This,  like  the  others,  was  endowed  by  the  Marques  de 
Villapuente,  and  was  established  in  the  month  of  April,  1720. 
It  was  in  charge  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  from  its  inception  to 
January,  1768.  It  came  into  the  hands  of  the  College  and  Fr. 
Juan  Sancho  de  la  Torre  was  appointed  its  missionary  in 
April  of  said  year,  from  which  date  to  September,  1771,  there 
have  been  baptized  fifty-three  children,  one  hundred  and  thirty 
old  and  young  Indians  have  died,  and  twenty-eight  marriages 
have  taken  place.  On  account  of  the  many  that  died  and  those 
that  by  order  of  the  illustrious  inspector  were  transplanted  to 
San  Jose  and  Purisima  missions,  but  few  people  have  been  left 
to  this  mission ; for  it  has  only  thirty-nine  families  which, 
with  the  boys  and  girls  of  all  ages,  comprise  one  hundred  and 
forty  souls,  who  all  live  at  the  mission,  which  has  no  pueblos 
de  visita. 

“This  mission  is  in  the  center  of  the  peninsula  at  nearly 
equal  distances  from  both  seas,  and  in  twenty-seven  degrees 
latitude.  From  the  gulf  it  lies  eighteen  leagues,  and  from 
the  Grand  Ocean,  about  twenty.  It  is  thirty-seven  leagues 
north  of  Purisima  Mission,  twenty-five  leagues  south  of  San 
Ignacio,  and  eighteen  leagues  to  the  west  of  Santa  Rosalia  de 
Mulege.  It  is  situated  in  a narrow  valley  on  the  side  of  a 
very  high  sierra,  so  that  they  had  to  labor  a great  deal  to  plan 
a suitable  church  and  dwelling,  which  both  are  of  adobe  and 
covered  with  tides.  In  the  center  of  this  Canada  is  an  arroyo 
with  very  little  water,  which  latter  is  collected  by  means  of 
an  earthen  dam,  in  order  to  irrigate  the  land,  which  requires 
no  more  than  a fanega  of  seed  grain  to  plant  it.  On  the  side 
of  the  said  sierra,  near  the  mission  buildings,  there  are  some 
springs  oozing  water  to  the  thickness  of  a thumb.  It  is  gath- 
ered in  a trough  of  masonry  and  serves  to  irrigate  a little 
garden  that  grows  vegetables  and  some  fruit-trees,  like  the 
fig,  pomegranate,  and  a few  grapevines,  although  the  latter 
do  not  thrive  at  this  mission. 

“Eight  leagues  from  said  mission  toward  the  south  is  a 
place  called  San  Miguel,  which  formerly  was  a pueblo  de 
visita.  The  chapel  and  the  dwelling  of  the  missionary  still 


43^  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


remain  on  the  banks  of  an  arroyo,  which  is  the  same  that  runs 
by  the  mission.  Here  it  seems  there  is  a greater  quantity  of 
water  which  is  collected  by  a dam  and  forms  a pool  with  which 
the  land  thereabout  is  irrigated,  and  which  requires  as  much 
as  two  fanegas  of  corn  for  planting.  On  the  last  day  of  last 
August,  when  I passed  there,  the  land  had  been  planted  with 
corn  and  it  had  already  grown  up ; but  even  while  I was  there 
the  locusts  fell  upon  it  and  devoured  all,  nor  was  there  any 
means  to  prevent  it.  The  locusts  did  not  leave  anything  but 
the  stalk,  so  that  not  as  much  as  an  ear  of  corn  was  harvested. 

“Toward  the  other  or  Pacific  Coast,  eighteen  leagues  to  the 
west  of  the  mission,  is  another  place  called  San  Jose  de  Gracia, 
with  sufficient  water  which  is  collected  by  means  of  a dam ; the 
land  thus  irrigated  is  extensive  enough  to  receive  about  three 
fanegas  of  wheat.  In  said  locality  there  are  some  fig-trees 
and  some  gravevines ; but  these,  too,  produce  little.  During 
last  August,  when  I went  through  said  mission,  San  Jose  de 
Gracia  had  a good  little  field  of  beans  already  in  bloom ; but 
the  news  has  come  that  the  locusts  fell  upon  it  and  put  an 
end  to  it.  Then  wheat  was  sown  there;  if  no  mishap  occurs 
the  mission  will  escape  the  miseries  which  it  is  undergoing, 
since  it  has  no  other  aid  than  what  can  be  sent  from  the  store 
at  Loreto  by  means  of  the  hardship  of  transporting  it  forty 
leagues  by  sea  and  eighteen  by  land  as  far  as  Mulege;  nor 
has  it  any  funds,  for  it  has  no  other  revenue  than  the  meat 
of  the  cattle  which  it  may  slaughter  from  the  herd  which  it 
has  along  the  opposite  coast. 

“The  said  locality  of  San  Jose  lies  about  five  leagues  from 
the  Grand  Ocean,  where  there  are  some  good  estuaries,  some 
of  which  enter  the  land  as  far  as  three  leagues,  and  at  low 
water  many  fish  are  caught  along  the  shore.  Going  south 
about  eight  leagues  one  meets  a great  ensenada  called  San 
Juan  Nepomuceno,  which  is  a very  quiet  sheet  of  water, 
though,  as  it  seems,  protected  only  from  the  south,  into  which 
flow  the  waters  of  the  arroyos  called  San  Andres  and  El 
Valle,  though  only  in  the  rainy  season ; but  by  digging  a well 
water  is  easily  found.  It  might  perhaps  be  advisable  for  the 


Palou’s  Report  on  the  Missions 


437 


ships  going  to  and  coming  from  San  Diego  and  Monterey  to 
take  in  water  there. 

“This  mission  among  all  is  the  one  most  abounding  in  pas- 
tures for  all  kinds  of  animals,  because  the  rains  there  are 
generally  plentiful ; but  it  is  not  suitable  for  temporary  sowing, 
because  the  seasons  are  sometimes  unfavorable,  and  in  favor- 
able times  the  rains  are  wanting.  On  account  of  the  abun- 
dance of  the  pasturage  the  meat  is  good  and  generally  the 
cattle  are  fat.  It  has  a rancho  for  cattle  at  the  place  called 
El  Valle,  about  two  leagues  from  the  mission,  where  it  has 
sixty-six  mares  and  four  stallions,  the  foals  of  the  last  year 
and  twenty  of  the  year  preceding  having  been  devoured  by 
lions  which  are  numerous.  There  are  fifty-two  riding  horses, 
thirty-two  mules,  twenty-seven  asses,  two  hundred  and  twelve 
tame  cows  of  whose  milk  a good  cheese  is  made,  nine  hundred 
and  forty-seven  head  of  sheep,  and  three  hundred  and  eighty- 
three  goats.” 


18  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  164-167. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

(Continued.) 


Mission  Santa  Rosalia. — San  Ignacio. — Santa  Gertrudis. — San  Fran- 
cisco de  Borja. — Santa  Maria  de  los  Angeles. — More  Mission- 
aries Needed. — Recommendations. 


((  HIS  was  endowed  by  Don  Nicolas  de  Arteaga  with 


$10,000,  like  the  preceding  missions,  and  came  into 
existence  in  the  year  1705.  It  was  in  charge  of  the  Jesuit 
Fathers  until  January,  1768.  Fr.  Juan  Gaston  received  it  from 
the  College  in  April  of  the  same  year,  from  which  time  till  the 
last  of  August,  1771,  there  have  been  baptized  forty-eight 
children ; one  hundred  and  thirteen  children  and  adults  died, 
and  seventen  couples  were  married.  It  has  no  pueblo  de 
visita ; all  the  Indians  comprising  forty-six  families  with  one 
hundred  and  eighty  souls  live  about  the  mission. 

“It  is  situated  on  the  side  of  a high  sierra  along  the  banks 
of  a large  arroyo  called  Mulege,  which  flows  into  an  estuary 
that  terminates  in  the  gulf  from  which  the  mission  is  distant 
about  half  a league,  so  that  on  account  of  the  break  which 
the  arroyo  makes  through  the  mountains  it  is  not  separated 
from  that  sea.  It  has  a church  which  is  vaulted  and  con- 
structed of  masonry  like  the  sacristy,  and  the  dwelling,  which 
latter  is  covered  with  tules.  The  mission  is  not  laid  out  in 
regular  order,  as  the  huts  of  the  Indians  are  on  the  hillside 
opposite  the  church  and  the  dwelling  of  the  Father.  It  lies 
in  twenty-six  degrees  and  forty  minutes  north  latitude ; it 
is  distant  from  Loreto  by  land  along  the  coast  forty  leagues, 
from  Mission  Guadalupe,  eighteen  leagues,  and  from  San 
Ignacio  about  forty.  The  mission  is  in  a poor  condition,  be- 
cause the  floods  of  1770  have  carried  away  the  dam  and  the 
soil  from  the  fields,  so  that  the  whole  has  become  a sandy 
waste.  During  the  month  of  August,  when  I was  there,  I 
made  an  examination  for  the  purpose  of  seeing  whether  by 
restoring  the  dam  the  current  might  be  restored ; but  I found 
that  the  soil  was  wanting  in  which  to  plant,  as  all  was  sand. 


Mission  Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege. 


Palou’s  Report;  Recommendations  439 


“On  this  account  I examined  a place  called  Magdalena,  about 
ten  leagues  from  the  mission  on  the  road  to  San  Ignacio,  and  I 
discovered  that  it  had  an  arroyo  with  sufficient  water.  By 
means  of  a dam  the  good  plots  of  land  which  it  possesses 
could  be  irrigated,  and  with  it  the  mission  might  support  it- 
self ; but  they  find  themselves  unable  to  do  this  work  for  lack 
of  corn  and  the  means  to  purchase  it ; rather  they  find  them- 
selves in  debt  at  the  royal  warehouse,  but  they  have  pledged 
themselves  for  any  aid  that  is  given  them  so  that  they  may  not 
perish.  If  any  alms  were  obtained  so  that  they  could  support 
themselves  during  the  time  the  work  lasts  to  put  the  fields  un- 
der cultivation,  which  would  require  no  less  than  a year,  be- 
cause there  are  so  few  people,  the  w'ork  and  the  removal  of 
the  mission  could  begin.  However,  the  difficulty  presents  itself 
to  me  that  by  abandoning  the  site  it  occupies,  the  mission 
will  lose  the  benefit  of  the  launches  which  go  and  come  to  the 
north  of  this  inlet,  for  ordinarily  they  stop  at  the  creek  and 
provide  themselves  with  the  necessaries ; yet  I think  that  not 
having  enough  for  itself  the  mission  will  have  less  to  give, 
and  for  the  security  of  the  temporalities  the  inlet  remains 
there  always. 

“Besides  the  Indians  (with  whom  I notice  an  inclination  for 
a change)  have  informed  me  that  Magdalena  is  but  three 
leagues  from  the  shore ; it  also  has  an  inlet,  which,  by  deep- 
ening the  mouth,  can  be  entered  by  the  launches,  and  on  ac- 
count of  the  proximity  those  of  Mulege  may  continue  the  ex- 
ercise of  fishing  in  which  they  are  experts  and  of  which  they 
are  fond ; therefore  I am  of  the  opinion  that  it  is  very  expe- 
dient to  change  the  mission  to  said  locality.  For  this  reason 
it  should  be  strongly  represented  to  his  excellency,  and  he 
should  be  petitioned  to  grant  some  alms  for  said  work,  even 
though  it  were  from  the  fund  of  the  missions ; ^ and  if  not, 
that  he  should  determine  what  should  be  done  with  the  In- 
dians in  case  they  cannot  maintain  themselves  at  the  mission 
where  they  now  live.  If  his  excellency  commands  that  they 
move  to  another  mission,  the  one  which  appears  to  me  the 
most  agreeable  and  suitable,  because  it  has  enough  land  and 


iThe  Pious  Fund. 


440  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

water,  is  Purisima ; but  I always  have  the  misgivings  that 
they  will  get  sick  and  die,  as  has  happened  to  those  that 
have  been  transplanted  to  other  missions  by  order  of  the  in- 
spector-general. 

“Not  only  is  the  mission  poor  in  grain,  but  also  in  tame 
cattle,  for  it  has  only  thirty-two  oxen,  cows,  and  calves,  four 
hundred  and  sixty-four  sheep,  fifteen  tame  horses,  most  of 
which  are  useless,  twenty-three  mares,  many  wild  mustangs 
which  cannot  be  caught  to  be  counted,  and  eighteen  mules. 
There  are  many  cattle  running  wild,  but  for  want  of  horses 
they  cannot  be  rounded  up  for  slaughter.”  ^ 

Mission  San  Ignacio. 

“This  mission  was  endowed  in  the  year  1725  by  Father 
Juan  Bautista  Luyando  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  with  $10,000 
from  his  own  inheritance,  and  was  established  in  January, 
1728,  its  first  missionary  being  the  same  Father  that  endowed 
it.  It  was  controlled  by  the  Society  of  Jesus  until  January 
1768,  and  in  April  of  the  same  year  Fr.  Miguel  de  la  Campa 
y Cos  received  it  in  the  name  of  the  College.  From  that  date 
until  Augfust  1771  there  have  been  baptized  fifteen  children, 
whilst  two  hundred  and  ninety-three  Indian  children  and 
adults  died,  and  sixty-eight  couples  were  married.  They  all 
live  at  the  mission  where  they  were  congregated  by  order  of 
the  inspector.  In  the  last  month  of  August  one  hundred  and 
thirty-six  families  with  five  hundred  and  fifty-eight  souls  re- 
sided very  contentedly  and  happily  at  the  mission,  though 
soon  the  missionary  will  find  himself  obliged  to  g^ve  them 
permission  to  go  to  the  mountains  in  search  of  food,  because 
on  the  14th  of  August,  while  I was  present,  the  locusts  ap- 
peared and  put  an  end  to  the  fields  of  corn,  though  all  in  vain 
worked  hard  to  stop  them ; only  those,  therefore,  remain  at 
the  mission  that  are  necessary  and  could  be  maintained  by 
means  of  the  wheat  which  had  already  been  harvested.  They 
have  planted  enough  since,  and  they  write  me  that  it  is  grow- 
ing well,  and  if  it  succeeds  they  will  all  return  to  rejoin  the 
mission. 


2 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  168-171. 


Palou’s  Report;  Recommendations  441 

“The  mission  is  situated  in  twenty-eight  degrees  north,  a 
day  and  half’s  travel  from  the  Great  Ocean  and  the  same 
from  the  gulf  with  little  difference.  At  the  latter  shore  it  has 
a good  bay  called  San  Carlos,  where  the  launches  usually  stop 
which  go  to  and  come  from  the  north.  It  is  distant  from  the 
mission  at  Mulege  forty  leagues,  from  Guadalupe  twenty- 
five,  and  from  Santa  Gertrudis,  toward  the  north,  thirty-five 
leagues.  The  mission  occupies  a pleasant  site  on  a height, 
whence  there  is  a view  over  a broad  valley  with  its  arroyo 
containing  enough  water  which  is  collected  by  means  of  a 
dam  and  led  through  ditches  to  the  mission,  where  it  is  kept 
in  a large  reservoir  of  masonry.  It  has  enough  land ; though 
in  the  year  1770  the  flood  from  the  arroyo  carried  away  the 
soil,  when  it  destroyed  the  dam,  leaving  the  land  one  sandy 
field,  there  is  still  sufficient  land  left.  It  has  its  vineyards, 
olives,  pomegranates,  fig-trees,  and  a field  of  cotton  from 
which  shawls  are  manufactured  to  help  clothe  the  Indians, 
though  the  locust  plague  of  the  preceding  year,  as  I said,  laid 
waste  everything  and  did  the  same  to  the  vineyards  and  or- 
chards by  devouring  everything;  the  Father  writes  me,  how- 
ever, that  everything  is  again  beginning  to  grow.  The  mis- 
sion has  its  church  of  adobe  roofed  with  tules ; another  church 
building  of  masonry  is  under  way,  and  when  it  is  finished,  it 
will  be  the  best  building  in  California. 

“The  mission  owns  eighty-seven  tame  and  a number  of 
wild  cattle,  one  hundred  and  twelve  horses,  mares,  and  foals, 
twenty  mules,  thirty-two  asses,  seven  hundred  and  twenty 
sheep,  and  two  hundred  and  forty-three  goats,  though  I later 
received  a letter  in  which  I am  told  that  the  Indians  had 
slaughtered  some  sheep  and  had  done  great  damage  which 
it  was  impossible  to  prevent.”  ^ 

Mission  Santa  Gertrudis. 

“This  mission  was  begun  on  July  15th,  1752.  In  the  docu- 
ments which  speak  of  the  endowments  I have  not  found  any 
particular  endowment  for  this  mission,  but  only  a clause 
which  touches  it  and  reads  as  follows:  ‘The  Mission  of  San 


3 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  171-173. 


442  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

Jose  del  Cabo  the  Marques  de  Villapuente  endowed  with 
$10,000,  and  in  case  that  the  said  mission  does  not  continue, 
or  the  said  aid  is  needed  at  any  time,  another  shall  be  founded 
in  the  north  of  California  under  the  name  of  Santa  Gertrudis 
the  Great.’  At  the  departure  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  it  was 
discovered  that  no  Father  resided  at  San  Jose  del  Cabo, 
whence  it  can  be  inferred  that  the  endowment  for  San  Jose 
' del  Cabo  was  applied  to  this  of  Santa  Gertrudis.  It  was 
governed  by  the  Jesuit  Fathers  until  the  month  of  January, 
1768,  and  Fr.  Dionisio  Basterra  received  it  from  the  College 
on  the  last  of  April  of  said  year.  Since  then  until  August 
1771  there  have  been  baptized  two  hundred  and  fifty-four 
children,  four  hundred  and  three  children  and  adults  were 
interred,  and  one  hundred  and  two  marriages  took  place,  so 
that  there  are  found  living  in  the  mission  district  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty-seven  married  couples,  forty-one  widowers  and 
widows,  and  four  hundred  and  thirty-three  boys  and  girls, 
who  in  all  compose  the  number  one  thousand  one  hundred 
and  thirty-eight  persons.  Of  all  these  families  only  forty 
families  live  at  the  mission  with  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
four  souls,  and  all  the  rest  are  scattered  in  seven  houseless 
rancherias  which  surround  the  mission  proper  in  every  direc- 
tion, all  looking  for  wild  fruits  and  changing  about  according 
to  the  seasons.  It  is  not  possible  for  all  to  live  at  the  mission 
itself,  because  of  the  shortage  of  the  land  and  of  the  water  to 
irrigate  it.  Nor  was  it  less  impossible  to  execute  the  order 
of  the  inspector  to  remove  those  that  could  be  spared  to  the 
missions  of  Purisima  and  San  Jose,  because  they  resisted  and 
gave  us  to  understand  that  they  would  go  over  to  the  Gen- 
tiles. ® 

“The  mission  is  situated  in  a narrow  valley,  so  that  it  was 
necessary  to  clear  land  by  means  of  the  crow-bar  in  order  to 
construct  a pueblo.  It  has  an  adobe  church  and  dwelling 
which  are  covered  with  tides.  The  work  of  building  up  the 

Such  was  the  case,  as  we  have  related  in  its  place. 

5 On  page  57,  tom.  i,  cap.  xxii,  Palou  says  these  Indians  abso- 
lutely refused  to  be  transplanted  and  grew  turbulent,  so  that  the 
plan  had  to  be  suspended,  and  was  finally  dropped. 


Palou’s  Report;  Recommendations  443 

pueblo  with  huts  of  adobe  for  the  Indians  is  finished,  and  it  is 
interesting.  It  has  vineyards  and  orchards  of  figs,  olives, 
pomegranates,  and  also  some  peaches.  There  is  little  land  fit 
for  sowing  and  the  water  is  scarce.  It  is  situated  in  twenty- 
eight  degrees  and  a half  north  latitude  on  a spot  called  La 
Piedad,  about  twelve  leagues  from  the  gxdf,  where  the  shore 
is  called  San  Miguel  de  la  Pena,  and  it  is  there  the  launches 
usually  stop.  From  the  ocean  it  is  distant  about  two  days’ 
travel ; from  Mission  San  Ignacio,  thirty-five  leagues,  and 
from  San  Borja  somewhat  more. 

“It  has  a rancho  for  both  large  and  small  stock  where  one 
hundred  and  thirteen  cattle  of  all  kinds  graze,  besides  one 
hundred  and  forty-two  horses  of  all  kinds,  twenty-five  mules, 
two  asses  with  their  young,  one  hundred  and  forty  sheep,  and 
four  hundred  and  seventy  goats.  There  are  also  some  wild 
cattle  on  the  other  coast  which  it  is  difficult  to  control  for  lack 
of  water,  because  they  subsist  on  cliucas  which  supply  the  ab- 
sence of  water.  On  the  last  of  August  the  Father  wrote  me 
that  the  mission  had  on  hand  one  hundred  and  eighty  fanegas 
of  wheat  (espinguin),  twenty  fanegas  of  barley,  but  no  corn, 
because  one  piece  of  land  which  had  a good  growth  was  de- 
stroyed by  the  locusts,  which  also  did  much  damage  to  the 
fruit-trees  and  vines.”  ® 

Mission  San  Francisco  de  Borja. 

“This  was  founded  on  the  27th  of  August,  1759.  In  the 
papers  on  endowments  there  is  no  mention  of  this  one,  al- 
though through  information  of  some  on  the  peninsula  I 
learned  that  it  was  endowed  by  Don  Antonio  de  Lanza  Gorta, 
citizen  of  the  town  of  San  Miguel  el  Grande,  though  others 
are  of  the  opinion  that  it  was  endowed  from  the  heritage  of 
the  Duchess  of  Gandia.  It  was  in  charge  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers 
until  January,  1768.  In  May,  by  order  of  the  College,  Fr. 
Fermin  Francisco  Lasuen  took  charge.  From  that  time  down 
to  August  1771  there  have  been  baptized  four  hundred  and 
one  persons ; of  these  twenty-six  were  adults  and  the  rest 
were  children.  There  have  died  four  hundred  and  ninety-nine 


® Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  173-175. 


444  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


children  and  adults,  and  two  hundred  and  seventy-three  cou- 
ples were  married,  as  the  Father  informs  me.  In  the  whole 
mission  district  there  is  not  one  pagan  left,  as  far  as  known. 
At  the  mission  itself  there  are  forty-four  families  and  three 
widowers,  or  in  all  one  hundred  and  eighty-four  souls.  Be- 
sides the  mission  proper  there  are  five  rancherias,  one  called 
San  Juan  with  forty-six  families,  three  widowers  and  seven 
widows,  with  one  hundred  and  sixty  souls ; another,  named 
San  Francisco  Regis,  has  twenty-three  families,  five  widowers 
and  nine  widows,  with  ninety-two  souls;  a third,  Nuestra 
Senora  de  Guadalupe  with  seventy-four  families,  eighteen 
widowers  and  fourteen  widows,  or  in  all  two  hundred  and 
fifty-six  souls ; the  fourth,  San  Ignacio,  with  seventy-eight 
families,  twenty-three  widowers  and  twenty  widows,  or  in  all 
three  hundred  and  fifty-seven  souls;  the  fifth,  called  Longeles, 
has  thirty-seven  families,  five  widowers  and  fourteen  widows, 
forming  a population  of  one  hundred  and  five  souls.  All  these 
with  those  at  the  mission  number  together  one  thousand  four 
hundred  and  seventy-nine  persons.  These  rancherias  have  no 
chapel,  nor  any  house  whatever,  because  the  Indians  move 
about  and  live  where  they  find  any  wild  fruit  to  eat ; nor  is  it 
possible  to  gather  more  at  the  mission  on  account  of  the  short- 
age of  land  and  the  scarcity  of  water,  so  that,  even  to  main- 
tain the  few  families  mentioned,  it  is  necessary  to  do  the 
planting  at  two  places  well  separated  from  the  mission,  called 
San  Regis  and  El  Paraiso.  In  the  beginning  of  last  Septem- 
ber the  Father  wrote  me  that  he  had  harvested  about  three 
hundred  fanegas  of  wheat  (espinguin)  and  eighteen  fan%as 
of  barley,  upon  which  they  were  subsisting  since  July;  but 
corn,  though  a piece  of  land  was  planted  with  it,  they  did  not 
expect  to  obtain,  because  the  locusts  had  devoured  it. 

“The  mission  has  a rancho  for  the  large  stock  where  it  pos- 
sesses five  hundred  head  of  cattle  of  all  kinds ; there  are  no 
wild  cattle ; in  addition  it  owns  seventeen  hundred  head  of 
sheep  and  nine  hundred  and  thirty  goats,  two  hundred  and 
fifteen  horses  of  all  kinds,  forty-three  mules,  and  three  asses. 
It  has  some  vineyards  which  the  Father  planted,  also  fig-trees, 
pomegranates,  and  much  cotton  from  which  shawls  are  manu- 


Palou’s  Report;  Recommendations  445 

factured  to  help  clothe  the  Indians;  of  the  wool  blankets  are 
made. 

“It  is  situated  in  thirty  degrees  north  latitude,  twelve 
leagues  from  the  ocean,  and  ten  from  the  gulf  where  there  is 
a bay  called  Los  Angeles  in  which  the  mission’s  own  launch 
is  anchored.  From  Santa  Gertrudis  it  is  more  than  thirty- 
five  leagues,  and  from  Mission  Santa  Maria  about  forty 
leagues.  It  has  a church  and  cloistered  dwelling  of  adobe 
with  new  roof  of  tules  which  Fr.  Lasuen  has  just  finished.” 

Mission  Santa  Maria  de  los  Angeles. 

“This  mission  was  established  on  October  16th,  1766.  I 
have  not  found  its  endowment,  but  it  is  said  that  it  was  from 
what  was  bequeathed  by  the  Duchess  of  Gandia,  as  part  of  it 
was  paid  by  the  California  procurator-general’s  office  which 
was  at  the  College  of  San  Andres  in  the  city  of  Mexico, 
which,  as  an  anonymous  paper  states,  had  already  received 
$62,000  of  the  said  inheritance,  which  it  is  said  was  be- 
queathed for  the  conversion  of  Northern  California.  This 
mission  was  in  charge  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  until  the  last  of 
December  1767.  In  the  middle  of  May  1768  Fr.  Juan  de 
Medina  Beitia  took  charge  of  it  in  the  name  of  the  College. 
He  found  the  mission  still  in  its  beginning  without  a church 
to  which  he  paid  his  attention  at  once.  He  erected  one  of 
adobe  roofed  with  tules,  and  on  the  side  of  it  he  built  a dwell- 
ing with  two  rooms  also  of  adobe  and  roofed  with  tules,  be- 
sides a small  barn  to  keep  the  implements  of  the  mission. 

“Since  the  College  took  charge  until  September  1771  there 
have  been  baptized  one  hundred  and  ninety-nine  adults  and 
ninety-one  children ; one  hundred  and  eight  old  and  young 
have  died,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty  couples  have  been 
married.  During  the  same  month  of  September  the  books 
contained  the  names  of  five  hundred  and  twenty-three  persons, 
of  whom  one  hundred  and  eighty-six  are  married  couples,  and 
the  rest  are  single  men  and  women,  and  boys  and  girls  of  all 
ages.  All  these  live  in  the  rancherias  surrounding  the  mis- 


t Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  175-178. 


446  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

sion,  as  was  said  before,  except  five  families  and  four  single 
young  men  who  live  at  the  mission. 

“It  is  situated  in  thirty  degrees  twenty  minutes  north  lati- 
tude, forty  leagues  from  San  Borja,  eighteen  from  Velicata, 
and  about  one  hundred  miles  from  San  Luis  Bay  on  the  gulf 
coast  where  the  launches  land  that  fetch  supplies  for  the  fron- 
tier. * It  lies  in  a narrow  pass  between  high  mountains 
of  white  rock,  which  have  only  a few  palms  in  an  arroyo  of 
little  water.  It  is  a most  dismal  and  gloomy  site.  It  has  a 
little  piece  of  level,  but  thoroughly  salinous  land,  which  re- 
quires but  a fanega  and  a half  of  seed  wheat ; but  water  in 
the  dry  seasons  becomes  too  scarce  to  irrigate  said  land. 
There  is  lack  of  pasturage ; some  trees  have  been  planted,  but 
they  withered.  The  whole  surrounding  country  has  been  ex- 
amined, but  no  place  has  been  discovered  suitable  for  cultiva- 
tion or  for  pastures ; the  little  stock  it  has,  twelve  head  of 
cattle,  three  tame  horses,  and  four  mares,  graze  at  the  rancho 
of  San  Borja.  It  has  neither  sheep  nor  goats,  though  it  pos- 
sesses twenty-six  tame  mules,  which  serve  to  carry  the  sup- 
plies from  the  bay  to  this  mission  and  that  of  Velicata. 

“On  account  of  what  has  been  said,  the  Father  informs  me 
that  the  said  location  is  not  fit  for  a mission,  and  the  same 
do  those  say  that  went  with  the  first  division  of  the  expedi- 
tion to  Monterey,  Captain  Fernando  de  Rivera  and  those  that 
accompanied  him.  In  view  of  this  the  illustrious  inspector- 
general  determined  that  said  Mission  of  Santa  Maria  should 
be  changed  to  the  spot  called  Velicata,  which  order  Governor 
Caspar  de  Portola  and  the  Rev.  Fr.  Presidente  of  all  the 
missions,  Fr.  Junipero  Serra,  brought  along  when  they 
marched  with  the  second  expedition  to  Monterey ; but  on 
reaching  Santa  Maria,  and  after  having  examined  the  spot, 
it  seemed  to  them  a pity  to  move  the  mission,  as  well  on  ac- 
count of  the  great  distance  to  San  Borja,  which  is  about 
seventy  leagues  through  an  uninhabited  region,  as  on  account 

8 Doyle  thinks  there  is  error  and  confusion  in  the  description  of 
the  locality  of  this  mission.  North  in  “Sunset  Magazine,”  Decem- 
ber, 1906,  page  154,  locates  it  in  29  degrees  and  42  minutes  north 
latitude,  and  114  degrees  and  35  minutes  west  longitude. 


Palou’s  Report;  Recommendations  447 


of  the  remoteness  in  which  the  mission  would  be  from  the 
coast  to  receive  corn  and  other  aid  for  the  new  establishments. 

“Having  these  plans  in  mind  the  site  did  not  appear  worth- 
less to  either,  and  that  with  some  exertion  it  could  be  im- 
proved as  far  as  water  was  concerned ; but  they  overlooked 
the  fact  that  in  dry  seasons  the  water  diminished  consider- 
ably, and  that  the  land  on  account  of  the  alkali  is  useless ; 
hence  it  was  that  they  both  wrote  to  the  inspector  that  it 
seemed  expedient  to  continue  the  mission  in  said  locality,  to 
which  the  said  gentleman  agreed ; but  afterward  the  mission- 
ary repeatedly  informed  me  that  the  mission  could  never  sub- 
sist, unless  they  wanted  to  maintain  it  by  alms,  so  that  it 
might  be  more  convenient  to  receive  the  supplies  for  the  new 
missions,  though  in  that  ca.se  so  many  families  were  not  nec- 
essary, since  a smaller  number  would  be  sufficient.  Your 
Reverence,  enlightened  on  this  point,  will  notify  me  what 
should  be  done. 

“Rev.  Fr.  Guardian,  this  is  the  state  of  the  thirteen  pueblos 
which  we  have  received  when  we  arrived  on  this  peninsula, 
besides  those  that  the  inspector-general  suppressed,  which  are 
Dolores  or  Pasion  and  San  Luis  Gonzaga.  From  this  report 
your  Reverence  will  see,  that  the  whole  thirteen  are  composed 
of  only  five  thousand  and  ninety-four  Indians  counting  even 
the  infants,  whilst  when  we  received  California,  according  to 
the  lists,  they  contained  as  many  as  seven  thousand  one  hun- 
dred and  forty-nine.  It  will  be  found,  then,  that  they  have 
decreased  by  as  many  as  two  thousand  and  fifty-five  by  reason 
of  the  epidemics  that  have  occurred  in  the  three  years  and 
four  months,  and  if  they  continue  to  decrease  in  that  degree 
Old  California  will  be  wiped  out. 

“As  to  the  spiritual  and  temporal  administration,  the  mis- 
sionary Fathers  have  tried  to  advance  the  missions  as  far  as 
it  was  possible,  though  the  temporalities  on  account  of  the 
locust  plague  have  declined.  Nevertheless,  the  Fathers  have 
endeavored  to  continue  educating  and  instructing  those  whom 
the  Jesuits  had  in  charge,  and  also  to  feed  and  clothe  them 
according  to  the  means  of  each  mission,  although  there  are 
not  wanting  those  that  say,  that  never  have  they  eaten  and 


448  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


been  clothed  as  at  this  time,  though  we  cannot  speak  for  times 
past;  what  can  be  said  is,  that  the  Indians  are  contented. 

“Concerning  the  undertaking  we  have  on  our  hands,  I can- 
not do  less  than  to  remind  you  of  the  many  missionaries  that 
are  necessary.  We  need  twenty-six  for  the  thirteen  pueblos 
mentioned:  two  for  the  new  mission  of  Velicata,  ten  for  the 
five  missions  which  are  to  be  located  in  the  country  between 
Velicata  and  San  Diego,  and  sixteen  for  the  eight  missions 
from  San  Diego  to  the  port  of  our  Father  San  Francisco, 
which  will  bring  the  number  up  to  fifty-four  missionaries.  ® 
There  are  also  needed  a few  supernumeraries  for  cases  of 
death  or  sickness,  since  recourse  to  the  College  requires  a 
long  time  on  account  of  the  distance.  Then,  seeing  such  a 
great  number  of  religious,  I think  the  burden  too  heavy  for 
one  College ; therefore  it  would  be  expedient  to  try  to  ascer- 
tain if  missionaries  from  another  college  or  province  of  our 
Order  or  of  other  Orders  could  come  to  take  the  missions 
that  are  farther  apart  from  the  region  of  the  pagans ; for  this 
purpose  Fr.  Juan  Ramos  goes  to  the  College. 

“I  hope  your  Reverence  will  urge  this,  and  in  order  to  fa- 
cilitate it  you  could  draw  attention,  besides  to  the  many  mis- 
sionaries who  are  wanted,  to  the  great  harvest  which  is  ready 
for  the  College  among  the  pagans  of  Monterey;  that  from 
San  Borja  to  Cape  San  Lucas  there  are  no  people  among 
whom  the  faith  could  be  spread,  which  is  the  work  of  our  In- 
stitute, but  only  to  preserve  them  in  it ; and  that  they  are  not, 
nor  ever  will  be,  in  condition  for  surrender  to  the  bishop,  be- 
cause this  unfortunate  land  does  not  assist  the  natives  so 
that  they  can  maintain  a curate.  Hence,  on  account  of  what 
was  said,  it  seems  expedient  to  do  everything  possible  to  get 
away  from  these  ancient  missions ; and  in  case  the  surren- 
der be  not  accepted,  at  least  that  it  become  evident  for  the  fu- 


9 This  number  was  never  reached  during  the  Spanish  mission 
period.  These  propositions,  however,  show  that  the  Franciscans 
at  that  time  had  no  intention  of  withdrawing  from  the  peninsula, 
as  Hittell  asserts,  much  less  for  the  reason  he  insinuates. 

t®  That  is  to  say  those  proposed  for  surrender  on  pages  413  and 
414. 


Palou’s  Report;  Recommendations  449 


ture,  what  we  have  represented  beforehand,  that  they  are  not 
capable  of  passing  over  to  the  bishop,  so  that  it  shall  not  be 
said  that  they  have  perished  on  account  of  the  missionaries 
of  this  Apostolic  College.” 


Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxvii,  178-183. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


Mission  San  Fernando  de  Velicata. — More  Soldiers  Wanted. — 
Armona  and  Barri. — Pearl-fishing. — Poverty  of  the  Indians. — 
The  Pious  Fund  Donations. — How  They  Were  Invested. 

R.  PAL6U  continues  his  interesting  report  on  the  Cali- 


fornia Missions,  and  we  prefer  to  have  him  give  the  in- 
formation in  his  own  words.  “From  what  has  been  said,”  he 
writes  to  the  Fr.  Guardian,  “I  believe  you  can  sufficiently 
understand  the  condition  of  the  ancient  missions  of  this  penin- 
sula which  the  Rev.  Fathers  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  have 
founded.  Now  I will  give  an  account  of  the  new  one  which 
has  been  established  by  this  College  in  the  place  called  Veli- 
cata, ^ on  the  road  to  the  port  of  San  Diego. 


“This  mission,  by  order  of  the  inspector-general,  Don  Jose 
de  Galvez,  the  Rev.  Fr.  Presidente  of  all  the  missions,  Fr. 
Junipero  Serra,  founded  on  the  occasion  when  he  went  with 
the  second  division  of  the  expedition  to  the  port  of  San  Diego, 
in  company  of  the  governor  and  commander  of  the  expedi- 
tion, Don  Gaspar  de  Portola.  For  this  reason  he  already 
brought  the  missionary  in  the  person  of  Fr.  Miguel  de  la 
Campa  y Cos,  who  for  that  purpose  was  taken  from  Mission 
San  Ignacio.  Having  reached  the  said  site  called  by  the  na- 
tives Velicata,  it  seeming  to  be  suitable  for  a mission  if  per- 
chance it  were  determined  to  abandon  the  Santa  Maria  site, 
the  beginning  was  made  by  celebrating  the  first  Mass  on  May 
14th,  1769,  which  was  Pentecost  Sunday;  and  as  it  was  the 
first  among  the  vast  numbers  of  pagans  who  are  found  in 
the  north  of  this  peninsula,  with  much  rejoicing  it  was  agreed 
to  dedicate  it  as  a first-fruit  to  the  holy  patron  of  this  Apos- 
tolic College,  San  Fernando,  King  of  Spain. 

“It  is  situated  in  a valley  through  whose  center  runs  a 

1 In  his  “Noticias”  Palou  always  writes  Villacata,  whereas  in  his 
“Vida”  he  has  Vellicata. 


Mission  San  Fernando  de  Velicata. 


Mission  San  Fernando;  the  Pious  Fund  451 


stream  of  water  of  some  abundance,  sufficient  to  irrigate  the 
land  which  the  valley  contains,  and  they  easily  succeeded  by 
means  of  a dam  of  earth  and  stone  to  collect  the  water.  The 
Father  soon  set  to  work  cultivating  the  land  in  order  that  he 
might  have  wherewith  to  feed  the  pagans  to  win  them  for 
God.  From  its  foundation  to  September  of  the  past  year 
1771  he  baptized  three  hundred  and  eighty  Indians,  that  is 
to  say,  three  hundred  and  six  adults  and  seventy-four  chil- 
dren. Of  these  twelve  have  died  whilst  eighty-six  marriages 
were  contracted  and  blessed.  Not  all  can  live  at  the  mission, 
because,  as  yet,  the  land  does  not  yield  enough  to  maintain 
so  many,  and  for  this  reason  only  twelve  families  have  set- 
tled at  the  mission,  whilst  the  rest  remain  in  their  rancherias 
until  there  shall  be  enough  for  them  to  eat.  Nevertheless, 
every  week  one  rancheria  stays  in  order  to  learn  their  prayers 
and  lest  they  forget  their  catechism ; in  addition  to  this  care, 
in  each  rancheria  the  most  intelligent  is  made  captain  of  them, 
who  sees  that  they  assemble  every  day,  and  a catechist  is  ap- 
pointed who  recites  the  Doctrina  with  them ; and  when  they 
come  to  the  mission  these  give  account  if  any  fault  or  trouble 
has  occurred. 

“It  has  been  discovered  that  the  land  is  very  salinous, 
wherefore  it  does  not  yield  corn  and  wheat  abundantly ; much 
of  it  generally  spoils.  In  the  last  year  eight  fanegas  were 
sown,  but  only  two  hundred  were  harvested.  They  have 
begun  to  plant  fruit-trees,  cotton,  and  vines ; but  they  have  pro- 
duced nothing,  because  the  salpetre  withers  the  plants.  This 
mission  is  situated  in  thirty  degrees  and  thirty-six  minutes 
north,  is  eighteen  leagues  from  Santa  Maria,  twenty-three 
from  the  bay  of  San  Luis  on  the  gulf,  and  from  San  Diego, 
by  the  old  road  taken  by  the  expedition,  one  hundred  and 
nineteen,  and  by  the  recently  discovered  road  about  one  hun- 
dred leagues. 

“It  already  has  some  cattle  of  its  own  left  to  it  from  those 
taken  from  San  Borja  for  the  expedition,  which  have  increased 
so  that  there  are  now  forty-nine  tame  cattle,  forty  sheep,  forty- 
four  goats,  twelve  horses,  but  no  mules.  The  vestments  for 
this  mission  have  not  arrived,  so  that  it  has  only  those  taken 


452  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

from  the  old  missions  by  order  of  the  inspector ; all  the  vest- 
ments except  one  have  already  been  in  use.  It  has  no  bell 
of  its  own,  but  one  loaned  by  Mission  Santa  Maria  serves  its 
purpose  here.  I,  therefore,  think  that  efforts  should  be  made 
before  the  inspector-general,  or  his  excellency,  by  likewise 
representing  to  him  that  for  this  mission  the  thousand  dollars 
granted  for  its  foundation  have  not  been  paid,  as  had  been 
discussed  with  the  inspector,  for  which  reason  the  mission 
finds  itself  in  want  of  articles  for  the  house  and  field.  Should 
the  grant  be  paid,  with  the  first  invoice  might  come  all  that 
Your  Reverence  judges  necessary;  the  church  and  sacristy 
ought  not  to  be  forgotten  with  regard  to  the  articles  indicated 
on  the  list  which  I forward. 

“This  mission,  since  it  is  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  pagans, 
needs  a sufficient  guard  which  for  want  of  soldiers  is  rarely 
complete,  wherefore  the  Fathers  cannot  go  out  through  the 
rancherias  to  search  for  gentiles  and  bring  them  to  the  mis- 
sion. It  would  be  well  for  Your  Reverence  to  represent 
this  to  his  excellency  by  adding  that  for  this  drawback  we 
cannot  begin  to  found  even  one  mission  of  the  five  which 
his  excellency  has  imposed  upon  me,  though  there  are  here 
in  the  old  missions  the  missionaries  destined  for  them  with- 
out being  able  to  do  anything.  I have  already  asked  the 
governor  in  writing  and  he  has  replied  to  me  (that  which  is 
true),  that  he  has  no  soldiers,  and  that  he  has  already  con- 
sulted with  his  excellency.  I am  convinced  that  for  the  same 
want  at  Monterey  they  cannot  proceed  to  found  the  missions 
which  his  excellency  has  ordered. 

“Your  Reverence  can  safely  represent  that  for  all  the  mis- 
sions, new  and  old,  there  are  needed  two  companies  of  one 
hundred  men  each  with  their  corresponding  officers,  one  to 
act  as  guards  from  Cape  San  Luis  to  San  Diego  exclusive, 
and  the  other  from  said  port  inclusive  to  the  port  of  our 
Father  San  Francisco;  and  these  would  not  be  too  many,  for 
there  are  about  seven  hundred  leagties  from  Velicata  to  the 
last  p>oint  in  the  pagan  population,  with  the  circumstance  that 
those  between  Velicata  and  San  Diego  are  very  wild  and 
warlike,  and  if  they  see  the  small  number  of  soldiers  they 


Mission  San  Fernando;  the  Pious  Fund  453 

might  venture  to  make  some  attack  as  they  did  at  San  Diego, 
about  which  Fr.  Juan  Vizcaino,  who  escaped  wounded,  would 
gjve  particulars.  As  for  Monterey,  the  large  Indian  popu- 
lation along  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel,  as  you  have  read 
in  the  Diario,  must  not  be  overlooked. 

“It  would  be  good  for  the  soldiers  if  their  pay  were  in- 
creased, for  the  reduction  made  in  it  was  heavy,  since  from 
receiving  four  hundred  and  twenty  dollars  a year  the  pay 
has  been  cut  down  to  five  reales  a day,  and  to  six  reales  for 
those  in  the  new  missions,  which  does  not  reach ; for  out  of 
this  they  must  feed  and  clothe  themselves,  furnish  their  arms, 
powder,  and  ball,  and  keep  at  least  three  mules  and  one  horse, 
which  they  must  also  purchase  out  of  their  wages,  which  is 
not  enough.  Moreover,  being  married,  as  they  generally  are, 
they  have  not  wherewith  to  support  their  families,  and  thus 
they  are  always  in  debt  to  the  royal  warehouse,  which  is  not 
to  be  wondered  at,  because  these  articles  and  others  which 
they  need  have  a very  high  price. 

“When  the  governor  arrived  he  brought  along  $22,000  in 
money  to  make  the  payments ; out  of  this  he  turned  over  to 
the  mining  branch  at  Santa  Ana  $8,000  or  $10,000;  with 
one-half  he  paid  his  salary  as  governor  at  $4,000  a year,  so 
that  in  a short  time  they  found  themselves  without  money, 
and  there  was  not  wherewith  to  pay  the  soldiers  who  had 
been  with  the  expeditions,  who  for  having  been  outside  and 
for  not  having  had  any  expenses  for  food,  which  was  given 
them  at  the  cost  of  the  expedition,  had  their  accounts,  but 
could  realize  nothing  on  them  even  when  they  arrived  at  the 
pueblo  of  Loreto.  In  view  of  this  and  of  the  necessities  which 
they  undergo  (and  it  is  sad  to  hear  those  that  come  from 
Monterey  relate  the  sufferings  which  they  underwent  on  ac- 
count of  the  shortage  of  food),  it  is  much  to  find  one  who 
desires  to  be  a soldier,  whereas  formerly  to  become  a soldier 
it  required  favor  or  the  word  of  influence. 

“As  to  the  fifth  point  about  which  you  ask  information, 
whether  the  last  orders,  which  Governor  Armona  issued  for 
the  welfare  of  the  Indians,  are  carried  out,  I have  to  say 
that  not  even  his  name  can  be  uttered  before  Governor  Barri ; 


454  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


for  he  says  that  he  came  to  ruin  the  peninsula;  and  in  the 
presence  of  Fr.  Juan  Escudero,  who  may  have  already  re- 
peated it  to  Your  Reverence,  he  said  to  me  that  he  wanted 
no  harmony  with  me,  lest  he  perish  like  Armona  had  per- 
ished ; 2 and  so,  unless  the  information  about  said  orders  is 
demanded  by  his  excellency,  there  is  no  hope  of  seeing  them 
executed ; for  I do  not  speak,  because  I consider  it  is  time 
lost  to  increase  the  resentment. 

“As  to  sixth  point,  the  diving  for  pearls,  I have  to  say 
that,  as  to  the  Indians  of  California  I know  that  they  are 
not  obliged  to  dive  at  any  part  of  the  peninsula.  There  are 
no  other  Indians  who  practise  this  diving  than  those  of  Loreto 
and  Mulege,  and  of  these  those  that  so  desire  and  ask  per- 
mission of  the  Father  go  and  make  the  effort,  and  if  they 
obtain  anything  they  sell  it  and  profit  by  it.  Of  the  Yaqui 
Indians  of  the  opposite  provinces,  who  with  their  launches 
go  to  dive,  I cannot  say  that  they  are  obliged.  In  the  last 
year  of  1771  two  launches  came  with  fifty  divers,  who  went 
to  the  bay  of  Mulege,  and  said  that  they  had  come  to  dive 
on  the  account  of  the  king;  and  it  was  rumored  through  this 
town  that  the  divers  had  grown  turbulent ; the  reason  they 
gave  was  not  that  they  were  made  to  dive  in  perilous  places, 
but  that  poor  wages  were  given  them,  and  because  the  result 
of  the  Sunday  diving,  as  had  been  the  custom,  was  not  given 
them.  About  all  the  other  points  I believe  that  with  what 
was  said  Your  Reverence  will  be  sufficiently  informed. 

“Concerning  the  last  point  that  you  be  given  account  about 
what  I think  expedient  for  the  spiritual  and  temporal  ad- 
vancement of  the  missions,  there  is  much  to  say  besides  what 
I have  intimated  to  Your  Reverence ; but  as  I have  given  much 
and  the  most  important  in  writing  to  Fr.  Ramos,  I pass  it  by 

2 “Digo  que  ni  aun  su  nombre  (.\rmona)  se  puede  nombrar 
delante  de  este  gobernador  Barri,  pues  dice  que  vino  a perder  la 
peninsula,  y en  presencia  del  Padre  Fray  Juan  Escudero,  que  ya 
lo  podra  haber  referido  a Vuestra  Reverencia,  me  dijo  que  no 
queria  armonia  conmigo,  por  no  perderse  como  se  habia  perdido 
el  Sr.  Armona.”  This  forces  the  conclusion  that  the  heat  of  the 
dreary  peninsula  must  have  affected  the  mind  of  this  official,  inas- 
much as  his  actions  and  words  were  those  of  a madman. 


Mission  San  Fernando;  the  Pious  Fund  455 


in  order  not  to  repeat  myself.  However,  I cannot  help  re- 
peating to  you  that  you  should  urge  his  e.xcellency  to  restrain 
the  governor,  so  that  he  do  not  meddle  any  more  with  what 
does  not  concern  him,  and  that  he  let  us  civilize,  educate,  and 
correct  these  poor  neophytes,  for  otherwise  the  peninsula  is 
on  the  point  of  destruction,  and  then  it  will  not  be  possible 
to  repair  the  damage. 

“Likewise  I cannot  do  less,  considering  the  great  poverty 
of  the  Indians  of  these  missions,  than  to  point  out  that  it 
will  be  very  expedient  that  from  the  funds  of  these  missions 
they  be  supplied  annually  with  some  alms  of  clothing  to 
cover  their  nakedness,  for  here  they  lack  the  means,  and  most 
of  the  missions  never  will  have  wherewith  to  meet  these  ex- 
penses, and  it  is  a source  of  much  distress  to  the  missions  to 
see  the  Indians  devoid  of  clothing  and  not  a rag  on  hand  to 
give  them.  In  support  of  this  petition  you  could  show  the 
necessity  which  is  a true  one  (and  which  is  evident  to  all, 
especially  to  those  that  have  visited  this  country),  as  well  as 
the  fact  that  without  burdening  the  royal  treasury  in  the  least, 
his  excellency  could  bestow  this  favor  upon  these  poor  people, 
because  for  that  purpose  rich  funds  exist  which  are  a wealth 
that  belongs  to  these  missions.  I succeeded  in  obtaining  an 
unsigned  paper  which  gives  account  of  said  funds,  and  in 
order  that  it  may  assist  to  that  end,  I have  not  failed  to  copy 
it  and  to  insert  it  in  this  report  so  that  Your  Reverence  may 
know  of  it.  I do  not  know  positively  whence  this  paper 
came;  but  I judge  with  some  reason  that  it  originated  with 
those  that  have  been  commissioners  of  the  College  of  San 
Andres  in  the  city  of  Mexico  at  the  time  of  the  expulsion 
of  the  Fathers,  and  that  there,  since  it  was  the  office  of  the 
procurator-general  for  California,  would  be  found  the  docu- 
ments which  give  information  about  the  whole  matter.” 


456  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


List  of  the  Pious  Works  Founded  by  Various  Persons  for 


the  Spiritual  Conquest  of  California. 

Year. 

1698.  Don  Juan  Caballero  founded  the  first  mission, 

and  for  that  purpose  gave  the  sum  of $ 10,000.00 

1699.  The  same  founded  the  second  mission 10,000.00 

1700.  Don  Nicolas  Arteaga  founded  the  third  mission 

with  the  same  amount 10,000.00 

1702.  Various  persons  through  Father  Jose  Vidal,  Jes- 
uit, founded  the  fourth  mission 7,000.00 

1704.  The  Marques  of  Villapuente  founded  the  fifth 

mission  with  the  same  amount 10,000.00 

1709.  The  same  founded  the  sixth  mission 10,000.00 

1713.  The  same  founded  the  seventh  mission 10,000.00 

1718.  His  Excellency,  Don  Juan  Ruiz  de  Velasco,  found- 

ed the  eighth  mission 10,000.00 

1719.  The  Marques  de  Villapuente  founded  the  ninth 

mission  10,000.00 

1725.  Father  Juan  Maria  Luyando,  Jesuit,  founded  the 

tenth  mission  10,000.00 

1731.  Dona  Maria  Rosa  de  la  Pena  endowed  one  of 
the  missions  through  the  Marques  de  Villa- 
puente   10,000.00 

1746.  The  Marques  de  Villapuente  founded  the  eleventh 

mission  10,000.00 

1747.  Her  Excellency  Dona  Maria  de  Borja,  Duchess 

of  Gandia,  in  her  testament  bequeathed  for 
the  missions  of  California,  and  it  is  shown  that 
it  was  received 62,000.00 


Total  of  Alms $179,000.00 

Funds  and  Properties  Which  Existed  at  the  Time  of  the  Ex- 


pulsion of  the  Jesuit  Fathers. 

In  money  which  was  found  in  the  procuraduria-general 

of  California  at  the  time  of  the  expulsion $ 92,000.00 

Goods  found  in  the  warehouse  of  said  procuraduria,  esti- 

timated  by  commercial  men  of  Spain  and  Mexico..  27,255.06 
Merchandise  which  was  found  in  the  warehouse  of  Lo- 
reto, according  to  the  prices  charged  and  for  which 
it  was  sold 79,377.03 


Total  amount  of  funds 


$199,033.01 


Mission  San  Fernando;  the  Pious  Fund 


457 


Loans  Made  by  the  Procuraduria-General  of  California  from 
the  Funds  of  the  Missions  as  is  Evidenced  by 
the  Respective  Documents. 

To  the  College  of  San  Ildefonso  of  Puebla  at  three  and 

one-half  per  cent $ 22,000.00 

To  the  College  of  San  Ignacio  of  Puebla  with  revenues 

of  four  per  cent 5,000.00 

To  the  College  of  San  Pedro  y San  Pablo  of  Mexico 

without  indication  of  the  percentage 29,100.00 

To  the  College  of  San  Ildefonso  of  Puebla  at  three 

per  cent  23,000.00 

To  the  College  of  San  Geronimo  of  Mexico  at  three 

per  cent  38,500.00 

To  the  College  of  San  Ildefonso  of  Puebla  at  three 

per  cent  9,000.00 


Total  investments 


$126,600.00 


General  Summary. 


Total  of  alms  donated $179,000.00 

Total  of  goods  on  hand -.  199,033.01 

Total  invested  or  loaned 126,600.00 


Total  amount  of  the  Fund $504,633.01 


Besides  this  capital  there  are  the  plantations  called  Ibarra, 
whose  administrator  told  me  that  in  ordinary  years  they  pro- 
duced twenty  thousand  dollars  income  clear,  to  which  amount 
must  be  added  the  revenues  from  the  haciendas  of  Arroyo- 
Sarco.  Thus  far  the  paper. 

“Concerning  this  document  I have  the  correction  to  make 
that  the  said  haciendas  mentioned  at  the  conclusion,  were  pur- 
chased with  the  alms  of  the  benefactors  that  donated  them 
in  order  to  avoid,  what  was  experienced  in  the  beginning,  of 
placing  ten  thousand  dollars  with  one  individual  so  that  he 
each  year  might  pay  the  interest  of  five  hundred  dollars  for 
the  sinodo  of  the  missionary  Father.  The  individual  became  a 
bankrupt  so  that  the  capital  was  lost,  wherefore  they  saw  them- 
selves compelled  to  look  for  another  benefactor,  or  to  aban- 
don the  mission,  as  Father  Venegas  relates  in  his  history.  In 


458  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


order  never  to  be  in  such  a predicament,  it  was  decided  to 
purchase  said  haciendas  and  operate  them ; what  was  pro- 
duced went  towards  the  annual  sinodo,  and  the  rest  was 
added  to  the  capital  in  order  to  be  able  to  send  some  things 
in  addition  to  the  poor  missionaries,  as  is  shown  from  the 
mission  books,  which  they  kept. 

“From  what  is  said  I infer  that  at  the  expulsion  of  the 
Jesuit  Fathers  there  existed  only  the  said  haciendas  besides 
the  goods  and  the  investments  which  amounted  to  $325,633 
and  one  real.  From  this  whole  amount  as  well  as  from  the 
revenues  of  said  haciendas  you  may  see  that  annually  some 
alms  of  clothing  for  these  poor  Indians  could  be  granted ; 
and  I do  not  say  for  the  converted  Indians  only,  but  for 
those  that  are  to  be  converted  to  the  north  of  California  as 
far  as  Monterey;  with  it  they  could  be  attracted  to  our 
holy  Catholic  faith,  which  was  the  intention  of  the  benefac- 
tors. I hope  Your  Reverence  will  employ  every  possible 
means  to  obtain  this  and  all  else  that  is  conducive  to  the  tem- 
poral and  spiritual  progress  of  these  ancient  missions  as  well 
as  of  the  new  ones,  that  you  may  receive  from  God  the  reward, 
which  I ask  for  in  my  poor  prayers  and  at  the  holy  Sacrifice 
of  the  Mass,  and  that  He  guard  your  life  many  years  in  good 
health  and  in  His  grace.  . . . Loreto,  February  12th, 

1772.  Fr.  Francisco  Palou.”  ® 

Palou  sent  copies  of  this  report  to  the  College  both  by  way 
of  Santa  Cruz  and  San  Bias,  but  long  before  it  reached  the 
Fr.  Guardian,  Fr.  Juan  Ramos  de  Lora  had  arrived  at  San 
Fernando  de  Mexico.  His  appearance  hastened  the  transfer 
of  all  the  ancient  missions  to  the  Rev.  Dominican  Fathers,  as 
we  shall  see  in  the  next  chapter. 

From  Fr.  Palbu’s  statement  it  is  evident  that  the  missions 
of  California  were  erected  and  maintained  with  the  funds 
which  the  zeal  and  labors  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Society  of 
Jesus  acquired  for  the  spiritual  conquest  of  that  territory. 
Hence,  says  Mofras, *  * “What  is  remarkable  in  the  foundations 

3 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxviii,  183-195. 

* Mofras,  “Explorations”  in  “Foreign  Relations,”  p.  369.  Sec 
for  the  whole  subject,  “Pious  Fund,”  “Appendix  II”  in  “Foreign 


Mission  San  Fernando;  the  Pious  Fund  459 

of  these  missions  is  that  they  cost  the  government  no  sacrifice. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  settlement  of  Lower  California  the 
viceroys  furnished  some  aid.  Philip  V.  during  the  first  years 
of  his  reign  allowed  them  thirteen  thousand  dollars ; but  in 
1735  the  Jesuits,  having  received  large  donations,  knew  so 
well  how  to  employ  them  that  not  only  were  they  able  to 
provide  for  the  needs  of  their  missions,  but  to  buy  some  new 
lands”  (in  Mexico),  that  is  to  say,  they  increased  the  real 
estate  of  the  Pious  Fund. 

Relations,”  United  States  vs.  Mexico,  in  the  Matter  of  the 
Case  of  the  Pious  Fund  of  the  Californias,”  pages  349-374,  Wash- 
ington, Government  Printing  Office,  1903. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


Dominican  Efforts  to  Reach  California. — Objections  of  the  Fran- 
ciscans, the  Viceroy,  and  Don  Jose  de  Galvez. — Galvez’s  State- 
ment.— The  Viceroy’s  Adverse  Report. — The  Dominicans  Suc- 
ceed.— The  Franciscans  Cede  the  Whole  Territory. — Copy  of 
the  Agreement. — Approval  of  the  Viceroy. — Directions. — Let- 
ter of  the  Viceroy. — The  Franciscans  Go  North. — Donations. 

E have  now  to  relate,  what  it  was  not  convenient  to 


state  in  its  place,  how  it  was  that  the  Dominicans 
supplanted  the  Friars  Minor  in  Lower  California.  “In  the 
first  chapter  it  was  explained,”  says  Palou,  “that  without 
having  made  the  least  effort  to  enter  California,  my  Apostolic 
College  of  San  Fernando  was  selected  by  the  viceroy  and  the 
inspector-general  ^ to  take  upon  itself  the  administration  of 
said  missions,  and  that  it  had  yielded,  notwithstanding  that 
the  number  of  religious  which  it  had  for  the  service  of  God 
and  our  king  was  so  small. 

“While  the  Franciscans  were  in  tranquil  possession  of  said 
missions,  all  and  every  one  laboring  very  contentedly  in  the 
mission  assigned  to  him,  so  that  neither  the  poverty  of  the 
country,  nor  the  sterility  of  the  soil,  sufficed  to  dishearten 
them,  on  the  contrary  all  toiled  amid  much  hardship  in  spir- 
itual as  well  as  temporal  things,  in  order  that,  if  they  could 
not  advance  the  missions,  they  should  at  least  not  be  wanting 
in  solicitude,  the  Rev.  Dominican  Fathers  were  making  efforts 
to  enter  the  peninsula,  doubtless  in  order  that  both  societies, 
being  religious  Orders  and  united  between  themselves,  ^ might 
display  their  apostolic  zeal  there,  and  the  one  and  the  other 
might  in  holy  emulation  spread  the  holy  Gospel  and  Catholic 
faith  on  said  peninsula. 

1 See  Part  III,  chapter  i,  this  work.  On  account  of  the  impor- 
tance of  the  subject  it  seemed  preferable  to  let  Fr.  Palou  state  the 
facts  in  his  own  words,  which  are  sufficiently  clear. 

2 “Los  Senores  Exmo.  y Illmo.’’ 

2 This  alludes  to  the  brotherly  relations  between  the  Dominican 
and  Franciscan  Orders  which  date  from  the  days  of  St.  Dominic 
and  St.  Francis. 


Dominicans  Supplant  the  Franciscans  461 

“For  this  purpose  the  Rev.  Father  Fray  Juan  Pedro  de 
Iriarte,  in  the  name  of  his  province  of  Mexico,  for  which  he 
was  the  procurator  at  the  Court  of  Madrid,  presented  himself 
and  asked  of  his  Majesty  some  missions  in  California  for 
his  province  of  Mexico,  giving  as  reasons  those  that  may  be 
stated  in  his  Memorials.  His  Majesty,  on  November  4th, 

1768,  issued  the  royal  decree  which  directed  that  some  mis- 
sions should  be  given  to  the  Dominicans,  or  that  the  penin- 
sula should  be  divided  between  the  two  Orders.  In  view  of 
this,  the  said  Rev.  Father,  appointed  by  his  Most  Rev.  Presi- 
dente  and  Vicar-General  of  the  missions,  * collected  volunteers 
and  sent  ahead  some  religious  whilst  he  himself  remained 
at  the  royal  court.  After  they  had  reached  Mexico  and  had 
presented  themselves  to  his  excellency,  the  Marques  de  Croix, 
viceroy  of  New  Spain,  objected  in  view  of  the  reports  which 
he  had  about  the  peninsula,  according  to  which  it  was  not 
divisible  without  one  Order  getting  into  trouble  with  the 
other.  Nevertheless,  he  did  not  wish  to  decide  the  matter, 
nor  advise  the  Court  until  he  had  more  explicit  information 
from  the  illustrious  inspector-general,  who,  having  just  fin- 
ished inspecting  the  peninsula,  could  inform  him  about  it  in 
every  particular  and  whether  or  not  there  was  room  for 
both  Orders.  To  that  end  his  excellency  wrote  on  April  8th, 

1769.  Galvez  in  reply  wrote  what  will  be  seen  in  the  following 
document  a copy  of  which  the  inspector-general  sent  from  the 
town  of  Alamos.” 

“Copy  of  the  Report  of  the  Inspector-General. 

“Most  Excellent  Sir: — With  the  letter  of  the  8th  of  last 
April  Your  Excellency  sends  me  a copy  of  a royal  decree 
issued  on  November  4th  of  last  year,  in  which  His  Majesty 
commands  Your  Excellency  to  inform  him  in  every  particular 
and  as  briefly  as  possible  about  the  state  of  the  California 
missions  after  they  were  placed,  because  of  the  expatriation 
of  the  Jesuits,  in  charge  of  the  missionaries  apostolic  of  the 

* “nombrado  por  su  reverendisimo  padre  presidente  y vicario 
general.” 


462  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Propagation  of  the  Faith  of  the  College  of  San  Fernando  at 
the  capital. 

“That  decree  had  its  origin  in  the  urgent  request  which 
the  Dominican  religious,  Fr.  Juan  Pedro  de  Iriarte,  made 
before  the  Supreme  Council  of  the  Indies,  about  which  Your 
Excellency  wants  me  to  give  you  my  opinion,  in  order  that 
you  may  prepare  your  report  with  due  knowledge  of  the 
facts  which  I have  just  finished  investigating  in  person.  I 
must  remark  from  the  start  that  the  zeal  of  said  religious, 
Fr.  Juan  Pedro  de  Iriarte,  is  as  laudable  as  should  be  invol- 
untary the  errors  upon  which  he  founded  his  solicitude.  He 
explained  that  on  the  coast  of  the  South  Sea,  which  is  to  the 
west  of  California,  there  are  from  the  25th  to  the  42d  degree, 
and  in  the  interior  of  the  country  from  the  28th,  localities 
inhabited  by  a multitude  of  Gentiles,  whereas  there  is  not 
even  one  from  the  31st  degree  of  latitude  down  to  the  Cape 
of  San  Lucas,  and  doubtless  neither  on  the  mainland  of  the 
peninsula,  nor  on  the  many  islands  near  both  shores.  The 
truth  is  that  Your  Excellency  in  your  report  can  insist  upon 
this  as  undeniable  and  notorious  without  other  restriction 
than  to  note  that  at  the  mission  of  San  Ignacio,  situated  in 
degree  twenty-eighth,  according  to  the  observations  of  the 
expelled  religious,  there  exist  as  converts  the  last  inhabitants 
of  the  Isle  of  Cedros,  which  is  found  in  the  South  Sea  in  the 
same  latitude. 

“Beyond  this  mission  of  San  Ignacio,  which  Fr,  Iriarte 
supposed  to  be  the  last  in  California  as  far  as  it  is  occupied,  ® 
there  are  established,  and  not  so  recently  that  in  Spain  there 
could  not  have  been  knowledge  of  them  for  the  last  six  years, 
the  three  missions  of  Santa  Gertrudis,  San  Francisco  de  Borja, 
and  Santa  Maria.  This  is  the  last  on  the  frontier,  situated 
in  31  degrees,  and  erected  by  the  Jesuits  on  soil  so  sterile 
that  the  converted  Indians  could  not  be  settled  nor  main- 
tained there.  Therefore,  I have  given  orders  that  the  presi- 
dente  of  the  missions  should  be  asked  to  remove  it  to  the 
locality  of  Velicata,  which  lies  in  about  the  32d  degree,  as 
Your  Excellency  will  have  seen  from  the  last  chapter  of  the 


5 “California  Conquistada.' 


Dominicans  Supplant  the  Franciscans  463 


“Instruction,”  which  Governor  Don  Caspar  de  Portola  pre- 
pared, who  has  gone  with  the  last  division  of  the  expedition 
and  journey  by  land  (to  San  Diego). 

“This  expedition  which  Your  Excellency  has  approved, 
and  which  you  ordered  me  to  send  by  water,  is  conducted 
towards  the  important  objects  (if  God  wills  that  they  be 
attained)  of  establishing  as  a matter  of  course  six  missions 
along  the  western  coast  of  California  from  the  site  of  Veli- 
cata  to  the  famous  port  of  Monterey,  and  likewise  of  placing 
a presidio  there  in  order  that  it  may  protect  the  peninsula 
against  the  danger  with  which  the  persistent  attempts  of 
.some  foreign  nations  have  threatened  it,  especially  against 
those  that  the  Russians  have  lastly  made,  who  pretended  that 
they  only  wanted  to  familiarize  themselves  with  navigation 
in  the  sea  of  Tartary.  Your  Excellency  knows  better  than 
any  one,  with  what  reason  and  timeliness  it  is  explained  in 
the  royal  decree  which  has  been  addressed  to  you,  how  su- 
premely important  it  is  to  prevent  any  other  power  from  set- 
ting foot  in  California,  ® and  that  the  spiritual  and  temporal 
conquest  of  that  vast  territory  always  deserved  the  greatest 
care  and  attention  of  our  kings  and  of  the  Supreme  Council 
of  the  Indies ; for  not  only  in  this  century,  but  also  in  the 
two  preceding  centuries,  they  have  devised  and  given  the 
most  effective  and  well-considered  directions  for  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  good  and  advantageous  port  of  Monterey ; but 
until  now  these  have  been  without  result  on  account  of  the 
destructive  misfortune  which  in  America  besets  the  true  inter- 
ests of  the  Crown  and  the  nation. 

“In  order  to  make  known  to  Your  Excellency,  since  you 
were  pleased  to  notify  me,  the  opinion  I formed  about  the 
claim  introduced  at  Court  by  the  said  Father,  Fray  Juan 
Pedro  de  Iriarte,  and  whether  or  not  it  is  expedient  for  His 
Majesty  to  permit  him  to  come  to  California  as  missioner 
extraordinary,  I believe  that  in  the  present  state  of  things  his 
zeal  should  make  no  mistake,  because  the  missionaries  of  San 


® Here  the  principal  reason  for  the  Spanish  occupation  of  Cali 
fornia  is  plainly  stated. 


464  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

Fernando  have  all  that  can  be  desired  in  order  that  the 
conversion  make  rapid  progress  in  that  peninsula,  and  espe- 
cially, since  it  has  been  granted  them  to  bring  from  Spain 
the  missionary  band  of  forty-five  priests,  of  whom  I hope 
some  have  arrived  in  the  ships  of  the  present  fleet,  so  that 
two  missionaries  may  be  stationed  in  those  reductions,  and 
especially  in  the  new  ones  which  they  have  gone  to  establish 
in  aid  of  the  expeditions  by  sea  and  land.  However,  if  Father 
Iriarte,  not  alone,  but  accompanied  by  other  apostolic  labor- 
ers, should  come  charged  by  His  Majesty  to  be  employed  in 
the  holy  work  of  converting  the  Gentiles,  there  are  on  this 
whole  frontier  very  numerous  tribes  among  which  many  mis- 
sionaries could  occupy  themselves  usefully. 

“With  this  I believe  to  have  complied  with  the  order  of 
Your  Excellency,  if  not  with  the  attention  that  the  subject 
merits  and  I should  like  to  do,  at  least  as  far  as  the  grave 
occupations  permit  which  at  present  the  military  expedition 
and  other  important  affairs  of  these  provinces  cause  me,  and 
which  admit  of  little  or  no  delay.  May  our  Lord  g^ard  Your 
Excellency  many  years.  Real  de  los  Alamos,  June  10th,  176^. 
Most  Excellent  Sir,  B.  L.  M.  de  V.  E.,  Jose  de  Galvez.  To 
His  Excellency,  the  Marquez  de  Croix.”  * 

After  having  received  Don  Galvez’s  statement.  Viceroy 
de  Croix  reported  to  the  king  that  there  was  no  need  of  the 
Dominicans  in  California,  and  that  it  was  inexpedient  to 
divide  the  peninsula  between  them  and  the  Franciscans. 
Nothing  daunted,  Fr.  Iriarte,  who  would  scarcely  have  per- 
sisted in  his  demand  had  he  been  acquainted  with  the  country, 
pressed  his  claim  before  the  king,  giving  as  additional  reasons 
that  it  was  not  proper  for  only  one  Order,  much  less  for 
one  missionary  college,  to  be  in  sole  possession  of  so  vast  a 
field  as  the  peninsula  of  California.  This  view  was  adopted 
by  the  Spanish  sovereign,  who  under  date  of  April  8th,  1770, 
issued  a new  decree  in  which  he  declared  that,  notwithstand- 
ing the  adverse  opinion  of  both  the  viceroy  and  the  inspector- 

7 The  Franciscans,  so  called  from  their  mother-house  in  the 
city  of  Mexico. 

8 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxix,  196-201. 


Dominicans  Supplant  the  Franciscans  465 


general,  some  missions  in  California  should  be  assigned  to 
the  Dominicans  without  prejudice  to  the  Franciscans,  because 
it  was  not  to  the  advantage  of  the  royal  service  that  one  Order 
alone,  and  much  less  one  convent  or  college,  occupy  so  ex- 
tensive territory.  ® 

Armed  with  this  new  decree,  Fr.  Iriarte  collected  a number 
of  Dominican  friars  from  the  various  provinces  of  Spain  and 
with  them  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz,  Mexico,  on  August  19th, 
1771.  The  energetic  Dominican  soon  presented  the  royal 
document  to  Don  Antonio  Maria  Bucareli  y Ursua,  the  new 
viceroy  of  New  Spain,  who,  in  accordance  with  it  and  in. 
view  of  the  fact  that  the  Fr.  Guardian  of  San  Fernando  had 
already  proposed  surrendering  some  of  the  older  mission 
establishments,  convoked  a council  on  March  21st,  1772. 
There  it  was  decided  that  the  Fr.  Guardian  of  San  Fernando 
and  the  Rev.  Vicar-General  of  the  Dominicans  should  be 
allowed  to  agree  between  themselves  upon  the  division  of 
the  missionary  territory.  Accordingly  the  two  religious  supe- 
riors deliberated  together  and  finally  presented  the  following 
agreerrient  to  the  viceroy  as  the  result  of  their  amicable  con- 
ferences : 

“Copy  of  the  Concordato. 

“Most  Excellent  Sir: — Fray  Rafael  Verger,  at  present 
guardian  of  the  College  of  the  Propagation  of  Faith  of  San 
Fernando,  Mexico,  and  Fray  Juan  Pedro  de  Iriarte,  mission- 
ary of  the  holy  Order  of  Preachers,  and  commissary  of  the 
missionary  band  which  by  order  of  His  Majesty  (whom  God 
may  guard)  he  has  brought  to  this  country  for  the  peninsula 
of  California,  in  obedience  to  the  superior  decree  of  Your 
Excellency  of  the  month  of  April  of  the  present  year  1772, 
in  which  you  direct  them  to  divide  the  missions  of  the  penin- 
sula of  California  between  themselves  in  accordance  with 
the  royal  decree  dated  Madrid,  April  8th,  1770,  declare,  that 

9 “Por  no  convenir  a su  real  servicio,  que  una  sola  religion,  y 
mucho  menos  un  convento  6 colegio,  ocupe  una  peninsula  tan 
dilatada  como  es  la  de  la  California.”  (Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i, 
cap.  XXX,  202.) 

10  Official  designation  of  the  Dominican  Order. 


466  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

having  deliberated  and  understood  after  repeated  conferences 
upon  the  matter  that  it  is  the  firm  will  of  our  sovereign  and 
Catholic  monarch,  that  the  Reverend  Dominican  Fathers 
should  enter  the  said  peninsula  of  California  with  their  com- 
missary, the  aforesaid  Master  Fray  Juan  Pedro  de  Iriarte, 
because  he  has  so  commanded  in  his  royal  decree  of  the  4th 
of  November,  1768,  and  lastly  in  the  said  one  of  the  8th  of 
April,  1770,  wherein,  after  having  ordained  and  commanded 
the  said  division,  he  concludes  by  repeating  the  same  order, 
notwithstanding  the  adverse  reports  of  the  most  excellent 
Marques  de  Croix,  the  predecessor  of  Your  Excellency,  and 
of  the  visitor-general,  Don  Joseph  de  Galvez,  which  holds 
that  it  is  not  expedient  for  the  royal  service  that  one  Order 
only,  and  much  less  that  one  single  convent  or  college,  should 
occupy  a peninsula  so  extensive  as  is  the  one  in  question ; and 
likewise  considering  that  this  single  college  at  this  day  not 
only  has  charge  over  the  whole  peninsula,  but  also  over  the 
whole  territory  discovered  between  the  port  of  San  Diego  to 
that  of  San  Francisco,  which  covers  about  two  hundred 
leagues  of  land ; and  bearing  in  mind  that  this  division  must 
have,  according  to  the  royal  decree,  distinct  frontier  bound- 
aries corresponding  to  the  Orders,  yet  so  separated  and  inde- 
pendent as  to  roads  that  the  members  of  one  do  not  embar- 
rass the  others  and  in  this  way  avoid  the  dissensions  which 
could  result  from  the  contrary ; and  likewise  considering  that 
the  whole  peninsula,  on  account  of  the  character  of  the  coun- 
try, does  not  permit  a variety  of  roads,  for  it  has  only  one 
frontier  establishment,  which  is  that  of  San  Fernando  Ve- 
licata,  since  the  locality  called  San  Juan  de  Dios,  which  was 
thought  suitable  for  another  frontier  mission  (according  to 
said  Captain  Don  Fernando  Rivera  y Moncada,  who  has  re- 
peatedly investigated  it  thoroughly),  is  not  suitable  for  even 
one  rancho,  which  is  also  the  opinion  of  several  Fathers  of 
this  College,  which  in  all  obedience  we  submit  to  Your  Excel- 
lency, in  order  that  time  and  the  pious  donations  be  not  spent 
uselessly ; in  view  of  all  that  has  been  said,  and  wishing  to 
comply  punctually  with  the  sovereign  will  of  our  Catholic 
monarch,  they  have  agreed  to  the  following  division : That 


Dominicans  Supplant  the  Franciscans  467 

the  Dominican  Fathers  take  charge  of  the  old  missions  which 
this  College  has  in  California  and  the  said  frontier  mission 
of  San  Fernando  Velicata,  and  continuing  their  new  missions 
in  that  direction  until  they  reach  the  boundaries  of  the  Mis- 
sion of  San  Diego  at  its  port,  placing  their  last  mission  at 
the  Arroyo  of  San  Juan  Bautista,  which  will  have  its  limits 
five  leagues  farther  beyond  at  a point  which,  leaving  the 
Sierra  Madre,  terminates  before  it  reaches  the  coast,  and  hav- 
ing arrived  there  they  may  turn  to  the  eastward  with  a slight 
deviation  towards  the  northeast,  so  that  they  will  have  to 
emerge  at  the  end  of  the  Gulf  of  California  and  the  Colorado 
River,  and  thereafter  following  the  direction  which  Your 
Excellency  has  assigned  them  at  the  royal  council ; and  if  in 
the  territory  between  the  Rio  Colorado  and  said  San  Diego 
a suitable  road  be  found  for  the  north  or  northeast  they  may 
also  take  it  without  prejudice  to  the  other  Order;  and  that 
the  Fathers  of  the  College  of  San  Fernando  may  maintain 
the  establishments  they  occupy  from  said  port  of  San  Diego 
following  the  road  they  hold  to  Monterey,  the  port  of  San 
Francisco,  and  farther  beyond. 

“In  this  manner,  Most  Excellent  Sir,  it  will  be  arranged 
that  the  extensive  coast  of  the  South  Sea  of  California  and 
the  interior  beyond  be  not  in  charge  of  only  one  Order,  which 
seems  to  be  the  principal  objection  of  our  sovereign,  and  that 
the  two  Orders  of  Dominican  and  Franciscan  Fathers  may 
have  in  California  their  separate  territory ; and  we  do  not 
think  it  inconvenient  for  the  College  of  San  Fernando  to  give 
up  the  said  missions,  because  otherwise  the  principal  object 
of  His  Majesty  cannot  be  realized,  for  which  reason  the 
aforesaid  Fr.  Guardian  most  gladly  makes  a surrender  of 
them,  hoping  that,  with  the  efficacious  provisions  which  Your 
Excellency  has  made,  the  new  missions  at  the  said  ports  of 
San  Diego  and  Monterey  will  be  able  to  subsist,  and  likewise 
that  you  will  provide  a sufficient  number  of  large  and  small 
stock  for  each  of  the  new  establishments,  as  he  has  petitioned 
Your  Excellency  in  the  Memorial  which  he  presented  under 
date  of  October  26,  1771,  in  order  that,  since  this  conquest 
is  of  such  great  importance  and  consequence,  as  His  Majesty 


468  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


expresses  himself  in  the  royal  decree  mentioned,  you  will  not 
withdraw  your  powerful  hand  until  it  is  perfectly  accom- 
plished, even  in  case  (which  God  may  not  permit)  that  some 
misfortune  should  occur  at  the  aforesaid  port  of  San  Diego, 
or  at  any  of  the  other  missions.  Meanwhile  they  humbly 
supplicate  Your  Excellency  to  give  your  approbation  to  the 
said  agreement,  and  at  the  same  time  to  command  that  it 
have  its  due  effect  by  giving  to  each'  an  authentic  certificate 
with  the  decision  of  Your  Excellency  in  which  they  shall 
receive  favor,  etc.  Mexico,  April  7,  1772. — Fr.  Rafael  Ver- 
ger, Guardian;  Fr.  Juan  Pedro  de  Iriarte,  Vicar-General." 

On  April  24th,  1772,  Viceroy  Bucareli  referred  the  docu- 
ment to  the  royal  council  which  met  on  the  30th  of  the  same 
month.  This  body  was  composed  of  the  viceroy,  the  two 
judges  of  the  supreme  court,  Don  Domingo  Valcarcel  y 
Fonseca  and  Don  Jose  Rodriguez  del  Toro,  Don  Jose  Anto- 
nio de  Areche,  Don  Juan  Crisostomo  Barrueta,  and  the 
following  minor  government  officials : Don  Santiago  Abad, 

Don  Pedro  Toral  Valdes,  Don  Juan  Antonio  Gutierrez  de 
Herrera,  Don  Fernando  Mecia,  treasurer,  Don  Fernando 
Mangino,  auditor-general,  and  Don  Juan  Antonio  Arce 
y Arroyo.  The  Concordato  was  examined  and  unanimously 
approved.  The  council  also  decided  that  the  Dominicans 
should  receive  from  the  Pious  Fund  the  same  allowance 
granted  to  the  Franciscans,  that  is  to  say,  three  hundred  and 
fifty  dollars  a year  for  each  missionary ; that  one  year’s  allow- 
ance should  be  advanced  and  the  time  computed  from  the 
day  they  received  the  missions;  that  the  Franciscans  should 
take  a receipt  for  everything  they  transferred  by  inventory 
at  each  mission,  which  inventory  signed  by  the  two  presi- 
dentes  of  the  missions  must  be  forwarded  to  the  viceroy  with 
a full  report  as  to  the  number  of  souls  and  the  property  in 
each  mission ; and  that  the  same  method  and  formality  should 
be  observed  by  both  Orders  every  year,  so  that  the  viceroy 
have  a full  knowledge  of  the  progress  made  in  the  spiritual 

Such  a disaster  occurred  at  San  Diego  only  three  years  later. 

12  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum;  "Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom. 
j,  cap.  XXX,  204-207;  “Vida,”  cap.  xxv,  117-118. 


Dominicans  Supplant  the  Franciscans  469 

conquest  by  the  respective  missionary  establishments.  More- 
over, the  council  directed  that  the  traveling  expenses  of  the 
missionaries,  the  one  thousand  dollars  in  aid  of  each  new 
mission,  and  the  amount  necessary  to  procure  the  requisite 
vestments  and  sacred  vessels,  should  be  paid  from  the  Pious 
Fund  of  California.  Finally,  an  abstract  of  these  proceedings 
was  ordered  to  be  drawn  up  and  sent  to  the  bishop  of 
Guadalajara  for  his  information.  These  resolutions  were 
approved  by  Viceroy  Bucareli  on  May  12th,  1772,  and  thus 
became  the  law  that  regulated  the  conduct  of  the  two  mis- 
sionary bodies. 

Along  with  a copy  of  the  Concordato  Fr.  Palou  received 
from  the  viceroy  the  following  communication : “The  Rev. 

Fr.  Guardian  of  the  Apostolic  College  of  Sah  Fernando,  hav- 
ing explained  at  this  court  that  there  existed  in  possession  of 
Your  Paternity  various  goods  belonging  to  the  new  missions 
which  were  to  be  founded  between  San  Fernando  de  Ve- 
licata  and  the  port  of  San  Diego,  but  now  in  charge  of  the 
Rev.  Father  Fray  Juan  Pedro  de  Iriarte,  vicar  of  the  Domin- 
ican religious.  Your  Paternity  will  turn  them  over  to  him, 
taking  a receipt,  which  you  will  forward  to  this  general  office, 
of  the  goods  in  possession,  with  the  statement  of  their  value, 
which  the  said  guardian  tells  me  has  amounted  to  nine  hundred 
and  eighty-eight  dollars,  the  expenses  of  transportation  in- 
cluded, under  which  assumption  charge  has  been  given  by 
the  same  office  to  the  said  vicar.  God  keep  Your  Paternity 
many  years.  Mexico,  May  4th,  1772. — Antonio  Bucareli  y 
Ursua.”  1* 

Under  date  of  June  10th,  1772,  the  Fr.  Guardian  himself 
informed  Fr.  Palou  about  the  transaction.  Besides  repeating 
the  instructions  of  the  viceroy,  he  added  that  he  had  asked 
Bucareli  to  permit  four  of  the  Fathers  stationed  in  Lower 
California  to  join  their  brethren  in  the  north,  in  order  to 
found  the  missions  of  Santa  Clara  and  San  Francisco,  whilst 


13  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 

11  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxx,  207-216. 


470  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

the  rest  of  the  friars  returned  to  the  College.  Later  the 
same  Fr.  Guardian,  Rafael  Verger,  notified  Palou  that  the 
viceroy  had  granted  his  petition ; that  the  College  discretos 
had  named  Fathers  Marcelino  Senra,  Jose  Antonio  Mur- 
guia,  Ramon  Uson,  and  Juan  Figuer;  that  if  Palou  himself 
wished  to  go  to  the  northern  missions,  he  might  take  Fr. 
Senra’s  place;  and  that  if  any  of  the  other  three  should 
rather  retire  to  Mexico  he  could  substitute  any  one  of  those 
that  might  volunteer.  The  four  missionaries  were  to  pro- 
ceed to  San  Diego  by  land,  as  the  viceroy  had  ordered  the 
governor  to  provide  everything  necessary;  but  if  no  pro- 
visions had  been  made,  they  should  cross  over  to  San  Bias 
and  await  an  opportunity  to  go  by  sea,  because  the  viceroy 
had  also  consented  to  this  alternative.  . 

On  June  23d,  1772,  Fr.  Rafael  Verger  notified  Fr.  Palou 
that  he  had  arranged  with  the  viceroy  about  the  mules  and 
horses  which  were  to  be  procured  from  Sonora  for  Upper 
California,  and  also  about  the  large  and  small  stock  which 
was  to  be  furnished  by  the  subjoined  missions,  and  that  the 
governor  would  receive  instructions  from  Bucareli  to  the 
same  effect.  Palou  gives  the  different  classes  of  animals, 
which  were  mainly  intended  for  breeding  purposes,  distinctly 
as  to  sex,  kind,  etc.  Only  the  species  are  named  here.  The 
respective  missions  were  taxed  to  supply  the  stock  as  follows : 

Mission  San  Borja:  seventy-five  cattle,  forty-six  horses, 
three  mules,  sixty-six  sheep,  and  two  hundred  and  twenty 
goats ; 

Mission  Santa  Gertrudis:  forty-one  horses,  two  mules,  sixty- 
six  sheep,  and  one  hundred  and  ten  goats ; 

Mission  San  Ignacio:  twenty-one  horses,  seven  mules,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  sheep,  and  fifty-six  goats ; 

Mission  Guadalupe:  ten  mules,  two  hundred  and  forty 
sheep,  and  ninety  goats. 


15  It  was  one  of  the  great  drawbacks  that  in  the  Spanish  domin- 
ions the  ecclesiastical  superiors  could  not,  without  the  secular  gov- 
ernment, determine  how  many  missionaries  should  be  stationed 
in  the  missionary  field;  they  were  only  permitted  to  designate  them. 

16  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxx,  216-220.  See  Appendix  H. 


Dominicans  Supplant  the  Franciscans  471 


All  these  animals  were  to  be  collected  in  suitable  places  and 
driven  overland  to  the  north  in  due  time.  Swine  were  to 
be  brought  to  San  Diego  by  ship  directly  from  Sonora. 

The  letter  with  a copy  of  the  Concordato  reached  Cali- 
fornia at  the  end  of  August,  1772,  and,  says  Palou,  “the  news 
was  received  with  the  ringing  of  bells  and  a High  Mass  of 
thanksgiving  for  it  to  God.” 

17  Ibidem,  220-222;  tom.  iv,  3. 

18  “La  que  se  recibio  con  repique  de  campanas  y con  una  Misa 
Cantada  dando  gracias  a Dios  por  ello.”  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom. 
i,  cap.  XXX,  222. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


The  Franciscans  Rejoice. — Fr.  Junipero  Serra’s  Letter. — Fathers 
Going  North. — The  Dominicans  Arrive. — One  of  them  Dies. — 
Fathers  Retiring. — Drowning  of  the  Dominican  Superior. — The 
New  Superior. — Barri  Makes  Charges  against  the  Franciscans. — 
Palou  Delivers  Mission  Documents. — More  Dominicans  Arrive. 
— Palou  Formally  Transfers  Mission  Loreto. — Agreement  Be- 
tween Dominicans  and  Franciscans. — Barri’s  Animosity. — Fails 
to  Enlist  the  Dominicans. — Strange  Conduct  of  Fr.  Mora. 

HEN  Fr.  Palou  received  the  joyful  news  of  the  sur- 


render of  the  missions,  he  directed  the  friars  to  pre- 
pare their  inventories  and  the  lists  of  the  Indians  at  their 
respective  establishments,  so  that  when  “our  brethren  and 
successors”  arrived  they  should  have  nothing  more  to  do 
than  sign  the  papers,  turn  over  the  property,  and  embark  at 
the  first  opportunity.  The  four  Fathers  named  for  the  north- 
ern missions  were  told  to  proceed  to  San  Fernando  de  Ve- 
licata  and  on  the  first  occasion  to  proceed  overland  to  San 
Diego;  but  as  two  of  the  Upper  California  missionaries,  Fr. 
Angel  Somera  and  Fr.  Pedro  Cambon,  had  already  retired 
from  Mission  San  Gabriel  to  Lower  California  for  the  pur- 
pose of  making  their  way  to  the  College  on  account  of  ill- 
health,  it  appeared  that,  instead  of  four  missionaries,  six 
would  have  to  go  north.  Not  having  authority  to  decide  the 
matter,  Fr.  Palou  wrote  to  Fr.  Serra  and  asked  him  whether 
or  not  more  religious  were  needed.  At  the  same  time  he 
reported  to  the  Fr.  Guardian  and  recommended  that  a few 
supernumeraries  be  sent  to  Monterey,  lest  in  the  case  of  sick- 
ness or  death  a missionary  be  left  alone  at  his  post  for  a long 
period.  The  delay  in  the  arrival  of  the  Dominicans  afforded 
ample  time  for  replies  to  both  letters.  ^ 

Meanwhile  Fr.  Serra  had  found  it  necessary  to  present  some 
grievances  to  the  viceroy  in  person,  and  therefore  Fr.  Palou’s 
letter  did  not  reach  him ; but  from  two  of  the  first  friars  that 
retired  from  the  peninsula  to  the  mother-house,  and  whom 

1 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxi,  222-224. 


Serra  to  Palou;  Barri’s  Animosity 


473 


he  met  at  Tep'ic,  Serra  learned  the  contents  of  the  letter  which 
had  gone  north,  and  accordingly  addressed  the  following  inter- 
esting communication  to  Fr.  Palou  before  continuing  his  jour- 
ney to  the  capital : 

“Rev.  Father  and  Presidente,  Fray  Francisco  Palou. — 
Dearest  Friend  and  Sir:  If  your  Reverence  has  received  my 
letter  from  San  Diego,  you  will  know  of  my  embarkation 
which  through  the  mercy  of  God  was  prosperous ; for  we 
dropped  anchor  at  San  Bias  fifteen  days  after  setting  sail, 
and  I disembarked  on  the  fourth  of  the  present  month.  It 
was  then  that  I heard  the  good  news  that  the  total  sur- 
render of  your  missions  had  been  accepted.  Having  arrived 
here  on  the  seventh  at  this  hospice  of  Tepic,  I learned  from 
Fathers  Antonio  Martinez  and  Vincente  Imas  (the  rest  have 
already  departed  for  Mexico),  that  Your  Reverence  had  des- 
patched a courier  to  me  for  San  Diego,  who  must  have 
arrived  there  a little  after  my  departure. 

“Fr.  Martinez  tells  me  that  the  Rev.  Fr.  Guardian  of  the 
twenty  and  more  missionaries,  who  still  remain  in  the  ancient 
missions,  had  destined  four  for  the  new  ones,  and  that  Your 
Reverence  wanted  to  know  from  me  whether  more  religious 
were  needed.  To  this  I reply  that  it  seems  to  me  a great  pity 
that  the  religious  must  depart  who  are  now  on  the  point  of 
returning  from  so  great  a distance  at  great  expense  and  hard- 
ship. Fr.  Cruzado  has  the  license  for  which  he  asked  and 
which  is  well  due  him,  because  he  has  labored  and  can  do 
no  more.  Fr.  Paterna  merely  at  my  request  may  be  able 
to  continue,  if  he  take  the  more  favorable  view ; but  he  also 
has  his  license  to  depart.  I have  asked  for  a third  mission- 
ary for  Monterey  so  that  I can  move  about,  because  two 
Masses  are  indispensable  there  on  all  feastdays,  one  for  the 
mission  and  one  for  the  presidio.  I shall  believe  that  they 
will  be  pleased  at  the  College  to  have  the  missions  of  San 
Buenaventura  and  Santa  Clara  as  well  as  that  of  our  Father 
San  Francisco  founded,  which  with  the  assistance  I hope  to 
obtain  ought  not  to  be  difficult.  On  the  other  hand,  it  seems 
to  me  expedient  that  at  some  of  the  missions  which  lie  far 


474  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


apart  there  ought  to  be  one  or  another  supernumerary,  espe- 
cially when  there  is  no  need  of  economizing. 

“For  all  that,  to  be  brief,  it  would  be  my  opinion  that  eight 
or  ten  should  go  up  there  until  my  return,  or  until  the  arrival 
of  the  first  ship;  then  those  that  consider  themselves  super- 
fluous might  depart  on  that  vessel,  so  that,  supposing  the 
return  trip  is  tolerable,  as  is  the  case  when  the  wind  is  favor- 
able, not  much  would  be  lost.  However,  they  will  say  that 
the  maintenance  of  so  many  might  render  my  proposition 
difficult.  To  this  I reply  that  for  the  present  there  is  enough 
to  eat,  and  that  the  rations  need  not  fail  them.  I hope  to 
God  that  in  much  less  than  a year,  which  I believe  it  might 
take  for  the  supplies  to  arrive,  they  need  not  perish. 

“Fr.  Martinez  likewise  tells  me  that  Your  Reverence  is 
one  of  those  that  have  permission  from  the  Fr.  Guardian  to 
depart,  though  it  is  left  to  your  choice.  If  Your  Reverence 
determine  that  we  live  and  die  there,  it  will  be  of  much  con- 
solation to  me;  but  I only  say  that  Your  Reverence  should 
act  as  God  inspires  you,  and  that  I shall  conform  myself  to 
the  will  of  God.  I also  say  that  my  proposition  as  to  said 
number  of  missionaries  is  my  wish  and  I hope  that  it  may 
come  to  pass,  if  the  tenor  of  the  letter  of  the  Rev.  Fr.  Guard- 
ian is  in  terms  that  are  somewhat  indifferent,  or  admit  some 
kind  of  interpretation  so  that  it  take  place ; for  if  he  com- 
manded peremptorily  that  four  should  go  there,  and  that 
the  rest  should  return  to  the  College,  I have  no  more  to  say 
than  that  God  remedy  it,  and  in  the  meantime  let  us  observe 
obedience. 

“If  there  had  been  time  to  write  this  to  the  Fr.  Guardian, 
to  receive  a reply,  and  a possibility  to  put  the  disposal  of  the 
religious  in  the  hands  of  Your  Reverence,  all  might  be  easily 
arranged ; but  I do  not  consider  this  possible.  I set  out  to- 
morrow with  the  favor  of  God  in  pursuit  of  my  journey. 
I recommend  myself  to  all  my  dear  brethren,  known  or  un- 
known to  me,  and  remain  praying  that  God  keep  Your  Rev- 
erence many  years  in  His  holy  love  and  grace.  Hospice  of 


Serra  to  Palou;  Barri’s  Animosity  475 

Santa  Cruz,  Tepic,  November  10th,  1772. — Fr.  Junipero 
Serra.”  ^ 

“It  seems  that  Almighty  God  listened  to  the  fervent  aspira- 
tions of  His  faithful  steward,  who  with  so  much  solicitude 
sought  laborers  for  the  spiritual  vineyard,”  says  Fr.  Palou; 
for  along  with  Serra’s  letter  came  one  from  the  Fr.  Guardian 
written  on  November  11th,  1772,  a day  later  than  the  pre- 
ceding one,  which  was  in  reply  to  Fr.  Palou’s  of  September, 
in  which  the  latter  had  recommended  that  at  least  eight  or 
ten  religious  proceed  from  the  peninsula  to  the  north  on  the 
arrival  of  the  Dominicans.  The  Fr.  Guardian  granted  the 
request  in  these  words : “I  approve  of  the  plan  that  the 

Fathers  go  to  Monterey;  I only  fear  that  the  government 
will  not  be  willing  to  grant  the  allowance  for  the  one  that 
attends  the  presidio.”  ^ 

Fr.  Palou,  accordingly,  decided  that  besides  Fathers  Uson 
and  Figuer,  who  were  already  on  the  way,  the  following 
eight  peninsula  friars  should  go  to  Upper  California:  Fr. 

Jose  Antonio  Murguia,  named  by  the  College;  Fr.  Pedro 
Cambon,  who  had  recovered  his  health  and  urgently  asked 
to  be  returned  to  the  north ; Fathers  Juan  Prestamero,  Gre- 
gorio Amurrio,  Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen,  Francisco  Palou, 
Vincente  Fuster,  and  Miguel  Campa.  The  last  named  had  re- 
ceived the  appointment  of  presidente  from  the  Fr.  Guardian, 
which  office  he  was  to  exercise  in  the  absence  of  Fr.  Palou. 
He  was  to  remain  at  Loreto  after  the  arrival  of  the  Domini- 
cans, in  order  to  receive  the  livestock  granted  by  the  viceroy 
for  the  Upper  California  missions,  and  with  it  to  make  his 
way  to  San  Diego  later.  * 

Meanwhile  the  Franciscans  eagerly  awaited  the  coming  of 
their  successors  so  that  they  might  be  able  to  turn  over  the 
missions.  At  leng^th,  on  October  14th,  1772,  ten  Dominicans, 


2 Palou,  “Vida,”  cap.  xxxiv,  148-149;  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxi, 
224-227.  There  are  serious  discrepancies  between  the  two  copies, 
and  the  reprint  in  Doyle’s  edition  of  the  “Noticias”  like  the  whole 
work  is  full  of  typographical  errors. 

3 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxi,  227-228;  “Vida,”  pp.  149-150. 

4 Palou,  “Noticias,”  ut  supra,  228-229;  tom.  iv,  4. 


476  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


nine  priests  and  one  lay-brother,  arrived  at  Lx>reto  in  the 
Laurctana,  and  brought  the  news  that  their  presidente  with 
additional  friars  would  soon  arrive  on  the  Concepcion,  which 
had  sailed  from  San  Bias  at  the  same  time.  They  were  all 
affectionately  welcomed  by  the  Franciscans.  Several  of  the 
new-comers  were  ill,  and  one  of  them  so  much  so  that  he 
died  ten  days  after  landing.  The  funeral  for  the  deceased 
was  held  with  all  possible  solemnity.  Unfortunately  for  the 
Franciscans,  who  were  anxious  to  leave,  the  Dominicans  had 
brought  no  papers  whatever,  nor  had  any  of  them  received 
any  higher  appointment,  as  they  had  expected  to  find  their 
superior,  Fr.  Iriarte,  who  alone  possessed  authority,  on  the 
peninsula.  For  this  reason  the  missions  could  not  be  formally 
transferred.  Though  the  Franciscans  at  different  times  of- 
fered to  withdraw,  the  Dominicans  would  not  accept  the  mis- 
sions, and  therefore  remained  at  Loreto  merely  as  guests  until 
their  superior  should  appear.  A few  days  after,  on  October 
19th,  the  following  Franciscans  availed  themselves  of  the 
permission  to  return  to  their  College;  Fathers  Antonio  Mar- 
tinez, Francisco  Echasco,  Angel  Somera,  who  had  come  from 
San  Gabriel  in  the  north,  Martin  Palacios,  Vincente  Imas, 
and  Pedro  Arriguibar.  They  safely  reached  San  Bias  eleven 
days  later.  On  December  2d  Fathers  Fernando  Parron  and 
Manuel  Lago  followed  them  in  the  Laurctana.  ® 

After  waiting  in  vain  a long  time  for  the  appearance  of 
the  Concepcion,  the  nine  Dominicans  proposed  to  let  four  of 
their  number  go  to  the  neighboring  missions  in  order  to  lessen 
the  expenses  of  the  mission  at  Loreto.  Fr.  Palou  readily  con- 
sented. Two  accordingly  went  to  San  Jose  de  Comundu 
and  two  others  proceeded  to  San  Xavier,  leaving  four  Fathers 
and  one  lay-brother  in  great  peace  and  harmony  with  the 
Franciscans  at  Loreto.  ® On  Holy  Thursday  night,  April  8th, 
1773,  a barkentine  at  last  brought  the  sad  news  that  the 
Concepcion  had  suffered  shipwreck,  that  Fr.  Presidente  Iri- 
arte and  two  Fathers  had  drowned,  and  that  the  rest,  after 

6“Noticias,”  tom.  i,  229-230. 

® “siguiendo  con  grande  paz  y union  sin  haber  habido  lo  mas 
minimo.” 


Serra  to  Palou;  Barri’s  Animosity 


477 


terrible  sufTerings  both  by  sea  and  land,  had  reached  Tama- 
zula.  One  other  Father  had  died  at  Guadalajara,  so  that 
with  the  one  who  had  passed  away  at  Loreto  the  Dominicans 
lost  five  of  their  number  before  they  were  able  to  enter  upon 
their  duties  in  the  California  missions.  Fr.  Vincente  Mora 
also  received  unofficial  letters  which  informed  him  that  he 
had  been  appointed  presidente  of  the  Dominican  missionaries. 
Fr.  Palou  thereupon  offered  to  turn  over  the  missions  at 
once;  but  Fr.  Mora  declined  to  accept  them  until  he  had 
received  official  notice  of  his  appointment.  He  agreed  to 
accept  the  vestments,  sacred  vessels,  and  other  goods  intended 
for  the  five  new  missions  which  were  to  be  founded  between 
San  Fernando  de  Velicata  and  San  Diego. 

In  obedience,  then,  to  the  letter  of  the  viceroy  of  June  4th, 
1772,  * Fr.  Palou  transferred  everything  pertaining  to  those 
oft-mentioned  missions,  which  it  had  not  been  possible  to 
establish.  Everything  was  minutely  described  and  enumerated 
with  great  care,  “because,”  says  Fr.  Palou,  “the  governor 
of  the  peninsula,  Don  Felipe  Barri,  had  told  the  said  Fathers 
(Dominicans)  as  soon  as  they  had  landed,  that  we  had  robbed 
the  missions  by  taking  away  from  the  churches  and  sacristies 
vestments  and  sacred  vessels  of  silver  for  the  missions  of 
Monterey.”  After  making  themelves  acquainted  with  the 
conditions,  the  Dominicans  had  found  the  charge  of  the 
malevolent  governor  to  be  false  and  so  testified  in  a docu- 
ment drawn  up  in  the  beginning  of  December  1772:®  “That 
to  them  it  was  evident  that  the  charge  of  the  governor  was 
a false  imputation,  for  nothing  was  missing  at  the  old  mis- 
sions, and  that  all  belonging  to  the  new  missions  was  sepa- 
rated in  order  to  deliver  it  at  the  same  time  with  the  missions, 
and  that  the  baggage  of  the  two  religious,  who  were  retir- 
ing, contained  nothing  more  than  their  bedding,  clothing,  and 
some  poor  articles  for  their  use;  that  they  (the  Dominicans) 


7 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxii,  229-232. 

8 See  preceding  chapter. 

® Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxiii,  232-235. 

10  The  Franciscans  Fr.  Fernando  Parron  and  Manuel  Lago. 
“Noticias,”  tom.  iv,  p.  18. 


478  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


so  certified  and  if  it  were  necessary  they  would  swear  to  it 
upon  the  word  of  a priest.”  The  Dominicans  who  signed 
the  document  were  Fr.  Vincente  Mora,  Fr.  Jose  Ibar,  and 
Fr.  Jose  Esteves. 

“In  like  manner,”  Palou  continues  his  narrative,  “I  turned 
over  the  inventory  of  all  the  mules,  horses,  cattle,  and  other 
things  which  by  order  of  the  inspector  had  been  taken  from 
the  missions  for  the  expeditions  to  San  Diego  and  Monterey 
by  the  captain  of  the  presidio,  Don  Fernando  Rivera  y Mon- 
cada,  together  with  the  original  receipt  of  the  said  captain, 
which  he  had  left  with  his  signature  for  the  purpose  of  com- 
plying with  or  satisfying  the  command,  as  also  for  the  pur- 
pose of  showing  who  took  them  and  how,  so  that  in  case 
less  were  found  in  the  respective  inventories  of  the  missions 


Fac-slmlle  of  Rivera’s  signature. 


the  said  taking  away  of  the  horses  and  cattle  might  not  be 
attributed  to  the  missionaries.” 

“For  the  same  reason  I made  the  Rev.  Fr.  Presidente  (of 
the  Dominicans)  see  that  the  small  flock  of  sheep  which  after- 
wards was  taken  from  San  Borja  along  with  some  young 
mares  and  a few  mules  of  said  Mission  Santa  Gertrudis  had 

“Que  a ellos  les  constaba  era  falsa  impostura  del  scnor 
gobernador,  pues  no  faltaba  nada  de  las  misiones  antiguas,  y 
que  lo  perteneciente  a las  nuevas  estaba  separado  para  entregarlo 
al  mismo  tienipo  que  las  misiones  y que  las  cargas  de  los  dos 
religiosos  que  se  iban  no  contenian  otra  cosa  que  las  camas,  ropa 
y pobres  utensilios  de  su  uso,  que  lo  certificaban  y si  necesario 
fuera  lo  juraran  IN  VERBO  S.\CERDOTIS,  firmando  la  certifi- 
cacion  los  dichos  tres  Padres  que  fueron  los  Rev.  Fr.  Vincente 
Mora,  Fr.  Jose  Ibar  y Fr.  Jose  Esteves.”  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom. 
iv,  19-20. 


Serra  to  Palou;  Barri’s  Animosity  479 


been  entirely  paid  for  by  the  two  missions  of  San  Diego  and 
San  Gabriel,  with  notes  from  the  soldiers  which  they  had 
given  in  payment  for  what  they  owed  the  said  two  missions, 
and  they  turned  thern  over  to  San  Borja  and  Santa  Ger- 
trudis,  which  the  Rev.  Fr.  Presidente  himself  received  to 
make  payment  with  them  at  the  royal  warehouse.  With  this 
he  appeared  satisfied,  for  we  had  also  been  accused  of  having 
taken  cattle  and  horses  from  the  northern  missions  (those 
south  of  Velicata)  for  the  sake  of  Monterey,  though  all  this 
had  occurred  before  we  had  surrendered  the  said  missions, 
and  by  order  of  his  excellency,  the  Marques  de  Croix.  This 
was  well  known  to  the  governor,  the  author  of  the  misrepre- 
sentations ; for  his  excellency  in  the  first  chapter  of  his  In- 
structions, dated  November  12th,  1770,  had  directed  him 
as  follows:  ‘The  new  governor  in  accord  with  the  said  Fr. 

Presidente,  Fr.  Francisco  Palou,  will  take  the  steps  which 
may  appear  to  him  opportune  and  efifective,  in  order  that  the 
founding  of  the  said  missions  may  be  realized,  and  in  order 
that  they  may  not  lack  what  is  necessary  for  their  support, 
availing  himself,  if  it  be  necessary,  of  just  measures  in  order 
that  the  ancient  missions  nearest  the  frontier  aid  the  new  ones.’ 
Despite  this  command,  and  although  it  was  known  to  said 
gentleman  that  the  inspector-general  had  communicated  to 
me  the  same  things  in  the  instructions  he  left  me  (which  I 
also  turned  over  to  Fr.  Presidente  Mora),  the  governor  spread 
abroad  that  we  had  robbed  the  missions  and  had  taken  cattle 
away ; but  through  this  care  which  we  exercised  the  practise 
of  the  College  of  San  Fernando  became  manifest.” 

Fr.  Palou  also  states  that  he  had  turned  over  all  the  decrees 
issued  by  Inspector-General  Galvez,  the  orders  and  regula- 
tions of  Governor  Matias  de  Armona,  and  copies  of  all  the 
Memorials  presented  to  the  viceroy  with  the  replies  and  favors 
received.  The  account-books  showed  that  the  missions  had 
no  debts,  but  that  they  possessed  a fund  of  “two  thousand 
sixty-three  dollars  and  three  and  one-half  reales  in  silver ; five 
thousand  nine  hundred  and  twelve  dollars,  seven  reales,  and 


12  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iv,  11-15;  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxiii,  235-236. 


480  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

four  cuartillas  due  them  at  the  royal  warehouse  for  prod- 
uce delivered  there ; and  two  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
nine  dollars  and  four  reales,  and  three  and  one-half  cuartillas 
in  notes  due  them,  which  altogether  amounted  to  the  sum  of 
ten  thousand  and  forty-six  dollars,  a gain  of  one  thousand 
and  eighty-five  dollars  over  the  amount  left  by  the  Jesuits 
five  years  before.” 

The  worthy  presidente  of  the  Fernandinos  further  explains 
how  even  the  very  alms  given  the  Fathers  by  private  persons 
were  applied,  which  conclusively  proves  the  disinterestedness 
of  the  friars  whom  Governor  Barri  and  many  later  officials, 
besides  a number  of  so-called  historians,  deemed  it  profitable 
to  accuse  of  greed.  “Likewise,”  says  Fr.  Palou,  “I  showed 
him  (the  Dominican  Fr.  Mora)  from  the  books  of  our  sindico 
that  the  missionaries  had  applied  the  alms  received  for  all 
the  Masses,  which  had  been  asked  of  them,  to  the  mission 
fund,  thus  making  one  amount  of  whatever  was  received ; 
that  from  the  account-book  it  was  shown  that  the  said  alms 
during  the  five  years  of  our  administration  amounted  to  one 
thousand  six  hundred  and  forty-one  dollars,  which  sum  the 
missionaries  had  added  to  help  support  the  missions,  besides 
all  that  remained  from  the  sinodos  or  annual  allowance,  which 
had  come  from  Mexico  and  which  had  been  used  in  purchas- 
ing clothing  and  implements,  whence  in  the  inventories  of 
the  respective  missions  the  increase  in  tools  and  furniture,  as 
well  for  the  house  as  for  the  church  and  sacristy  could  be 
explained,  and  without  which  the  Indians  would  have  lacked 
the  annual  assistance  in  clothing  and  ordinary  food,  which 
caused  the  same  Indians  to  confess  that  they  had  never  fared 
better.” 

The  Concepcion  and  Lauretana  with  eighteen  Dominican 
friars,  all  priests,  whose  arrival  the  Franciscans  had  anxiously 

13  The  real  is  equal  to  twelve  and  one-half  cents;  the  cuartilla 
is  one-fourth  of  a real. 

14  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxiii,  237-238.  “The  result 
showed,”  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  736,  acknowledges, 
“that  all  was  in  perfect  order.” 

15  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxiii,  239. 


FR.  FRAXCISCO  PALOU,  O.  F.  M. 


I 


I 


Serra  to  Palou;  Barri’s  Animosity  481 


desired,  at  last  reached  the  port  of  Loreto,  and  the  Fathers 
landed  on  the  evening  of  May  12th,  1773,  heartily  welcomed 
by  both  missionary  families.  Three  High  Masses  of  thanks- 
giving were  offered  up ; whereupon  the  Dominicans  were 
assigned  to  the  different  missions  by  their  presidente,  Fr.  Vin- 
cente Mora.  Eight  missionaries  went  to  the  establishments 
in  the  interior,  six  turned  to  the  mission  pueblos  of  Todos 
Santos,  Santiago  de  los  Coras,  and  San  Jose  del  Cabo  in 
the  south,  ten  proceeded  in  a bark  and  two  launches  to  Mulege 
to  receive  the  missions  of  the  north,  and  Fr.  Mora  with  one 
Father  and  the  lay-brother  remained  at  Loreto. 

As  soon  as  the  missionaries  had  been  assigned  to  their  re- 
spective field  of  labor,  the  formal  transfer  of  the  missions 
themselves  took  place.  The  beginning  was  made  at  Loreto. 
At  the  sound  of  the  bell  all  the  Indians  assembled  in  the 
church,  whereupon  the  roll  was  called.  This  was  followed 
by  a sermon,  probably  delivered  by  Fr.  Palou,  though  in 
relating  the  incident  he  does  not  say  so,  in  which  the  natives 
were  admonished  to  recognize  henceforth  in  Fr.  Presidente 
Mora  and  his  companion  their  spiritual  fathers  and  mission- 
aries, who  for  that  purpose  had  been  sent  by  the  king,  because 
the  Franciscans  were  to  leave  for  the  new  missions  of  Mon- 
terey. Then  Fr.  Mora  addressed  the  people.  He  told  the 
Indians  that  the  new  missionaries  would  look  upon  them 
and  attend  to  them  as  children,  and  he  hoped  they  would  all 
conduct  themselves  as  such  by  being  punctual  at  the  catechism, 
the  prayers,  and  everjdihing  else  pertaining  to  mission  order. 
This  function  concluded,  the  church  and  sacristy  were  deliv- 
ered up  with  all  their  contents,  and  in  like  manner  everything 
in  the  house  or  the  field.  Then  three  copies  were  made  of 
the  inventories,  one  for  the  viceroy,  one  for  the  Fr.  Guardian, 
and  one  to  remain  in  the  mission  archive,  which  were  signed 
by  both  presidentes. 

On  May  17th,  five  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  last  Do- 
minicans, the  following  agreement  or  concordato  was  drawn 

16  “Deseabamos  con  vivas  ansias  la  llegada  de  los  Padres.” 

17  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxiv,  240-241;  tom.  iv,  23. 

18  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxiv,  241-242. 


482  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

up  and  signed  by  the  two  superiors,  which  is  ample  evidence 
and  typical  of  the  fraternal  feeling  existing  between  the  two 
Orders : 

“Inasmuch  as  fraternal  union  between  their  sons  is  in  keep- 
ing with  the  will  and  pleasure  as  well  of  God  as  of  our  holy 
Patriarchs,  Dominic  de  Guzman  and  Francis  of  Assisi,  finding 
ourselves  in  this  corner  of  the ’world  of  Old  and  New  Cali- 
fornia, occupied  with  the  spiritual  conquest  and  the  conversion 
of  the  infidels,  desirous  of  helping  one  another,  not  only  for 
the  welfare  of  the  souls  of  our  neighbors,  but  also  of  our  own 
souls,  in  order  that  this  union  and  assistance  may  reach  even 
to  the  other  life,  before  separating  for  our  destination,  we 
have  agreed,  in  order  to  manifest  to  the  world  our  true  fra- 
ternal affection,  that,  in  case  any  of  the  missionaries  of  our 
Father  St.  Dominic  dies,  each  one  of  the  missionaries  of  our 
Father  St.  Francis  in  said  Upper  California  shall  offer  up 
for  his  soul  three  low  Masses ; and  in  case  any  of  the  sons 
of  our  Seraphic  Patriarch  dies,  the  sons  of  our  Cherubic 
Patriarch  shall  do  likewise.  It  will  be  the  duty  of  the  Fathers 
Presidentes  of  both  missionary  bands  to  communicate  the 
death  notices  to  their  respective  religious.  This  agreement 
and  proof  of  our  true  brotherly  feeling  we  both  presidentes 
sign  in  the  name  of  all  the  others,  in  order  that  it  be  evident 
to  all  the  missionaries,  as  well  to  those  now  living,  as  to 
their  successors,  supplicating  them  in  the  name  of  both  Pa- 
triarchs to  guard  this  fraternal  friendship  so  much  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Lord,  His  servants,  and  our  holy  Patriarchs. 
Mission  and  royal  presidio  of  Our  Lady  of  Loreto,  May  17th, 
1773.  Fr.  Vincente  de  Mora.  Fr.  Francisco  Palou.” 

Two  things  remained  to  be  attended  to  before  Father 
Palou  could  leave  the  peninsula.  He  had  obtained  permis- 
sion to  take  along  a number  of  Indian  families  and  some 
livestock  for  the  Upper  California  missions.  On  the  last  of 
December,  1772,  the  governor  had  received  a,  letter  from  the 

19  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,"  ad  annum.  This  Concordato  was 
faithfully  observed  while  there  was  a Dominican  friar  on  the 
peninsula,  as  numerous  letters  from  the  Dominican  Fathers  of 
Lower  California  prove. 


Serra  to  Palou;  Barri’s  Animosity  483 


viceroy  concerning  both  subjects  with  directions  to  aid  in 
carrying  out  the  plan,  as  the  livestock  especially  was  of  great 
importance  to  the  new  missions.  Barri,  accordingly,  notified 
Fr.  Palou  that  he  had  received  such  an  order  from  the  viceroy, 
but  that  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  know  how  many  families 
were  wanted  and  from  which  missions  they  were  to  be  ob- 
tained, and  likewise  what  kind  and  how  many  of  each  kind 
‘ of  animals  were  to  be  taken  away.  Fr.  Palou  replied  that  he 
desired  to  have  twenty-five  Indian  families  who  might  volun- 
teer from  the  frontier  missions,  and  he  would  write  to  the 
same  missions  in  order  to  ascertain  how  much  livestock  the 
respective  missions  possessed,  and  then  inform  the  governor. 

Fr.  Palou  was  surprised  at  the  apparent  solicitude  of  Barri 
in  favor  of  the  missions,  since  up  to  this  time  he  had  only 
antagonized  them,  so  much  so  that  he  had  given  orders  to 
the  sergeant  in  charge  of  the  guards  at  San  Fernando  de  Ve- 
licata  to  let  nothing  whatever  pass  from  the  old  missions  to 
the  Upper  California  missions.  The  sergeant,  understanding 
his  master’s  mind,  had  accordingly  prevented  even  a fan%a 
of  corn,  which  the  Fathers  of  San  Diego  had  asked  of  the 
Fathers  at  Velicata  for  planting,  from  reaching  the  northern 
mission.  When  Fr.  Palou  expressed  his  surprise  to  the  Do- 
minican Fr.  Mora,  the  latter,  on  reading  the  governor’s  com- 
munication to  Palou,  replied,  “This  is  owing  to  me.’’  Fr. 
Mora  then  explained  that  the  tricky  governor  had  summoned 
him  to  his  presence  the  day  before,  and,  after  communicating 
the  viceroy’s  order,  had  said  that  it  pertained  to  the  Domini- 
cans to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  viceroy’s  command. 
When  Fr.  Mora  inquired  how  an  order  of  the  viceroy  could 
be  impeded,  which  was  already  contained  in  the  Concordato 
between  the  Dominican  and  Franciscan  superiors,  the  gover- 
nor rejoined  that  this  could  be  done  very  well,  for  the  viceroy 
had  added  the  clause  “provided  there  be  no  obstacles  to  pre- 
vent it.’’ “Well,  sir,”  Fr.  Mora  replied,  “how  can  it  be 
proved  that  there  exists  any  obstacle  for  the  missions  to  sell 
the  cattle  which  they  can  spare?”  When  Barri  saw  that  Fr. 
Mora  could  not  be  gained  for  his  spiteful  scheme,  he  said  to 

20  “No  habiendo  inconveniente  que  lo  impide.” 


484  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

the  Dominican : “Well,  I thought  I was  doing  your  Rever- 
ences a service ; but  now  I want  you  to  tell  me  what  I shall 
do?”  “Comply  with  the  orders  of  his  excellency  to  the  let- 
ter,” Fr.  Mora  answered,  “if  you  do  not  wish  to  draw  a repri- 
mand upon  yourself.”  It  was  after  this  interview  that  the 
governor  had  sent  his  communication  to  Fr.  Palou,  but  with 
evil  intent,  as  we  shall  presently  see. 

In  the  beginning  of  March  1773  Fr.  Palou  sent  the  infor- 
mation demanded  by  the  governor  about  the  Indian  families 
and  livestock  for  the  Monterey  or  Upper  California  missions; 
but  because  the  names  of  the  families  had  not  been  added, 
Barri  declared  he  could  not  furnish  any  transportation  or  aid 
until  he  knew  which  families  went.  Though  Fr.  Palou 
showed  him  that  this  was  not  possible,  because  the  Indians 
were  fickleminded  and  were  liable  to  go  back  upon  their  prom- 
ises, even  though  they  had  volunteered,  and  that  in  such  a 
case  others  might  offer  themselves  at  the  last  moment,  Barri 
refused  to  do  anything.  A personal  Interview  at  the  home  of 
the  friars  on  the  occasion  when  Fr.  Mora  received  notice  of 
his  appointment  to  the  presidency  of  the  missions,  failed  to 
make  him  change  his  mind,  except  that  he  offered  to  furnish 
the  required  assistance  if  the  presidente  of  the  Dominicans 
consented.  To  the  surprise  of  Fr.  Palou,  Fr.  Vincente  Mora 
declared  that  he  would  first  have  to  become  acquainted  with 
the  state  of  the  missions.  Palou  replied  that  he  already  pos- 
sessed all  the  latest  reports  of  the  missions,  and  therefore  knew 
their  condition ; but  the  Indians  might  have  de.stroyed  a good 
deal,  Fr.  Mora  objected.  Fr.  Palou  met  this  pretext  by 
offering  to  go  with  him  from  mission  to  mission,  but  Fr. 
Mora  found  another  excuse  which  was  that  he  could  not  leave 
Loreto  at  that  time  until  he  had  the  mission  in  working  order, 
probably  in  the  month  of  October. 

With  good  reason  Fr.  Palou  suspected  that  the  Dominican 
presidente  was  acting  in  concert  with  the  malevolent  Gover- 
nor Barri.  Palou  remarks  that  he  might  have  shown  Fr. 
Mora  that  he  was  not  obliged  to  turn  over  the  missions  until 
the  terms  of  the  Concordato  between  their  prelates  had  been 


21  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxiv,  244;  cap.  xxxv,  245-248. 


Serra  to  Palou;  Barri’s  Animosity  485 


carried  out,  especially  as  it  was  approved  by  the  viceroy,  and 
that  the  viceroy  had  given  orders  to  take  the  livestock  in  ques- 
tion to  Upper  California;  but  as  the  instructions  of  the  vice- 
roy contained  the  clause  “provided  there  be  no  obstacles  to 
impede  it,”  obstacles  could  easily  be  found  with  the  hearty 
approval  of  the  governor,  who  at  the  slightest  suggestion 
would  have  given  a certificate  to  that  effect  to  convince  the 
viceroy,  which  would  only  have  created  bad  feeling.  To  avoid 
any  trouble  or  scandal,  Fr.  Palou  decided  to  drop  the  matter 
for  the  time,  and  to  leave  the  task  of  settling  everything 
under  the  direction  of  the  Fr.  Guardian  of  San  Fernando 
College  with  Fr.  Campa  y Cos  who  had  received  the  powers 
of  a presidente  from  the  College  for  that  purpose. 


22  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom,  i,  cap.  xxxv,  248-250;  tom.  iv,  3-4. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


Fr.  Palou  Begins  Journey  to  the  North. — Death  of  Two  Francis- 
cans.— Palou  at  Santa  Rosalia. — Strange  Action  of  the  Dominican 
Presidente. — San  Francisco  de  Borja. — Santa  Maria. — Mission 
San  Fernando. — The  San  Carlos  Disabled. — Palou  Hastens 
Northward. — Division  Line  Between  the  Territory  of  the  Do- 
minicans and  Franciscans. — A Hearty  Te  Deum. — Palou  Ar- 
rives at  San  Diego. — Fr.  Campa’s  Difficulties. — Fr.  Gambon’s 
Long  Term  of  Annoyances. — Palou’s  Defense  of  his  College. — 
Decision  of  the  Viceroy  in  Favor  of  the  Franciscans. 

WHEN  Fr.  Palou  had  concluded  the  transfer  of  Mission 
Loreto  and  left  Fr.  Campa  there  to  wind  up  the  affairs 
of  the  Franciscans,  he  in  the  afternoon  of  May  24th,  1773, 
embarked  with  all  the  goods  belonging  to  the  missions  of 
Upper  California,  and  with  all  that  the  retiring  Fathers  had 
delivered  to  him  for  the  missions  of  Monterey.  He  was  ac- 
companied by  ten  Dominicans  who  were  to  be  put  in  charge 
of  the  northern  peninsula  establishments.  After  three  days 
the  ship  reached  Mulege.  Here  Palou  with  seven  Dominicans 
landed,  whilst  three  Dominicans  in  the  San  Borja  mission 
launch  continued  the  voyage  until  they  arrived  in  the  Santa 
Gertrudis  mission  territory,  whence  they  made  their  way  by 
land  to  San  Borja  and  Velicata,  their  destination. 

At  Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege  Fr.  Palou  formally  turned  the 
mission  over  to  the  Dominicans  who  had  been  assigned  to 
the  place,  and  then  for  the  same  purpose  went  to  the  missions 
of  Guadalupe  and  San  Ignacio.  At  the  last-named  establish- 
ment he  wished  to  await  the  arrival  of  Fathers  Murguia  and 
Prestamero,  both  destined  for  Upper  California;  but  they 
notified  him  that  they  should  not  be  able  to  leave  Guadalupe 
until  after  the  feast  of  Corpus  Christi.  Palou,  therefore, 
passed  on  to  Santa  Gertrudis  which  he  reached  on  the  eve  of 
Corpus  Christi,  June  17th.  On  the  next  day  the  feast  was 
celebrated  and  the  mission  transferred  to  the  two  Dominican 
friars  appointed  for  it.  From  here  he  expected  to  take  some 
of  the  Indian  families  to  the  north,  because  the  Indians  were 


Vexations;  Te  Deum;  Palou’s  Defense  487 


numerous  and  many  had  volunteered ; but  when  he  proposed 
the  matter  to  the  Dominicans,  one  of  them  declared  it  could 
not  -be  done,  as  their  Fr.  Presidente  at  Loreto  had  directed 
them  not  to  allow  a single  Indian  to  be  led  away  to  Monterey. 
Fr.  Palou  declared  that  he  was  surprised  at  this,  as  he  had 
been  in  accord  with  Fr.  Mora  on  this  matter  when  leaving 
Loreto ; that  he  had  authority  to  enlist  whomsoever  he  deemed 
suitable ; and  that  in  fact  he  had  already  taken  along  from 
Loreto  itself  three  single  men  and  one  other  who  had  come 
overland  from  Mission  San  Jose.  He  determined  to  remain 
so  that  the  friars  could  write  to  Fr.  Mora.  The  Dominicans 
replied  that  he  need  not  be  detained ; that  his  word  was  suffi- 
cient ; that  he  could  have  the  Indians  he  desired,  and  that  they 
could  report  to  the  Fr.  Presidente  together.  If  Fr.  Mora 
disapproved,  the  said  Indians  should  be  returned  from  the 
frontier. 

After  selecting  three  Indian  families  and  two  single  men, 
and  leaving  Fr.  Gregorio  Amurrio  behind  to  wait  for  the  de- 
layed friars,  Palou  with  a Dominican  Father  and  the  Indians 
set  out  for  San  Francisco  de  Borja  on  June  19th.  He  reached 
the  mission  on  the  22d  and  found  that  the  two  Dominicans, 
who  had  landed  near  Santa  Gertrudis,  had  already  arrived. 
With  them  he  experienced  the  same  difficulties  mentioned 
before.  They  showed  him  a written  order  from  their  presi- 
dente directing  them  not  to  permit  anything  whatever,  nor 
any  Indian,  to  be  taken  away  for  Upper  California  until  he 
himself  had  learned  the  state  of  the  missions ; but  after  sign- 
ing a paper  the  Dominicans  let  him  take  seven  Indian  fam- 
ilies and  five  Indian  youths.  In  the  afternoon  of  the  next 
day  Fr.  Palou  with  Fr.  Lasuen,  who  had  had  charge  of  this 
mission,  started  out  for  Santa  Maria  and  arrived  there  on  the 
morning  of  the  24th.  Here  they  were  welcomed  by  their 
sindico.  Sergeant  Jose  Francisco  de  Ortega,  who  had  been 
appointed  by  the  governor  to  act  as  guide  on  their  march  to 
San  Diego.  Ortega  had  already  brought  over  from  Bay  San 
Luis  all  the  goods  which  Palou  had  sent  up  by  water.  In 
order  to  give  every  one  time  to  join  the  expedition,  Palou  re- 
mained at  Santa  Maria  about  three  weeks.  Fathers  Murguia, 


488  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Prestamero,  and  Amurrio  meanwhile  came  up,  and  corn  was 
ground  to  provide  food  for  the  long  journey  through  the 
northern  part  of  the  peninsula. 

On  July  13th  he  reached  San  Fernando  de  Velicata.  This 
mission,  the  only  one  which  the  Franciscans  had  been  able  to 
found  in  Lower  California,  had  a church  and  priest’s  dwelling 
of  adobe  covered  with  tules.  As  many  as  four  hundred  In- 
dians had  been  baptized  since  its  establishment.  It  had  a 
good-sized  herd  of  cattle  and  sheep;  corn  and  wheat  had 
been  planted,  and  the  little  wheat  field  had  just  yielded  thirty 
fanegas  of  grain.  After  Palou  had  fomially  transferred  the 
mission  and  all  its  belongings  to  the  Dominican  friar,  who 
had  accompanied  him  from  Loreto,  the  College  of  San  Fer- 
nando de  Mexico  had  ceded  every  claim  upon  the  territory. 

Palou  now  received  notice  from  Fr.  Campa  that  the  packet- 
boat  San  Carlos  had  arrived  at  the  port  of  Escondido  in  such 
a disabled  condition  that  she  would  have  to  be  unloaded  and 
go  for  repairs  to  San  Bias.  Her  cargo  consisted  of  corn  and 
beans  intended  for  San  Diego.  In  view  of  this  unwelcome 
news  Fr.  Palou  ceased  enlisting  more  Indians  lest  he  increase 
the  dearth  of  food  in  the  north,  and  determined  to  leave  all 
the  baggage  at  San  Fernando  in  order  to  hasten  forward  to 
the  relief  of  the  northern  missions.  He  therefore  collected 
all  the  corn  and  beans  obtainable,  and  begged  Governor  Barri 
to  have  the  cargo  of  provisions  left  at  Escondido  and  the 
goods  remaining  at  Velicata  forwarded  to  San  Diego  as 
quickly  as  possible.  Could  he  have  looked  into  the  future,  he 
would  have  insisted  that  everything  went  along  at  once,  and 
thus  he  would  have  escaped  years  of  annoyance,  as  we  shall 
see  later.  ^ 

With  five  religious  and  six  Indian  families,  escorted  by 
fourteen  soldiers  under  the  command  of  Sergeant  Ortega, 
Fr.  Palou  left  San  Fernando  de  Velicata  at  about  one  o’clock 
in  the  afternoon  of  July  21st,  1773.  The  whole  party  camped 
for  the  night  at  a place  called  Santa  tJrsula,  and  about  noon 
of  the  22d  they  arrived  at  Vinaraco,  where  it  was  determined 

1 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxvi,  252-256;  tom.  iv,  24-25; 
“Vida,”  cap.  xxv,  118. 


Vexations;  Te  Deum;  Palou’s  Defense  489 


to  make  a longer  stay  in  order  to  rest  the  pack-mules.  The 
holy  Sacrifice  was  daily  offered  up  in  a temporary  structure 
of  boughs.  Similar  huts  were  erected  for  the  soldiers  and 
Indians.  The  feast  of  San  Francisco  Solano,  Apostle  of  the 
Indians  in  South  America,  was  celebrated  with  a High  Mass 
of  thanksgiving  for  having  passed  the  desert  of  Lower  Cali- 
fornia in  safety.  The  saint  was  then  chosen  as  patron  for 
the  remainder  of  the  march. 

On  the  26th  three  soldiers  were  sent  ahead  with  letters  for 
San  Diego  announcing  the  coming  of  the  expedition  and  ask- 
ing for  pack-mules  to  transport  the  supplies.  On  the  2d  of 
August,  the  feast  of  Our  Lady  of  Angels,  or  Portiuncula,  all 
received  the  sacraments  in  order  to  gain  the  famous  indul- 
gence, and  each  of  the  six  priests  celebrated  Holy  Mass  in 
the  brushwood  chapel.  The  march  was  resumed  on  the  next 
day;  but,  although  the  animals  had  somewhat  recuperated,  it 
was  found  necessary  to  proceed  in  easy  stages  and  to  take 
advantage  of  places  where  pasture  and  water  abounded. 
When  the  weary  wanderers  had  traveled  about  seventy 
leagues,  about  half  a league  from  the  spot  called  San  Ante6- 
jenes,  or  Grulla,  Fr.  Antonio  Paterna  of  Mission  San  Gabriel 
and  Fr.  Tomas  de  la  Pena  appeared  with  a drove  of  pack- 
mules.  On  receiving  the  letters  of  July  26th,  they  had  hastily 
collected  all  the  mules  they  could  procure,  and  had  come  to 
welcome  their  brethren.  After  resting  a day  and  a half  at 
San  Anteojenes  the  journey  was  continued. 

“On  August  19th,”  Fr.  Palou  relates,  “we  arrived  at  the 
place  which  in  the  Concordato,  approved  by  the  royal  coun- 
cil and  confirmed  by  his  excellency,  had  been  designated  as 
the  terminus  of  the  missions  of  the  Reverend  Dominican 
Fathers  and  the  beginning  of  those  of  the  College  of  San 
Fernando.  Bringing  forward  a large  cross,  which  had  been 
constructed  on  the  preceding  day  from  the  wood  of  an  alder- 
tree  in  the  Arroyo  of  San  Juan  Bautista,  the  following  in- 
scription was  placed  upon  it:  ‘Division  dc  las  Misiones  de 

Nuestro  Padre  Santo  Domingo  y dc  Nuestro  Padre  San  Fran- 
cisco, Afio  de  1773-’^  We  then  planted  it  upon  a very  high 

2 “Dividing  line  of  the  missions  of  our  Father  St.  Dominic  and 
of  our  Father  St.  Francis  in  the  year  1773.” 


490  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


rock,  which  is  on  the  very  road,  by  fastening  it  in  a cleft 
offered  by  the  rock  itself  as  though  it  had  been  prepared  for 
the  very  purpose  of  serving  as  a pedestal  for  the  Cross.  While 
we  raised  and  venerated  it,  we  sang  with  extraordinary  joy  ^ 
the  Te  Deum  Laudamus  in  thanksgiving  to  God,  our  Lord, 
for  having  already  reached  the  land  of  our  destination.  The 
holy  Cross  was  not  placed  on  the  new  point  of  the  Sierra 
Madre  which  ends  before  reaching  the  coast,  as  is  indicated 
in  the  Agreement,  because  said  point  is  more  than  three 
leagues  from  the  public  highway,  but  at  the  end  of  said  sierra, 
which  we  religious,  who  made  the  examination,  and  the  sol- 
diers with  the  sergeant  who  knew  said  road,  judged  to  be  par- 
allel with  the  said  point  five  leagues  distant  from  the  said 
Arroyo  de  San  Juan  Bautista,  and  about  fifteen  from  the  port 
of  San  Diego,  so  that  where  the  Cross  marks  the  dividing 
line  a downward  course  begins  to  a very  high  elevation  in  the 
land  below  until  the  road  is  about  to  reach  the  place  called 
De  los  Medanos  where  we  made  a stop  on  the  20th.  Thence 
we  continued  our  journey,  tarrying  only  as  long  as  was  neces- 
sary to  attend  to  the  animals,  and  arrived  at  San  Diego  on 
the  morning  of  the  30th  of  August.  We  were  welcomed  with 
demonstrations  of  great  joy  by  all,  and  the  soldiers  saluted 
by  discharging  their  artillery  and  other  firearms,  to  which 
the  soldiers  who  had  escorted  us  replied  in  kind ; and  the  new 
Indian  Christians  greeted  us  with  their  sweet  canticles  in 
praise  to  our  God  whom  a little  while  before  they  did  not 
know.”  ^ 

Fr.  Palou  had  sent  word  to  the  comandante  at  Monterey  to 
furnish  pack-mules  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  up  the  sup- 
plies from  Velicata;  but  as  no  reply  had  arrived  he  resolved 
to  wait  somewhat  longer.  On  the  19th  of  September  the 
mules,  eighty-two  head,  appeared,  and  on  the  22d  set  out 
from  San  Diego  for  San  Fernando  in  charge  of  Sergeant 
Ortega,  his  soldiers,  and  muleteers  to  fetch  the  goods  and 
provisions  along  with  the  few  missionaries  that  had  remained 
on  the  peninsula.  ® 

3 “Cantamos  con  extraordinaria  alegria.” 

4 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxvii,  256-260;  cap.  xxxviii,  260. 

5 Ibidem,  cap.  xxxviii,  260;  cap.  xxxix,  265. 


Vexations;  Te  Deum;  Palou’s  Defense  491 


On  May  27th,  1773,  three  days  after  Fr.  Palou  had  de- 
parted from  Loreto,  six  Franciscans  sailed  for  Mexico  from 
the  same  port  in  the  Concepcion  in  order  to  retire  to  the 
mother-house.  They  were  the  Fathers  Juan  Gaston,  Juan  San- 
cho,  Vincente  de  Santa  Maria,  Juan  Antonio  Rioboo,  Antonio 
Linares,  and  Francisco  Javier  Tejada.  The  last-named  friar 
through  illness  had  not  reached  the  peninsula  until  April 
1772.  On  June  15th  Fathers  Andres  Villaumbrales  and  Be- 
nito Sierra  with  the  sindico  of  the  Franciscans,  Don  Manuel 
Garcia  Alorales,  followed  in  the  same  schooner.  At  Cerralvo 
the  ship  took  on  board  the  Fathers  who  had  been  stationed  in 
the  southern  missions,  so  that  after  that  date  none  of  the 
Friars  Minor  remained  on  the  peninsula  except  Fr.  Gambon 
at  Velicata  and  Fathers  Campa  and  Miguel  Sanchez  at  Loreto. 
The  latter  had  been  stationed  at  Santiago  de  los  Coras  and 
came  up  to  stay  with  Fr.  Campa  temporarily.  Fr.  Campa, 
who  held  the  authority  of  a presidente,  as  we  have  already 
stated,  remained  in  order  to  settle  on  the  spot  all  matters  con- 
cerning the  Franciscans.  ® 

Of  the  Fathers  that  retired  to  Mexico  two  died  on  the  way. 
One  was  Fr.  Juan  Leon  de  Medina  Beitia.  He  had  originally 
come  from  the  Spanish  Franciscan  province  of  Cantabria,  and 
on  his  arrival  in  Lower  California  had  been  stationed  at  Santa 
Maria  de  los  Angeles  and  then  at  San  Ignacio.  When  he 
reached  San  Bias  he  found  that  the  crew  and  passengers  of 
the  Philippine  galleon,  which  had  just  arrived,  were  stricken 
with  a pestilential  disease,  but  had  no  priest.  He  promptly 
volunteered  to  assist  the  sick  and  administer  the  sacraments 
to  the  dying.  While  attending  to  the  suffering  people  Fr. 
Beitia  himself  fell  a victim  to  the  dread  malady  and  died  at 
Tepic.  The  body  was  buried  in  the  Franciscan  church  of 
Santa  Cruz  at  the  same  place.  The  other  friar,  whom  death 
prevented  from  reaching  the  College  of  San  Fernando,  was 
Fr.  Andres  Villaumbrales,  who  had  been  in  charge  of  Mission 
Guadalupe.  He  had  been  a member  of  the  Spanish  province 
of  Purisima  Concepcion  before  joining  the  Fernandinos.  He 


6 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxvi,  251-252;  tom.  iv,  3-4. 


492  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


attended  his  sick  companion  Fr.  Beitia  until  the  latter’s  death. 
After  the  burial  of  his  companion  Fr.  Andres  resumed  his 
journey  to  Mexico,  but  fell  sick  at  Guadalajara  and  died.  His 
remains  were  interred  in  the  monastery  of  San  Francisco 
which  belonged  to  the  Jaliscan  province.  He  was  the  fourth 
friar  whom  the  Franciscans  lost  in  connection  with  Lower 
California.  The  other  tw'o  were  Fr.  Juan  Moran,  who  died 
as  a victim  of  the  pest  at  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  and  Fr.  Jose  dc 
Herrera,  who  passed  away  at  Rosario  in  Sinaloa.  Fr.  Jose 
Leguna  may  have  been  a fifth ; he  apparently  passed  away  be- 
fore reaching  California. 

At  Loreto  Fr.  Campa  y Cos  encountered  unexpected  diffi- 
culties in  his  efforts  to  wind  up  the  affairs  of  the  Franciscans 
on  the  peninsula.  According  to  the  Agreement  drawn  up  be- 
tween the  two  superiors  of  the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans, 
which  was  approved  and  ordered  executed  by  the  viceroy,  a 
herd  of  cattle,  horses,  and  small  stock  was  to  be  collected  from 
certain  missions  and  driven  to  Upper  California  principally 
for  breeding  purposes.  Fr.  \^incente  Mora,  the  Dominican 
presidente,  had  objected  to  the  execution  of  the  Agreement 
until  he  had  visited  all  the  missions ; this  he  hoped  to  accom- 
plish by  the  month  of  October.  To  avoid  unfriendly  feeling 
Fr.  Palou  had  submitted  to  the  ungracious  pretext,  but  left 
the  settlement  of  the  matter  in  the  hands  of  Fr.  Campa,  whilst 
he  himself  proceeded  on  his  way  to  San  Diego.  No  steps, 
however,  were  taken,  to  carry  out  the  order  of  the  viceroy ; on 
the  contrary,  as  Fr.  Campa  on  April  4th,  1774,  ten  months 
after  the  arrival  of  the  Dominicans,  reported  to  Fr.  Palou, 
Fr.  Vincente  Mora  and  the  governor  wrote  to  Bucareli  for  a 
revocation  of  the  clause  in  the  Agreement  relating  to  the  large 
and  small  stock  to  be  sent  to  Upper  California.  Fr.  Campa 
thereupon  determined  to  proceed  to  Mexico  in  order  to  lay 
the  matter  before  the  respective  authorities. 

In  the  meantime  Fr.  Sanchez,  Campa’s  companion,  went  to 
join  Fr.  Cambon  at  Velicata.  Fr.  Cambon  had  met  with  sim- 
ilar obstacles  in  trying  to  remove  the  personal  effects  of  the 


7 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  ii,  12;  tom.  iv.,  4-5. 


Vexations;  Te  Deum;  Palou’s  Defense  493 


missionaries  and  the  mission  goods  which  had  been  stored  up 
there  awaiting  an  opportunity  to  transport  them  to  the  Mon- 
terey missions.  At  the  instigation  of  the  Dominicans,  it  was 
said,  the  governor  had  laid  an  embargo  upon  all  these  goods, 
even  upon  the  bundles  that  contained  the  personal  effects  of 
the  Franciscans,  on  the  ground  that  they  belonged  to  the 
Lower  California  establishments,  thus  practically  stamping 
the  Franciscans  as  thieves.  When  Fr.  Sanchez  reached  Ve- 
licata  Fr.  Cambon  had  been  hoping  for  relief  for  more  than 
a year,  as  a mere  guest  of  the  Dominican  Fathers  stationed 
at  the  mission.  Seeing  that  his  presence  was  to  no  purpose, 
Fr.  Sanchez  seized  the  opportunity  of  reaching  Monterey, 
when  Don  Jose  Francisco  de  Ortega,  his  family,  and  a com- 
pany of  soldiers  arrived  on  their  way  from  Sinaloa  to  San 
Diego.  On  August  23d,  1774,  he  set  out  with  some  of  the 
released  goods,  and  was  welcomed  by  the  friars  at  San  Diego 
on  September  26th.  On  October  28th  he  reported  the  situa- 
tion to  Fr.  Palou  at  Monterey,  who  in  the  absence  of  Fr.  Serra 
acted  as  presidente  of  the  Monterey  missions.  ® 

As  the  Franciscans  had  been  accused  of  robbing  the  mis- 
sions, Fr.  Palou,  the  superior  of  the  friars  in  Lower  Cali- 
fornia, thought  it  incumbent  upon  him  to  refute  the  absurd 
charge,  lest  future  generations  should  consider  his  brethren 
guilty.  He  accordingly  states  the  case  so  clearly  and  dispas- 
sionately that  it  leaves  nothing  to  be  desired.  “The  honor 
of  my  Apostolic  College  of  San  Fernando,”  he  writes,  ® “which 
administered  the  missions  of  Old  California  with  so  much 
disinterestedness  the  five  years  during  which  they  were  in  its 
charge,  oblige  me  to  leave  in  writing  some  notes  very  deserv- 
ing of  not  being  forgotten.  In  order  to  be  able  to  offer  a de- 
fense in  case  it  should  be  necessary  to  defend  the  honor  of 
the  holy  habit,  I cannot  but  leave  them  pointed  out,  enjoining 
whoever  may  read  them  to  proper  secrecy,  and  that  he  aid 
us  to  pray  God  for  those  that  persecute  and  wrongfully  ac- 
cuse us.  Before  proceeding  to  describe  what  happened  to  us, 
as  well  on  said  peninsula  a little  before  we  departed  from 

8 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iv,  3-6;  45, 

9 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iv.,  7-8. 


494  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


there,  as  after  our  departure,  I solemnly  declare  this  one  point, 
that  it  is  not  my  intention  to  blame  any  one,  but  only  to  leave 
information  upon  these  pages  of  what  has  occurred,  in  order 
that  if  some  day  any  one  should  want  to  venture  to  besmirch 
the  religious  conduct  of  my  brethren  in  the  administration 
of  these  missions,  they  can  vindicate  themselves  by  means  of 
the  relation  of  what  has  transpired.  I shall  write  only  a sim- 
ple narrative  with  reference  to  the  embargo  on  the  boxes  that 
contain  the  utensils,  books,  and  clothing  of  the  religious  who 
had  managed  the  said  missions,  and  omit  many  other  things, 
because  only  this  was  brought  before  the  tribunal  of  his  excel- 
lency. If  I knew  of  others,  I should  do  the  same  in  order 
that  for  the  required  defense  there  may  remain  information 
of  what  happened.” 

Fr.  Palou  then  at  great  length  repeats  and  explains  what 
has  already  been  stated,  that  Governor  Felipe  Barri,  even 
before  they  landed,  told  the  Dominicans  that  the  Franciscans 
had  robbed  the  missions  of  church  goods  and  other  articles ; 
that  he  had  repeated  the  charges  on  two  different  occasions ; 
that  the  Dominicans  had  refused  to  believe  the  accusation, 
and  had  in  writing  certified  to  the  fact  that  nothing  was  miss- 
ing at  the  missions,  as  the  inventories  signed  by  the  soldier 
comisionados  plainly  proved ; that  surplus  vestments  and  other 
church  goods  had  been  accepted  from  different  missions  by 
express  orders  of  Don  Galvez,  the  inspector-general,  for  the 
purpose  of  saving  expense  to  the  royal  treasury  which  would 
otherwise  have  to  supply  these  articles ; and  that  such  of  the 
said  goods  as  had  not  already  been  transported  by  sea 
were  packed  up  and  were  now  at  Velicata  awaiting  removal  to 
San  Diego  by  land.  Next  Fr.  Palou  shows  that  after  direct- 
ing that  five  new  missions  should  be  established  between  San 
Fernando  and  San  Diego,  which  the  animosity  of  Governor 
Barri  had  prevented  the  Franciscans  from  founding.  Viceroy 
de  Croix  had  ordered  that  these  five  missions  should  be  fur- 
nished with  the  necessary  church  goods  from  the  three  con- 
fiscated colleges  and  churches  of  the  expelled  Jesuits  at  Gua- 
dalajara, Guanajuato,  and  Zacatecas,  and  that  these  vestments, 
sacred  vessels,  etc.,  were  packed  up  separately  and  were  await- 


Vexations;  Te  Deum;  Palou’s  Defense 


495 


ing  at  Velicata  the  good  pleasure  of  the  Dominicans.  Fr. 
Palou  remarks  that  if  it  was  right  for  the  viceroy  to  extract 
these  articles  from  the  Jesuit  establishments  in  Mexico  for 
the  benefit  of  the  Lower  California  missions,  it  could  not  be 
wrong  for  the  same  viceroy,  under  whose  authority  Don  Gal- 
vez had  acted,  to  remove  surplus  articles  of  the  same  kind 
from  the  Lower  California  missions  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Upper  California  establishments.  After  all,  Galvez  had  made 
full  compensation  for  these  things  to  the  old  missions,  as  was 
stated  in  a previous  chapter.  Moreover,  there  lay  packed  up 
separately  at  Velicata  another  quantity  of  goods  consisting 
of  household  articles  and  field  implements  which  had  been  re- 
ceived from  the  Franciscan  College  of  San  Fernando,  and 
which  had  been  purchased  with  alms  amounting  to  $5000, 
which  Viceroy  de  Croix  had  turned  over  to  the  sindico  of 
said  College  for  that  very  purpose,  but  which  likewise  would 
be  transferred  to  the  Dominicans,  as  the  viceroy  had  directed. 
Finally,  Fr.  Palou  further  says  that  he  had  shown  the  Do- 
minicans before  he  left  Loreto,  that  there  was  at  Velicata  a 
fourth  lot  of  chests  and  bundles  which  contained  books,  cloth- 
ing, pious  images,  and  other  articles  which  had  been  supplied 
for  the  personal  use  of  the  Franciscan  religious  who  retired  to 
the  College  in  Mexico,  that  these  friars  had  not  taken  them 
along,  because  at  the  College  there  was  no  lack  of  such  things, 
whereas  they  were  needed  in  Upper  California ; that  many 
of  these  things  had  been  purchased  out  of  the  savings  from 
the  annual  allowance  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-five  dollars 
granted  to  every  one  of  the  twenty  missionaries  that  had  been 
assigned  to  the  Lower  California  missions ; that  he  had  in- 
vited the  Dominicans  at  Loreto  to  see  for  themselves  that  the 
baggage  contained  nothing  else  than  the  personal  eflfects  of 
the  friars ; and  that  the  Dominicans  had  declined  to  make  an 
examination,  because  they  had  declared  themselves  satisfied 
that  the  bundles  contained  nothing  more,  and  that  they  were 
convinced  of  the  malice  of  Governor  Barri,  who  made  charges 
to  the  contrary. 

Palou,  furthermore,  relates  what  has  already  been  stated  in 
a general  way,  that  in  the  beginning  of  December  1772  when 


496  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Fathers  Parron  and  Lago  were  about  to  withdraw  from  the 
peninsula,  he  invited  the  governor  to  examine  their  baggage, 
since  the  Fathers  were  well  aware  that  he  had  directed  two 
soldiers  to  secretly  question  the  Indians  in  the  service  of  the 
Franciscans,  and  even  to  threaten  them  to  say  that  these 
friars  had  carried  away  goods  belonging  to  the  missions ; that 
the  governor  had  declared  in  writing  that  the  matter  per- 
tained not  to  him,  but  to  the  Dominican  successors ; that  there- 
upon he  (Palou)  had  urged  the  Dominicans  to  examine  the 
baggage,  but  that  they  had  refused  to  do  so,  and  moreover, 
had  declared  in  writing  at  the  foot  of  Fr.  Palou’s  letter  that 
“it  was  true  that  the  governor  had  told  them  on  three  occasions 
what  I referred  to,  that  we  had  extracted  from  the  churches 
of  the  missions  vestments  and  silverware,  but  that  it  was  evi- 
dent to  them  that  such  was  a falsehood  on  the  part  of  the 
governor,  since  nothing  was  missing  from  the  old  missions ; 
that  what  belonged  to  the  (five)  new  missions  stood  apart 
for  the  purpose  of  being  turned  over  at  the  same  time  with 
the  missions;  that  the  baggage  of  the  two  religious,  who  de- 
parted, contained  nothing  except  their  bedding,  clothing,  and 
poor  articles  for  their  own  use ; and  that  they  so  certified, 
and  if  necessary,  would  swear  to  it  upon  the  word  of  a priest.” 
This  was  signed  by  the  three  Dominicans,  Fr.  Vincente  Mora, 
Fr.  Jose  Ibar,  and  Fr.  Jose  Esteves. 

When  the  two  Franciscans  were  at  last  permitted  to  depart, 
Fr.  Palou  sent  the  testimony  of  the  three  Dominicans  along 
to  the  Fr.  Guardian  with  the  request  that  he  present  it  to  the 
viceroy  in  order  that  the  governor  might  be  instructed  to 
cease  delaying  the  goods  belonging  to  Upper  California.  The 
Fr.  Guardian  thought  this  action  unnecessary,  inasmuch  as 
Barri  had  declared  it  did  not  concern  him,  and  as  the  Do- 
minicans had  expressed  themselves  satisfied,  he  believed  that 
there  would  be  no  further  obstacles  to  the  removal  of  the 
goods.  Lest  the  malevolent  governor,  however,  cause  more 
trouble,  Fr.  Junipero  Serra,  who  happened  to  be  in  the  city 
of  Mexico  in  the  interest  of  the  Monterey  missions,  embodied 
the  matter  in  his  Memorial  of  March  13th,  1773,  in  these 
words : “Various  pious  persons  of  Tepic,  Compostela,  and 


Vexations;  Te  Deum;  Palou’s  Defense  497 


vicinity,  having  been  made  acquainted  with  the  necessities 
which  we  suffered  there,  promised  me  that  at  my  return  to 
the  missions  they  would  give  me  some  alms  of  corn  and  other 
provisions  for  our  new  Christians.  I entreat  Your  Excellency 
to  be  pleased  to  give  orders  to  the  commissary  at  San  Bias  that 
he  should  admit  into  the  bark  what  I may  collect  as  alms, 
after  having  examined  it  as  he  likes,  expressing  on  the  invoice 
that  it  belongs  as  private  property  to  the  missions,  and  is  not 
to  be  examined  by  the  official  at  the  presidio.  The  same  I 
beg  as  to  the  goods  which  are  detained  at  Loreto,  consisting 
of  books,  images,  missionary  crucifixes,  and  other  articles  and 
utensils  which  are  for  the  personal  use  of  the  religious  of  our 
College,  who  have  set  out  and  must  leave  the  Old  California 
missions,  and  go  to  Mexico  where  nothing  is  wanting  them, 
and  which  they  have  donated  for  the  new  missions  where 
everything  is  wanting.  Having  already  seen  these  goods  in- 
side and  outside,  the  Rev.  Dominican  Fathers  with  their  own 
eyes  discovered  with  what  injustice  Governor  Felipe  Barri 
has  proclaimed  them  to  be  valuables  stolen  from  the  missions. 
If,  perhaps,  said  bales  cannot  be  transported  by  land  to  San 
Diego,  Your  Excellency  could  command  said  governor  to 
forward  them  by  sea  to  the  port  of  San  Bias,  and  that  the 
commissary  of  that  port  place  them  on  the  bark  which  may 
sail  for  Monterey  with  the  same  expression  on  the  invoice  that 
they  belong  privately  to  the  missions.” 

To  this  request  of  Fr.  Serra  the  royal  council  replied  in 
these  words : ‘‘Concerning  the  fourth  point,  the  commissary 

of  San  Bias  shall  always  admit  into  the  bark,  when  there  is  a 
ship  ready,  and  after  having  examined  them  as  he  may  choose, 
the  memoriae  of  alms  of  corn  and  other  eatables  promised 
to  said  Fr.  Serra  for  the  missionary  Fathers  with  the  remark- 
on  the  invoice  that  they  belong  privately  to  them,  and  are  not 
subject  to  the  official  of  the  presidio;  and  concerning  the  bales 
which  are  found  detained  at  Loreto  and  containing  books, 
images,  and  other  valuables  and  utensils,  the  governor  of  Cali- 
fornia shall  be  directed  not  to  impede,  but  rather  to  facilitate 
their  transportation  to  the  missions.”  This  resolution  of  the 
vice-royal  council  was  confirmed  by  a decree  of  May  12th, 


498  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


1773,  and  both  the  commissary  at  San  Bias  and  Governor 
Barri  were  officially  notified  to  that  effect,  as  well  as  the 
comandante  of  the  Monterey  presidio. 

Unfortunately  this  decree  could  not  reach  the  peninsula  until 
months  later,  so  that  Fr.  Palou  and  his  brethren  were  sub- 
jected to  fresh  annoyances  from  an  unexpected  quarter,  as 
well  as  from  the  spiteful  Barri.  While  Fr.  Mora  was  only 
acting  superior  of  the  Dominicans  he  appeared  to  be  in  per- 
fect accord  with  the  Franciscans,  and  unwilling  to  aid  the 
governor  in  vexing  Fr.  Palou;  but  no  sooner  had  he  received 
the  document  appointing  him  presidente  of  the  Dominican  mis- 
sions, as  we  have  already  indicated,  than  he  seemed  to  be 
under  the  influence  of  Barri  to  such  a degree  that  only  abject 
fear  can  account  for  his  acts.  The  governor  doubtless  dread- 
ed the  influence  of  the  fearless  Fr.  Palou,  and  therefore,  en- 
deavored to  shift  all  responsibility  upon  the  timid  Fr.  Mora, 
while  the  former  was’  still  on  the  peninsula.  This  will  account 
for  the  action  of  the  unscrupulous  Barri  related  in  the  next 
chapter. 

10  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iv,  8-23;  tom.  i,  cap.  xxxiii,  232-235; 
cap.  XXXV,  248-249. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


Fr.  Palou’s  Request. — Barri’s  Last  Chance  to  Annoy. — His  Ac- 
cusations.— Unworthy  Conduct  of  Fr.  Vincente  Mora. — Fr. 
Campa’s  Reply. — Fr.  Mora’s  Lame  Excuse. — Fr.  Serra  Com- 
municates the  Viceroy’s  Decision. — Letter  to  Fr.  Mora. — The 
Governor’s  Retreat. — The  Dominicans  at  San  Fernando. — Em- 
bargoed Goods  Released. — Fr.  Mora’s  Remarkable  Letter  to 
Fr.  Serra. — More  Delay. — Barri  Blames  Fr.  Mora. — The  Vice- 
roy’s Last  Orders. — List  of  Franciscans. 

Before  his  departure  from  Loreto  Fr.  Palou  had  notified 
the  governor  that  he  had  a cargo  of  goods  intended  for 
Monterey,  and  asked  him  to  furnish  a vessel  to  transport  them 
to  Bay  San  Luis.  He  also  prayed  him  for  assistance  to  for- 
ward the  freight  from  there  to  San  Diego.  Barri  at  once 
replied  in  the  most  gracious  terms  that  the  barkentine  Nuestra 
Senora  del  Pilar  was  at  his  service.  He,  moreover,  accom- 
panied the  note  with  an  open  letter  to  Sergeant  Jose  Fran- 
cisco de  Ortega  at  Santa  Maria  by  means  of  which,  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  viceroyal  instructions,  he  directed  that  officer  with 
fourteen  soldiers  to  escort  the  missionaries  and  their  belong- 
ings, and  to  provide  the  necessary  pack-mules  and  provisions. 
After  reaching  Velicata,  news  from  the  north,  as  we  know, 
compelled  Fr.  Palou  to  hasten  onward  with  all  the  provisions 
which  he  could  collect  for  the  relief  of  the  distressed  missions, 
leaving  Cambon  behind  to  come  up  later  with  the  mission 
goods  and  the  personal  eflfects  of  the  Fathers.  From  Ve- 
licata, however,  he  informed  the  governor  of  the  situation 
and  notified  him  that  all  the  pack-mules  which  he  might 
obtain  from  the  presidio  and  the  missions  would  hurry  down 
from  San  Diego  for  the  goods  left  at  Velicata  as  well  as  for 
the  supplies  from  the  San  Carlos.  ^ 

“Governor  Barri,”  says  Bancroft,  ^ “saw  here  a last  oppor- 
tunity to  annoy  the  F'ranciscans.”  On  receiving  Palou’s  let- 


1 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iv,  23-26.  See  last  chapter. 

2 “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  737. 


500  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


ter  the  wily  Barri  in  all  haste  despatched  an  order  to  Sergeant 
Pedro  Amador  at  San  Fernando  de  Velicata  ^ commanding 
him  to  seize  all  the  mules  coming  from  San  Diego,  whether 
they  belonged  to  the  presidio  or  the  missions,  to  load  them 
with  the  corn  and  beans  brought  up  from  Loreto  to  Bay  San 
Luis,  to  convey  it  to  San  Diego,  but  under  no  consideration 
to  allow  anything  claimed  by  the  Franciscans  to  be  taken  away. 
In  vain  did  Fr.  Cambon  plead  for  permission  to  send  along 
some  chocolate  and  the  underwear  of  the  missionaries,  of 
which  they  stood  sorely  in  need.  The  request  was  the  more 
just  as  most  of  the  animals  belonged  to  the  Upper  California 
missions  and  many  of  them  had  not  a full  load.  The  sergeant 
replied  that  he  had  orders  not  to  permit  the  least  article  be- 
longing to  the  Fernandinos  to  leave  Velicata.  * 

On  the  last  day  of  December,  1773,  Fr.  Palou  with  amaze- 
ment received  the  report  of  this  high-handed  action,  but  he 
refused  to  believe  that  the  governor  had  given  such  orders, 
although  Fr.  Cambon  had  informed  him  that  an  embargo  had 
been  placed  on  the  goods  stored  at  Velicata.  He  was  soon 
undeceived  by  a letter  from  Fr.  Campa  dated  Loreto,  Novem- 
ber 15th,  1773.  Campa  wrote  that  he  had  been  assured  that, 
when  Governor  Barri  and  Fr.  Vincente  Mora  were  at  Puri- 
sima  Mission,  the  former,  at  the  instigation  of  the  latter,  it 
was  reported,  had  sent  orders  to  the  said  sergeant  not  to  let 
the  least  piece  of  Franciscan  property  pass  out  of  Velicata; 
that  later  Fr.  Mora,  unasked,  had  told  him  that  the  governor 
had  indeed  sent  such  an  order,  but  that  he  (Mora)  had  tried 
to  prevent  it,  and  had  consented  to  examine  the  articles  with 
the  governor  secretly  in  order  not  to  break  the  harmony  with 
Barri.  ® To  this  remarkable  statement  Fr.  Campa  replied, 
that  this  examination  could  have  been  made  a year  before ; 

3 It  is  significant  that  Barri  waited  until  Palou  had  left  the  coun- 
try before  giving  this  order. 

“Que  de  ninguna  manera  dejase  sacar  de  la  frontera  lo  mas 
minimo  de  las  cargas  que  habian  dejado  los  Padres  de  San 
Fernando.” 

3 “por  no  quebrar  la  armonia  habia  condescendido,  pero  de 
palabra.” 


More  Delay;  Bucareli’s  Decision  501 

that  both  he  and  the  governor  had  been  requested  to  do  so  in 
writing;  that  now  they  should  rest  satisfied  as  to  what  the 
bales  and  chests  contained,  because  from  the  inventories  it 
was  evident  that  nothing  was  missing  from  the  missions  which 
the  Dominicans  had  received  by  inventory  and  personal  trans- 
fer; that  whatever  was  missing  from  the  churches  and  sacris- 
ties had  been  taken  for  the  Upper  California  missions  by  order 
of  the  inspector-general,  and  due  receipts  had  been  left  for 
every  article ; that  what  was  missing  from  the  house  or  the 
field  had  been  removed  as  early  as  1768  and  1769  by  Don 
Fernando  de  Rivera  by  order  of  the  same  authority,  the  re- 
ceipts had  been  given,  and  all  was  now  in  Upper  California 
for  the  last  four  years ; that  for  those  articles  search  would 
be  made  in  vain  at  Velicata;  that  what  was  accepted  from  the 
missions  near  the  frontier  in  the  shape  of  church  goods  and 
had  not  been  transported  by  sea  to  San  Diego  was  now  at 
Velicata  in  virtue  of  the  same  authority;  that  the  receipts  for 
such  goods  were  in  the  hands  of  the  Dominicans,  as  he 
(Mora)  well  knew,  and,  therefore,  why  permit  the  scandal- 
izing of  the  poor  Indians  who  knew  naught  of  this?  What 
opinion  must  they  form  of  the  Franciscans  without  a shadow 
of  reason  accused  of  stealing  church  and  other  property?® 
The  Dominican  presidente  endeavored  to  appease  the  indig- 
nant Fr.  Campa  with  the  lame  excuse  that  he  had  asked  for 
nothing ; that  he  had  done  nothing  more  than  to  consent  in 
order  to  preserve  harmony  with  the  governor,  and  in  order 
that  the  latter  might  convince  himself  that  among  the  embar- 
goed goods  there  was  no  property  belonging  to  the  old  mis- 
sions ; that  for  this  reason  he  had  advised  an  examination 
between  themselves  only;  and  that  even  if  there  had  been  the 
least  article,  he  would  have  seen  to  it  that  the  holy  habit  suf- 
fered no  disgrace.  “This  he  said,”  Fr.  Campa  remarks,  “as 
though  it  were  necessary  to  gratify  said  governor,  or  as 
though  there  were  no  other  remedy.”  That  it  was  not  neces- 


6 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iv,  27-30. 

7“Esto  dijo  como  si  fuese  necesario  satisfacer  a dicho  gober- 
nador  6 no  hubiese  otro  medio.” 


502  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

sary  to  convince  the  governor,  nor  even  the  Dominicans,  was 
evident,  says  Palou ; for  the  decree  of  the  viceroy  directed 
that  the  missions  should  be  turned  over  to  the  Dominicans 
and  receipts  demanded  for  everything  so  transferred  without 
giving  an  account  of  what  had  been  consumed  or  removed ; 
but  account  had  been  given  nevertheless,  and  Barri  was  well 
aware  of  it.  Thus  it  was  that  by  reason  of  the  governor’s 
malice,  to  which  Fr.  Mora  through  unworthy  fear  acquiesced, 
the  Franciscans  were  made  to  suffer  vexations,  humiliations, 
and  painful  inconvenience  for  many  months,  and  two  of  them 
were  detained  on  the  peninsula  for  nearly  two  years ! In 
view  of  the  information  received  Fr.  Palou  instructed  Fr. 
Cambon  not  to  resist  the  examination  of  their  own  as  well  as 
of  the  Monterey  mission  property,  but  to  have  every  piece 
numbered  and  described  as  in  the  inventory,  to  demand  a cer- 
tificate that  the  examination  had  taken  place,  and  to  ascertain 
whether  the  goods  might  be  removed  to  the  north ; if  the  an- 
swer were  in  the  negative,  he  was  to  deposit  the  goods  in  writ- 
ing and  then  to  come  on  to  San  Diego. 

At  this  juncture.  May  11th,  1774,  Fr.  Junipcro  Serra  ar- 
rived at  Monterey  from  Mexico  and  resumed  charge  of  the 
missions.  He  at  once  communicated  the  viceroy’s  decision 
concerning  the  detained  goods  to  Don  Rivera  y Moncada,  the 
comandante  of  the  presidio  of  Monterey,  and  asked  him  to 
send  mules,  muleteers,  and  soldiers  down  to  Velicata  for  all 
the  property  belonging  to  the  northern  missions  and  Fathers. 
Rivera  promptly  agreed,  but  suggested  that  Governor  Barri 
be  notified  of  the  viceroy’s  action  of  May  12th,  1773,  lest 
any  trouble  be  experienced  with  the  subordinates  at  Velicata. 
Rivera  accordingly  wrote  to  Barri  and  informed  him  that, 
if  he  had  no  objections,  pack-mules  would  be  sent  after  the 
embargoed  property.  At  the  same  time  Fr.  Serra  addressed 
a letter  to  the  Dominican  presidente,  Fr.  Vincente  Mora, 
thanking  him  and  his  brethren  for  the  charity  which  they 
had  manifested  in  keeping  Fr.  Cambon  so  long  at  their  mission 
of  Velicata,  and  asked  him  to  allow  the  Father  to  continue 
there  until  the  embargoed  goods  could  be  removed,  which 


More  Delay;  Bucareli’s  Decision 


503 


would  take  place  soon,  as  the  viceroy  had  commanded  that 
their  removal  should  not  be  impeded,  but  facilitated ; that  he 
knew  the  poverty  of  the  mission ; and  that  all  expenses  in- 
curred on  account  of  Fr.  Cambon  would  be  paid  by  the  Col- 
lege sindico  to  the  procurator  of  the  Dominicans  in  Mexico. 
Moreover,  he  inquired  whether  Fr.  Campa,  on  departing 
for  Mexico,  had  left  information  regarding  the  herd  of  thirty 
cows  and  fifteen  mares,  which  had  been  purchased  and  paid 
for  by  the  Franciscan  sindico,  Manuel  Garcia  Morales,  besides 
other  things  obtained  from  the  Loreto  warehouse,  for  which 
he  (Fr.  Mora)  had  received  checks  from  Fr.  Palou  and  part 
of  which,  amounting  to  eight  hundred  dollars,  he  (Serra)  had 
caused  to  be  paid  at  Guadalajara  through  the  sindico  of  that 
city. 

The  governor  must  have  received  an  order  from  the  viceroy, 
and  he  must  have  given  the  necessary  instructions  to  his  lieu- 
tenant at  Velicata,  Alferez  Don  Jose  Velasquez;  for  after 
some  correspondence  between  Fr.  Cambon  and  Velasquez, 
and  between  Velasquez  and  Don  Ortega,  in  August,  1774, 
Velasquez  declared  that  he  had  no  orders  to  detain  the  per- 
sonal and  the  mission  property  of  the  Franciscans.  Then  a 
new  difficulty  arose  on  the  part  of  the  local  Dominican  mis- 
sionaries, Fathers  Miguel  Hidalgo  and  Pedro  Gandiaga. 
The  former  showed  Fr.  Cambon  three  difTerent  orders  from 
his  superior,  Fr.  Vincente  Mora,  which  under  obedience  com- 
manded him  under  no  condition  to  permit  Fr.  Cambon  to 
remove  a thread  from  the  goods  detained  at  Velicata ; and  if 
the  attempt  should  be  made,  he  should  invoke  the  aid  of  the 
soldiers  in  order  to  prevent  it.  ® On  learning  that  Velasquez 
could  not  detain  the  embargoed  property,  Fr.  Hidalgo  found 


8“Todavia  ocurria  otra  dificultad  para  poder  sacar  dichas  cargas, 
y era  acerca  de  los  Padres  ministros  de  Velicata,  Fr.  Miguel 
Hidalgo  y Fr.  Pedro  Gandiaga,  por  hallarse  el  principal  de  los 
ministros  con  tres  ordenes  de  su  P.  Presidente,  Fr.  Vincente  Mora, 
en  que  le  mandaba  con  precepto  de  reserva,  que  de  ninguna 
manera  permita  que  el  P.  Cambon  saque  una  hilada  de  las  cargas 
que  estan  detenidas;  y en  caso  de  intentarlo  pida  en  forma  de 
derecho  el  auxilio  de  la  tropa. ’’(Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iv,  42.) 


504  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

himself  in  a dilemma,  and  therefore  asked  Fr.  Cambon  to  wait 
until  he  could  communicate  with  Fr.  Mora,  so  that  the  latter 
might  revoke  his  command  as  the  governor  had  done ; but 
just  then  he  received  a letter  from  his  superior  notifying  him 
that  Fr.  Serra  had  given  notice  that  Fr.  Cambon  would  stay 
at  the  mission  a while  longer,  and  that  he  had  no  objection. 
No  mention  was  made  as  to  the  goods,  though  Fr.  Serra  had 
informed  Fr.  Mora  regarding  the  viceroy’s  decision.  By 
implication,  therefore,  the  Dominicans  concluded  that  Fr.  Mora 
intended  that  his  orders  should  remain  in  force.  An  escape 
from  this  unpleasant  situation  was,  however,  discovered.  Fr. 
Hidalgo  had  been  told  to  invoke  the  aid  of  the  military  in  case 
of  necessity.  He  now  questioned  Velasquez  whether  he  would 
assist  him  in  detaining  the  property.  That  officer  declared 
he  would  not  assist  him,  inasmuch  as  he  had  orders  not  to 

Fac-slmlle  of  Hidalgo’s  signature. 

prevent  its  removal.  Fr.  Hidalgo  asked  him  to  state  as  much 
in  writing,  and  Velasquez  agreed.  Then  Fr.  Hidalgo  de- 
cided that  he  was  not  bound  to  execute  what  he  could  not 
effect  without  the  soldiers  when  they  refused  to  aid  him. 
With  this  the  trouble  created  by  the  malicious  governor  had 
an  end.  ® 

For  want  of  more  pack-mules,  Fr.  Miguel  Sanchez,  who 
had  come  up  from  Loreto  after  Fr.  Campa  had  sailed  for 
Mexico,  loaded  only  three  of  the  animals  with  the  most  neces- 
sary articles  belonging  to  the  friars,  and  then  accompanied  Don 
Ortega  and  the  Sinaloa  troops  to  San  Diego.  He  remained 
there  with  Ortega  whilst  the  immigrant  settlers  and  their 
families  continued  on  their  way  to  Monterey,  which  they 
reached  on  October  28th.  At  about  the  same  time  Rivera 
received  a letter  from  the  governor  in  which  Barri  threw  all 
blame  for  the  exasperating  delay  of  the  mission  goods  and 


9 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iv,  30-44. 

10  See  preceding  chapter. 


More  Delay;  Bucareli’s  Decision  505 

the  effects  of  the  friars  upon  Fr.  Vincente  Mora,  and  declared 
that  it  was  Fr.  Mora  who  had  commanded  the  Dominican 
missionaries  at  Velicata  to  prevent  the  removal  of  the  cargoes, 
and  to  call  upon  the  military  for  assistance  to  execute  the 
order;  that  he  (Barri)  had  done  nothing  more  than  send 
directions  to  the  officer  in  command  to  lend  his  aid  to  the 
missionaries  when  they  demanded  it. 

The  letter  of  Fr.  Mora  in  reply  to  Fr.  Serra’s,  however, 
presents  a totally  different  version  of  the  affair.  It  reads  as 
follows:  “Very  Rev.  Fr.  Presidente,  Fr.  Junipero  Serra: — 

Very  Dear  Brother  and  esteemed  Father. — I received  the  let- 
ter of  Your  Reverence  dated  June  3d  of  the  current  year,  in 
which  you  communicate  to  me  the  information  which  upon 
returning  to  your  beloved  mission  you  received  with  regard 
to  the  cargos.  I have  felt  it  very  much.  Let  it  not  be 
thought  by  any  of  my  brethren  that  I have  been  the  cause 
of  the  long  delay,  as  some  have  supposed,  a matter  which  in 
truth  has  been  to  me  a source  of  similar  keen  sorrow,  since 
I have  done  nothing  whatever  which  was  not  directed  to 
reflect  credit  upon  the  Seraphic  Order,  which  the  certificate 
proves  that  I gave  to  the  Rev.  Fr.  Francisco  Palou,  and  many 
other  things  which  I transacted  with  this  Caballero  gobcrnador 
before  our  taking  possession  was  accomplished,  in  order  that 
the  said  cargos  might  not  be  detained  as  he  wanted.  This  is 
all  known  to  the  Rev.  Fr.  Palou  and  many  other  religious  who 
were  at  this  mission  of  Loreto ; but  why  tax  the  patience  of 
Your  Reverence?  You  shall  be  convinced  how  far  the  malice 
and  spite  against  every  one  extends  who  opposes  the  destruc- 
tive maxims  of  this  caballero. 

“One  day  we  found  ourselves  very  much  frightened  by  his 
proceedings.  He  had  come  twice  with  his  armed  soldiers 
against  the  Fathers,  and  at  one  of  these  visits  he  placed  him- 
self at  the  very  door  of  our  habitation,  he  acting  as  public 
crier,  to  publish  a very  scandalous  proclamation,  convoking 
at  the  sound  of  an  instrument  all  the  soldiers,  settlers,  and  In- 
dians, and  announcing  the  penalty  of  the  gallows  to  all  that 


“un  bando  bien  escandalso.’ 


5o6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

would  not  take  up  the  arms  prepared  when  he  should  affix 
the  call.  He  then  at  once  commanded  the  soldiers  to  prepare 
the  lances  and  to  provide  themselves  with  powder  and  ball. 
Against  whom  was  this  armament?  The  impression  was 
left  that  it  was  against  the  Fathers ; but  God  must  have 
willed  and  our  holy  Patriarchs  that  it  turned  against  the  gov- 
ernor himself. 

“Concerning  the  presence  of  Fr.  Cambon  at  the  frontier  to 
guard  the  cargos,  there  is  no  objection  whatever  bn  my  part; 
with  the  greatest  pleasure,  without  any  compensation,  he  may 
share  in  what  the  poverty  of  that  mission  offers,  for  it  does 
not  look  well  that  among  brethren  there  be  such  severe  for- 
mality. I have  charged  the  Fathers  of  San  Jose  Comundii 
with  the  care  of  the  mares  which  Fr.  Palou  left  there;  in 
what  condition  they  will  be  found,  I do  not  know.  There 
are  about  thirty  cows,  which  were  purchased  from  Gerardo. 
I was  given  charge  of  them  by  agreement  with  Fr.  Presidente 
Palou,  in  order  that  I might  have  wherewith  to  stock  the 
rancho  of  this  mission ; they  will  be  replaced  from  the  most 
northern  missions  after  you  have  given  me  timely  notice  for 
the  necessary  orders. 

“May  Your  Reverence  rest  assured  that  what  contributes  to 
the  welfare  of  your  missions  I shall  do  without  repugnance 
(although  some  think  otherwise)  ; but  works  will  tell,  which 
are  a surer  indicator  of  a tender  affection  with  which  I devote 
myself  to  Your  Rev.  Paternity  and  to  all  my  brethren, 

12  Fr.  Serra  and  Fr.  Palou  must  have  smiled  at  reading  this 
statement  of  the  over-timid  Fr.  Mora.  The  latter,  it  is  plain,  was 
driven  through  mortal  fear  of  the  bluffing  Barri  to  act  with  so 
little  consideration  and  justice  towards  his  predecessors.  Barri 
knew  that  he  was  not  dealing  with  a man  like  Palou,  Serra,  or 
Lasuen. 

13  That  is  to  say,  the  Franciscans.  St.  Francis  and  St.  Dominic 
both  are  spoken  of  as  “our  fathers’’  by  the  members  of  either 
Order.  Nor  did  the  unworthy  treatment  received  at  the  hands 
of  the  frightened  Fr.  Mora  make  any  difference  in  the  affection 
with  which  the  Franciscans  regarded  the  Dominicans,  as  we  shall 
have  occasion  to  show  later.  They  well  understood  who  was  the 
cause  of  these  years  of  annoyance  to  themselves  and  of  scandal 
to  the  poor  neophytes. 


More  Delay;  Bucareli’s  Decision 


507 


whom  I wish  every  happiness,  and  I pray  the  Almighty  to 
give  them  strength  to  continue  with  their  apostolic  zeal  in 
the  conversion  of  these  souls,  and  that  Your  Reverence  may 
enjoy  your  life  many  years,  and  that  you  may  not  have  a life 
which  passes  in  vain,  but  be  occupied  in  things  to  your  liking. 
— Mission  of  Loreto,  July  30,  1774.  Your  Rev.  Paternity’s, 
etc. — Fray  Vincente  Mora.” 

Fr.  Cambon  now  entreated  Fr.  Serra  to  put  an  end  to  his 
exile  by  sending  down  the  necessary  pack-mules  for  the  re- 
moval of  the  goods.  U^nfortunately  there  was  more  delay. 
Don  Rivera  declared  that  he  would  first  have  to  execute  the 
viceroy’s  order  which  commanded  that  another  examination 
of  the  port  of  San  Francisco  should  be  made;  but  that  on 
his  return  he  would  give  his  attention  to  the  matter.  Fr.  Fran- 
cisco Dumetz  was  accordingly  sent  with  the  train  of  pack- 
mules  which  left  Monterey  on  January  13th,  1775.  Governor 
Barri  must  have  been  frightened  at  the  turn  things  were  tak- 
ing, for  before  Dumetz  arrived  at  Velicata  Fr.  Cambon  re- 
ceived a letter  from  Barri  dated  February  28th,  1775.  The 
governor  again  affirmed  that  not  he  but  Fr.  Vincente  Mora 
had  been  the  cause  of  the  delay,  as  the  copy  of  a letter  from 
the  viceroy  addressed  to  Fr.  Mora  would  show.  A copy  of 
this  letter  accompanied  the  governor’s  communication.  Buca- 
reli  wrote,  “In  accordance  with  the  opinion  of  the  fiscal  and 
by  decree  of  this  date  I have  acceded  to  the  request  of  Your 
Reverence  which  you  made  in  your  communication  of  Octo- 
ber 10th  of  the  past  year  as  to  opening,  viewing,  and  examin- 
ing the  cargos  which  are  detained  at  the  mission  of  San  Fer- 
nando de  Velicata,  which  belong  to  the  Rev.  missionary  Fath- 
ers of  the  College  of  San  Fernando,  and  in  consequence  I 
command  the  governor  of  the  peninsula,  Don  Felipe  Barri, 
to  carry  out  my  determination.  This  notice  requests  and 
charges  Your  Reverence  for  your  information  and  execution 
under  this  condition  that  whatever  the  packages  may  contain 
must  be  forwarded  to  those  Fathers,  as  it  is  all  to  serve  in 
the  recently  established  missions  of  San  Diego  and  Monterey. 


Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iv,  44-50. 


5o8  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

May  God  keep  Your  Reverence  many  years.  Mexico,  Au- 
gust 24th,  1774. — Antonio  Maria  Bucareli  y Ursua.”  Gov- 
ernor Barri  here  adds  the  remark,  “This  is  a copy  of  the 
original  of  His  Excellency  Don  .Antonio  Maria  Bucareli  y 
Ursua,  which  the  Rev.  Fr.  Presidente,  Fr.  Vincente  Mora, 
has  let  me  see  today,  on  the  day  on  which  he  forwarded  it  to 
me,  the  order  of  His  Excellency,  which  it  is  said  herein  that 
he  sent  to  me,  not  having  as  yet  come  to  my  hands.  In 
proof  of  its  exactness  I sign  at  the  royal  presidio  of  Loreto 
on  February  28th,  1775.  D.  Felipe  Barri.” 

When  Fr.  Gambon  presented  this  document  to  the  Domini- 
can Fathers  Miguel  Hidalgo  of  Velicata,  Galisteo  of  Mission 
Rosario  de  Vinaraco,  and  Manuel  Garcia  of  San  Francisco 
de  Borja,  who  happened  to  be  at  the  mission,  they  would 
hear  of  no  examination  of  the  property,  and  insisted,  what 
is  evident  to  the  intelligent  reader,  that  the  wily  governor,  and 
not  Fr.  Vincente  Mora,  was  the  cause  of  the  whole  trouble. 
When  Fr.  Dumetz  arrived  soon  after  from  Vinaraco  with  the 
herds  mentioned  in  Serra’s  and  Mora’s  letters,  Fr.  Gambon 
had  everything  placed  upon  the  mules,  and  then  with  his  com- 
panion hastened  out  of  the  country  which  had  been  such  a 
source  of  pain  to  him  and  his  brethren.  The  train  reached 
Monterey  on  June  13th,  1775,  after  two  years  of  delay. 

Fr.  Gampa,  as  we  have  seen,  had  gone  to  Mexico  to  appeal 
to  the  viceroy.  With  regard  to  the  cattle  and  small  stock 
which  were  to  be  sent  as  contributions  from  several  missions, 
the  viceroy  informed  Fr.  Gampa  that  the  Dominicans  had 
pleaded  that  the  Franciscans  should  cede  their  claim,  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  the  great  mortality  among  the  herds  had  re- 
duced the  stock  so  that  there  was  no  surplus.  It  seems  that 
the  Franciscans  willingly  granted  the  request  of  the  Domini- 
cans, as  there  is  no  record  of  any  further  proceedings.  With 
regard  to  the  animals,  which  had  been  purchased  by  the  Fran- 
ciscans and  referred  to  in  Serra’s  letter,  Bucareli  gave  orders 


15  The  crafty  Barri  omitted  to  say  how  much  pressure  he  had 
brought  to  bear  on  the  timid  Fr.  Mora  until  he  consented  to  make 
the  request. 


More  Delay;  Bucareli’s  Decision 


509 


to  the  governor  that  they  should  be  sent  to  Monterey.  This, 
it  seems,  was  the  herd  which  Fr.  Dumetz  brought  from 
Viharaco.  When  this  business  had  been  settled  all  connec- 
tion of  the  Fernandinos  with  the  peninsula  ceased.  The 
result  of  their  efforts  in  the  missions  of  Upper  California  will 
be  found  in  the  next  volume. 

The  following  list  gives  the  names  of  all  the  Friars  Minor 
that  were  appointed  for  Lower  California  from  July,  1767,  to 
August,  1773.  Those  not  marked  went  to  Upper  California. 


Amurrio,  Gregorio. 
Arriguibar,  Pedro.* 
Basterra,  Dionisio.* 
Cambon,  Pedro. 

Campa  y Cos,  Miguel. 
Crespi,  Juan, 

Echjisco,  Francisco.* 
Escudero,  Juan.* 

Figuer,  Juan. 

Fuster,  Vincente. 

Gaston,  Juan  Ignacio.* 
Gomez,  Francisco. 

Herrera,  Jose,  d* 

Imas,  Vincente.* 

Lago,  Manuel.* 

Lasuen,  Fermin  Francisco. 
Legomera,  Jose.* 

Leguna,  Jose,  d (?)* 
Linares,  Antonio.* 
Martinez,  Antonio.* 

Moran,  Juan,  d 
Murguia,  Jose  Antonio  de. 

* Retired  to  Mexico, 
d*  Died  before 
*d  Died  on  the 
d Died  in  California. 


Palacios,  Martin.* 

Pal6u,  Francisco. 

Parron,  Fernando. 

Pena,  Thomas  de  la. 
Prestamero,  Juan.* 

Ramos  de  Lora,  Juan.* 
Rioboo,  Juan  Antonio. 
Sanchez,  Miguel. 

Sancho  de  la  Torre,  Juan.* 
Santa  Maria,  Vincente  de. 
Senra,  Marcelino.* 

Serra,  Junipero. 

Sierra,  Juan  Benito.* 
Somera,  Angel. 

Tejada,  Francisco  Javier.* 
Uson,  Ramon. 

Veitia,  Juan  Leon  de  Me- 
dina. *d 

Villaumbrales,  Andres.  *d 
Villuendas,  Francisco.* 
Vizcaino,  Juan. 


reaching  California, 
way  to  the  College. 


16  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iv,  50-57;  63-67. 


PART  IV. 

THE  DOMINICAN  PERIOD. 


1773-1855. 


r 


CHAPTER  I. 


Lack  of  Dominican  Material. — Governor  Barri’s  Removal. — Neve 
Appointed. — His  Instructions. — Pay  of  the  Soldiery. — Royal 
Declaration. — Neve  Meets  Difficulties. — Neve  Transferred  to 
Monterey. — Rivera  Lieutenant-Governor  for  Lower  California. 
— Rivera  Disputes  with  the  Dominicans. — He  is  Transferred. — 
His  Death. — New  Reglamento. — Soldiers’  Pay. — Pedro  Pages 
Made  Governor. — Arrillaga. 


OMPARATIVELY  little  can  be  said  about  the  labors  of 


the  Dominican  Fathers  on  the  peninsula  of  Lower  Cali- 
fornia. “Salvatierra,  Venegas,  and  the  rest,”  Bancroft  ob- 
serves, ^ “have  furnished  a copious  account  of  the  Jesuit 
period ; Palou  and  his  associates  have  left  satisfactory  mate- 
rial for  the  Franciscan  occupation;  but  the  Dominicans  have 
left  no  account  of  their  labors.  It  would  appear  that  they  ac- 
complished nothing  in  California  worth  recording,  even  in 
their  own  estimation.  To  make  matters  worse,  the  secular 
archives  are  here  singularly  barren  of  information.  In  fact 
there  was  little  to  be  recorded ; nowhere  was  life  more  monot- 
onously uneventful  than  in  Baja  California.” 

To  begin  with  secular  affairs,  we  have  to  state  that  Gover- 
nor Barri’s  constant  quarrels  with  the  Franciscan  missionaries 
and  especially  his  last  spiteful  delay  of  their  mission  and  per- 
sonal goods ; likewise  his  perpetual  dissensions  with  Comisario 
Toledo;  and  lastly  his  falling  out  with  the  Dominican  Presi- 
dente,  Fr.  Vincente  Alora,  who  lived  in  dread  of  the  unscru- 
pulous Barri,  could  have  but  one  result : his  removal.  This 
took  place  in  October,  1774,  before  the  last  Franci.scan  had 
left  the  peninsula.  Don  Felipe  de  Neve,  major  of  a Queretaro 
regiment  of  provincial  cavalry,  was  appointed  governor  for 
both  Californias  on  October  28th,  1774,  but  a month  before, 
September  30th,  Viceroy  Bucareli  had  already  prepared  a set 
of  instructions  for  the  new  governor.  According  to  this  doc- 
ument the  change  of  governors  was  made  in  order  that  the 


1 “History  of  Texas  and  Northwestern  States,”  vol.  i.  p.  744 


514  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

country  might  be  under  a ruler  of  wisdom,  zeal,  and  admin- 
istrative ability,  not  disposed  to  create  scandal  by  quarreling 
with  the  missionaries,  which  implied  that  Barri  had  not  proved 
to  be  such  a man.  Neve  was  to  follow  Galvez’s  instructions 
when  not  conflicting  with  the  Reglamento  or  later  orders;  he 
was  to  maintain  peace  with  the  missionaries  and  to  report  on 
their  work,  but  not  to  interfere  in  their  legitimate  duties:  the 
care,  instruction,  and  punishment  of  the  Indian  neophytes. 
The  Indians  were  to  be  protected  and  well  treated,  but  by 
no  means  allowed  to  lose  respect  for  the  secular  authorities. 
Neither  must  the  Fr.  Presidente  in  any  way  impede  the  legal 
acts  of  the  governor  or  his  subordinates.  The  governor  had 
no  direct  authority  over  the  comandante  in  Alta  California, 
though  nominally  his  political  superior  and  entitled  to  respect 


and  full  reports  from  the  upper  country.  Every  possible  pre- 
caution was  to  be  taken  to  prevent  the  entrance  of  foreign 
vessels,  and  likewise  all  trade  with  the  Spanish  vessels,  not 
excepting  the  Manila  galleon.  Owners  of  cattle  must  be  com- 
pelled to  brand  them,  in  order  that  the  herds  of  wild  cattle 
might  be  appropriated  for  the  use  of  the  troops,  the  navy,  and 
the  Indians.  Accounts  must  be  strictly  investigated  and  regu- 
lated ; and  especial  attention  was  to  be  given  to  the  Santa  Ana 
mines,  which,  though  worked  at  his  majesty’s  expense,  had 
yielded  not  an  ounce  of  silver  for  the  treasury.  Owners  of 
private  mines  were  to  be  compelled  to  pay  the  royal  fifths, 
which  they  had  not  regularly  done.  Finally  the  governor  was 
commanded  to  preserve  peaceful  relations  with  the  comisario 
and  other  royal  officials  which  his  predecessor,  always  in  quar- 


Gov.  Neve;  Soldiers’  Pay;  Disputes  515 


rel  with  Toledo,  had  failed  to  do.  After  receiving  these  special 
instructions  directly  from  the  viceroy,  Neve  left  the  capital 
for  his  destination  on  October  29th,  the  day  after  his  formal 
appointment,  and  arrived  at  Loreto  on  the  4th  of  March,  1775. 
He  immediately  took  possession  of  his  office,  and  ex-governor 
Barri  set  sail  for  San  Bias  on  the  26th,  to  the  great  relief  of 
the  missionaries  and  doubtless  of  every  one  else  except  his 
henchmen.  ^ 

The  Reglamento  mentioned  before  was  the  result  of  repre- 
sentations made  by  Fr.  Junipero  Serra  in  Mexico  on  March 
13th,  1773.  A clause  relating  to  Lower  California  fixed  the 
expenditures  for  the  government  officials  of  the  peninsula. 
According  to  this  regulation  there  would  be  a governor  at  a 
salary  of  $4000,  one  lieutenant  at  $500  annually,  one  sergeant 
at  $400,  three  corporals  at  $350  each,  thirty  soldiers  at  $300 
each,  and  one  comisario  in  charge  of  the  royal  warehouse  at 
a salary  of  $1,500.  The  governor  and  comisario  might  collect 
their  salaries  when  they  pleased,  but  the  soldiers  were  paid 
in  goods  at  a charge  of  one  hundred  per  cent  for  the  penin- 
sula, and  one  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent  for  Monterey,  which 
left  the  actual  cost  to  the  royal  treasury  only  $5,475,  or  with 
the  amount  the  governor  and  comisario  drew  in  full,  $10,975.  ^ 

The  second  clause  in  the  Reglamento  stated  that  the  con- 
dition of  the  royal  treasury  and  of  the  Pious  Fund  did  not 
permit  a greater  expenditure  of  money  for  the  missions,  and 
that  each  could  be  provided  with  only  one  corporal  and  five 
soldiers;^  yet,  in  the  royal  order  of  September  10th,  1772,  in 
which  the  king  issued  a series  of  instructions  (reglamento) 
for  the  presidios  on  the  frontier  of  his  possessions  in  America, 
his  majesty  says:  “I  declare  that  the  presidios  of  California 
are  to  continue  for  the  present  on  their  actual  footing  ac- 
cording to  the  provisions  made  by  my  viceroy  after  the  con- 
quest and  reduction  has  been  extended  to  the  port  of  Mon- 


2 Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  738-739;  “History  of  Cali- 
fornia,” vol.  i,  237-238;  Hittell,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  521. 

3 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iii,  89-90,  108;  Bancroft,  “Hist.  Calif.,” 
vol.  i,  211;  “Hist.  Texas,”  vol.  i,  737. 

■*  Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iii,  96. 


1 


5i6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

terey ; and  on  the  supposition  that  he  has  provisionally  as- 
signed the  annual  sum  of  thirty-three  thousand  dollars  for 
the  needs  and  protection  of  that  peninsula,  I order  and  com- 
mand that  this  sum  be  still  paid  at  the  end  of  each  year  from 
the  royal  treasury  of  Guadalajara,  as  has  been  done  of  late ; 
and  that  my  viceroy  sustain  and  aid  by  all  possible  means  the 
old  and  new  establishments  of  said  province,  and  inform  me 
of  all  that  he  may  deem  conducive  and  useful  to  their  progress, 
and  to  the  extension  of  the  new  reductions  of  Gentile  In- 
dians.” ® This  shows  again  that  the  kings  of  Spain  sincerely 
wished  the  progress  of  the  missions  and  the  country,  and  were 
willing  to  make  sacrifices  of  money  and  men ; but  their  desires 
were  often  thwarted  at  the  capital  of  Mexico. 

Governor  Neve  soon  discovered  the  difficulties  of  his  posi- 
tion. A few  days  after  his  arrival  he  complained  to  the  vice- 
roy that  the  country  was  destitute  of  everything  necessary. 
Ships,  horses,  clothing,  and  especially  arms  were  needed. 
Whereupon  under  date  of  May  24th  the  viceroy  wrote  to 
Rivera  that  two  hundred  mules  and  one  hundred  horses  might 
be  purchased  in  Sonora.  On  July  24th,  1775,  Neve  reported 
that  the  force  of  thirty-four  men  at  Loreto  was  too  small,  and 
asked  that  it  be  increased.  After  paying  a visit  to  Todos 
Santos  and  the  secularized  missions  in  the  south,  the  gover- 
nor wrote  to  the  viceroy  that  it  was  impossible  to  support 
them,  as  the  land  was  barren  and  there  was  no  one  competent 
to  till  the  soil.  Besides  deploring  the  fact  that  the  town  of 
Loreto  had  not  been  improved,  as  Galvez  had  directed.  Neve 
related  that  Galvez  had,  indeed,  left  elaborate  rules  for  the 
management  of  the  royal  revenues  from  tobacco,  quicksilver, 
salt,  the  king’s  fifths  of  bullion,  pearl-fisheries,  and  from 
other  sources,  in  all  estimated  at  $34,000;  but  that  these  rules 
could  not  be  carried  out,  because  the  whole  income  amounted 
to  no  more  than  $200,  which  was  received  from  pearl-fishers 
and  the  salt-mines.  The  plan  for  appropriating  unbranded 
cattle  proved  impracticable;  fifteen  head  were,  indeed,  slaugh- 
tered, but  the  expense  was  greater  than  the  beef  would  have 


5 Bancroft,  “Hist.  Calif.,”  vol.  i,  206-207. 


Gov.  Neve;  Soldiers’  Pay;  Disputes  517 


cost  at  the  missions.  Governor  Neve’s  complaints  were  heeded 
to  some  extent ; for  the  viceroy  ordered  a formulary  to  be 
drawn  up  with  the  aid  of  Fr.  \'^incente  Mora  for  the  better 
government  of  the  missions.  The  Fr.  Presidente  was  also 
directed  to  carry  out  Galvez’s  orders  as  to  the  transfer  of 
native  Indian  families  from  the  north  to  the  south  to  work 
the  land  in  the  secularized  missions,  though  the  scheme,  as 
we  have  seen,  had  proved  a failure  even  while  Don  Galvez 
was  still  on  the  peninsula.  ® 

Meanwhile  Don  Rivera  had  become  involved  in  troubles 
with  the  Franciscans  of  Upper  California,  and  as  the  Spanish 
government  had  apparently  decided  to  make  Monterey,  in- 
stead of  Loreto,  the  capital  of  both  Californias,  Governor 
Neve  in  the  latter  part  of  1776  was  directed  to  take  up  his 
residence  at  Monterey ; Rivera,  with  the  title  of  lieutenant- 
governor,  was  ordered  to  take  charge  of  the  peninsula  with 
headquarters  at  Loreto.  Leaving  Lieutenant  Cahete  in  charge. 
Neve,  accordingly,  in  November  set  out  for  the  north  by  land, 
and  arrived  at  Monterey  in  February,  1777.  Somewhat  later 
Rivera  started  out  for  Loreto.  ^ 

It  was  with  little  regret  that  the  Dominicans  saw*  Don  Felipe 
de  Neve  depart  from  Lower  California,  if  we  may  believe 
Bancroft,  who  says:*  “It  was  evident  that  Neve,  despite  the 
viceregal  injunctions,  was  already  on  bad  terms  with  the  friars, 
who  were  not  willing  to  be  deprived  of  their  absolute  control 
of  mission  products  by  the  Indians  being  made  self-dependent, 
as  had  been  the  aim  of  Galvez.  Neve,  therefore,  claimed  that 
the  natives  would  never  be  freed  until  decisive  steps  were 
taken  toward  secularization.’’  What  Neve  proposed  had  been 
tried  by  Galvez,  and  it  proved  a failure,  because  the  Indians 
would  not  till  the  land  on  their  own  account.  The  governor 
must  have  known  that  the  natives,  as  yet,  could  not  maintain 
themselves,  much  less  their  wives  and  children.  He  himself 
saw  the  results  at  the  secularized  missions  of  San  Jose  del 

6 Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  741-742,  745. 

^ Bancroft,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  237;  “Hist,  of  Texas,” 
vol.  i,  741-742;  Hittell,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  522. 

8 Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  741. 


5i8  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Cabo  and  Santiago  cle  los  Coras.  How  he  could,  nevertheless, 
advocate  secularizing  the  missions  and  making  the  shiftless 
Indians  independent,  passes  understanding.  His  subsequent 
conduct  in  the  north,  however,  shows  that  he  was  little  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  spread  of  religion,  but  a valiant  theorist,  and 
as  a Frenchman  doubtless  somewhat  tainted  with  the  infidel 
notions  of  contemporaneous  French  Encyclopedists. 

Rivera  in  Lower  California  also  became  engaged  in  dis- 
putes with  the  Dominicans,  but  these  troubles  were  cut  short 
by  Inspector-General  De  Croix,  who  sent  Rivera  across  the 
gulf  to  recruit  soldiers  and  colonists  for  Upper  California. 
Whilst  he  camped  on  the  Colorado  River  near  the  present 
Yuma  City  with  a troop  of  soldiers  on  the  way  to  Monterey, 
he  and  his  men  were  massacred  on  July  18th,  1781.  ® 

After  the  death  of  the  lieutenant-governor,  Alferez  Jose 
Maria  Estrada,  who  in  1780  at  the  recommendation  of  Gov- 
ernor Neve  had  been  appointed  comisario  in  place  of  Fran- 
cisco Alvarez  y Osorio,  assumed  temporary  command  at 
Loreto,  but  at  the  end  of  1783  Captain  Jose  de  Arrillaga  was 
promoted  from  a Texas  presidio  to  the  command  of  Loreto. 

On  October  24th,  1781,  the  king  approved  the  new  Regla- 
mento  prepared  for  the  military  establishments  by  Neve  two 
or  three  years  before.  It  had  gone  into  eflPect  provisionally 
in  the  beginning  of  the  same  year  by  order  of  De  Croix.  An 
important  change  from  the  Reglamento  of  Echeveste  of  1773 
was  that  the  former  profit  of  a hundred  and  fifty  per  cent  was 
relinquished  by  the  government ; supplies  were  furnished  to 
the  men  at  what  they  cost  in  San  Bias,  and  no  charge  was 
made  for  their  transportation  by  sea ; on  the  other  hand  the 
pay  of  the  soldiers  was  reduced  about  one-third.  A sergeant’s 
pay,  for  instance,  was  reduced  from  $400  to  $262 ; the  cor- 
porals received  $225  instead  of  $350 ; the  soldiers  were  paid 
$217.50  instead  of  $300;  but  a lieutenant  was  to  have  $550 
instead  of  $500;  an  alferez  or  ensigfn  was  paid  $400;  a sur- 

9 “The  Franciscans  in  .Arizona,’’  140,  143-144. 

10  Bancroft,  “Historj'  of  California,”  vol.  i,  339-342;  “History  of 
Texas.”  vol.  i.  746. 


Gov.  Neve;  Soldiers’  Pay;  Disputes  519 

geon’s  pay  was  fixed  at  $450;  and  a mechanic  received  $180. 
They  were,  however,  obliged  to  submit  to  losses  and  damage 
incurred  on  the  voyage,  and  were  to  pay  two  per  cent  to  the 
habilitado  or  royal  storekeeper.  This  last  named  official  took 
the  place  of  the  old  guarda-almacen,  or  storekeeper,  and  had 
charge,  subject  to  inspection  of  his  comandante,  of  the  recep- 
tion and  distribution  of  pay  and  rations  and  the  keeping  of 
the  company  accounts.  The  habilitado  was  chosen  from  the 
subaltern  officers  by  each  presidial  company,  and  the  company 
was  responsible  for  any  deficit  in  his  accounts.  Supplies  of 
all  kinds  were  as  before  shipped  from  San  Bias,  purchased  in 
accordance  with  the  annual  memorias  of  articles  demanded, 
which  had  been  forwarded  through  the  governor  to  the  vice- 
roy, and  delivered  to  the  soldiers  and  servants  in  payment  of 
their  wages. 

When  in  1782  Governor  Neve  was  appointed  inspector- 
general  for  Mexico,  Don  Pedro  Pages  became  governor  of 
the  two  Californias.  He  visited  Loreto  in  the  next  year, 
when  he  endeavored  to  regulate  military  matters  and  the  rela- 
tions between  the  Indians  and  the  soldiers. 

Early  in  1785  Arrillaga  made  a tour  of  inspection.  Dis- 
tress, the  result  of  a drought  which  had  ruined  all  the  crops, 
reigned  everywhere ; meat  was  the  only  food ; mining  had 
been  entirely  suspended ; and  the  prices  fixed  by  the  tariff 
were  so  high  that  no  wild  cattle  had  been  sold  for  eight  years. 
In  May,  1787,  Jose  Francisco  de  Ortega  was  appointed  to  a 
command  in  Upper  California ; his  place  was  taken  by  Lieu- 
tenant Diego  Gonzalez. 

Nothing  worthy  of  note  occurred  for  several  years,  but  in 
March,  1791,  Jose  Antonio  de  Romeu  succeeded  Pages  as 
governor  of  both  Californias.  He  had  been  appointed  by 
Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo  and  arrived  at  Loreto  in  the  spring 
of  1791. About  this  time  Lieutenant  Gonzalez,  dissatisfied 

Bancroft,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  333-335;  “Hist,  of 
Texas,”  vol.  i,  746. 

12  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  747-748;  Palou,  tom.  iv,  249. 

13  Romeu  to  Lasuen,  Loreto,  April  17th,  1791.  (“Santa  Barbara 
Archives.”) 


520  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California  | 

and  involved  in  a quarrel  with  the  missionary  of  San  Vin-  ^ 

cente,  was  removed.  Romeu  died  at  Monterey  on  April  9th, 

1792.  He  had  filled  the  office  a little  more  than  nineteen 
months.  Lieutenant-Governor  Jose  Joaquin  cle  Arrillaga  then 
assumed  command  as  governor  ad  interim.  Leaving  Jose 
Francisco  de  Ortega  in  charge  of  the  peninsula,  he  took  up 
his  residence  at  Monterey.  On  June  10th,  1793,  Diego  de 
Borica  was  appointed  governor,  but  he  and  his  family  did  not 
arrive  at  Loreto  until  May  13th,  1794.  Arrillaga  returned  to 
Loreto  and  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel  in 
1795.  Alferez  Estrada  died  in  1791,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Ildefonso  Bernal,  who  had  taken  part  in  seven  campaigns 
against  the  Apaches  of  Texas.  Early  in  1795  Bernal  made 
a tour  of  inspection  in  the  south.  On  his  return  Sergeant  S 


Luis  Lopez  was  placed  in  command  of  the  southern  district 
with  the  significant  clause  in  his  instructions  that  he  should 
“observe  good  conduct,  or  at  least  i>retend  to.”  During  the 
years  1795-1796,  owing  to  a royal  order,  considerable  corre- 
spondence was  carried  on  in  behalf  of  education,  which  ap- 
parently resulted  in  the  opening  of  a primary  school  at  Lo- 
reto. Other  civil  and  military  matters  will  be  related  in 
connection  with  the  missions,  or  in  the  volume  on  Upper  Cali- 
fornia with  which  Lower  California  generally  had  rulers  in 
common. 

Hittell,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  545-549;  Bancroft,  '“His- 
tory of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  750-752. 


CHAPTER  II. 


New  Missions. — Mission  Rosario. — Mission  Santo  Domingo. — Mis- 
sion San  Vincente  Ferrer. — Neve’s  Meddling. — His  Crude  Ideas. 
— Indians  Turbulent. — Rivera  Declines  Fr.  Mora’s  Request. — 
The  Viceroy  Grants  Some  Petitions. — Smallpox  Epidemic. — Fr. 
Miguel  Hidalgo,  Presidente. — Disquieting  Rumors. — Disasters. 
— Mission  San  Miguel. — Reports  of  Pages  and  Hidalgo. — Fr. 
Sales’s  Letters. — Arrival  and  Departure  of  Missionaries. — Mis- 
sion Santo  Tomas. — Fr.  Juan  Crisostomo  Gomez,  Presidente. — 
Fr.  Caietano  Pallas,  Presidente. 

HERE  is  little  on  record  of  Dominican  activity  in  Lower 


California,  as  we  have  already  stated  in  the  beginning 
of  the  preceding  chapter.  They  took  up  mission  work  where 
their  predecessors  had  left  it,  and  continued  it  very  much 
after  the  same  system.  In  compliance  with  the  royal  com- 
mands, the  Fathers  founded  five  missions  which  Governor 
Barri’s  malice  had  prevented  the  Franciscans  from  establish- 
ing, but  they  applied  other  names  than  those  under  which  the 
Franciscans  had  been  directed  to  organize  them.  Viceroy 
De  Croix  in  a letter  to  Fr.  Francisco  Palou  dated  Mexico, 
November  12th,  1770,  wrote  concerning  the  five  missions 
which  were  to  rise  between  San  Fernando  de  Velicata  and 
San  Diego,  “They  must  bear  the  names  of  San  Joaquin,  Santa 
Ana,  San  Juan  Capistrano,  San  Pascual  Bailon,  and  San 
Felice  de  Cantalicio.”  ^ 

The  first  mission  was  established  at  Vinaraco  one  hundred 
and  seventy-three  leagues  northwest  of  Loreto,  in  latitude 
thirty  degrees  three  minutes,  and  longitude  one  hundred  and 
fifteen  degrees  forty-five  minutes.  The  foundations  were  laid 
in  1774  by  Fathers  who  are  not  named,  and  the  mission  was 
called  Nuestra  Senora  del  Rosario.  According  to  Palou,  ^ 
Fr.  Francisco  Galisteo  was  stationed  here  in  March,  1775. 

1 “Deben  tener  estas  advocaciones  de  San  Joaquin,  Santa  Ana, 
San  Juan  Capistrano,  San  Pascual  Bailon,  y San  Felice  de  Canta- 
licio.” Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  cap.  xxi,  107. 

2 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iv,  55. 


522  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

The  next  mission  was  founded  by  Fathers  Manuel  Garcia 
and  Miguel  Hidalgo  on  oi  about  the  30th  of  August,  1775, 
and  named  Santo  Domingo  for  the  founder  of  the  Order.  It 
was  situated  twenty-three  leagues  northwest  of  Rosario  and 
one  hundred  and  ninety-four  leagues  northwest  of  Loreto,  in 
latitude  thirty  degrees  forty-four  minutes,  and  longitude  one 
hundred  and  fifteen  degrees  fifty-five  minutes  west  of  Green- 
wich. 

The  third  mission.  Governor  Neve  reported  to  the  coman- 
dante-general  on  October  24th,  1780,  began  its  work  in  Octo- 
ber of  the  same  year.  It  was  named  for  the  Dominican  saint 
San  Vincente  Ferrer.  The  founders  were  Fathers  Miguel 
Hidalgo  and  Joaquin  Valero.  It  lay  twenty  leagues  to  the 
north  of  Santo  Domingo,  and  two  hundred  and  fourteen 
leagues  northwest  of  Loreto,  in  latitude  31  degrees  19  min- 
utes, and  longitude  116  degrees  and  50  minutes. 

Mission  San  Miguel,  the  fourth  in  point  of  time,  was  estab- 
lished under  the  direction  of  Fr.  Luis  Sales  in  March,  1787, 
at  or  near  a place  known  as  San  Juan  in  latitude  32  degrees 
6 minutes,  and  longitude  116  degrees  47  minutes.  The  fifth, 
Mission  Santo  Tomas,  was  founded  four  years  later,  in  1791, 
by  Fr.  Jose  Loriente,  in  latitude  31  degrees  34  minutes,  and 
longitude  116  degrees  29  minutes.  The  details  about  these 
two  missions  and  two  others,  which  the  Dominicans  organized, 
will  be  given  in  due  time,  though  but  little  can  be  said  of  any 
of  them.  ^ 

Governor  Neve,  who  seems  to  have  been  a theorist  imbued 
with  wild  notions  about  liberty  and  equality  for  the  Indians, 
soon  after  his  accession  to  the  office,  despite  the  viceroyal 
injunctions,  tried  to  meddle  with  the  control  of  the  missions. 
What  the  trouble  exactly  was,  it  is  difficult  to  state  authorita- 
tively ; but  it  was  he  who  first  proposed  the  compulsory  secu- 
larization of  the  missions  in  order  to  “free”  the  Indians  and 
make  them  self-supporting,  though  Galvez  himself  to  his  cost 
and  chagrin  had  learned  that  under  such  a system  the  In- 
dians would  not  provide  for  themselves,  nor  make  any  progress 


3 Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  741,  745. 


New  Missions;  Fages’s  Report  523 

morally  or  intellectually.  The  missions  of  Santiago  and  San 
Jose  del  Cabo  had  already  been  secularized,  but  the  result  was 
that  Neve  found  the  land  untilled  and  the  liberated  Indians 
fast  dropping  back  into  barbarism.  He,  therefore,  endeavored 
to  carry  out  the  futile  plan  of  Galvez  to  secure  natives  to  cul- 
tivate the  soil  in  the  south  by  forcibly  removing  thither  In- 
dians from  the  northern  missions.  After  ruling  two  years, 
the  meddlesome  theorist  was  ordered  to  make  his  headquar- 
ters at  Monterey,  where  Rivera  had  been  excommunicated 
for  his  infringement  of  “Church  Asylum,”  and  consequently 
had  made  himself  impossible.  Rivera  was  transferred  to 
Lower  California  as  lieutenant-governor. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Loreto  in  the  spring  of  1777  the 
new  lieutenant-governor  became  engaged  in  disputes  with 
the  missionaries  on  account  of  the  turbulent  Indians  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  peninsula.  The  savages  had  become 
very  troublesome ; those  of  missions  Santa  Gertrudis  and  San 
Francisco  de  Borja,  the  same  from  among  whom  Fr.  Lasuen 
had  been  ordered  to  transplant  a number  of  families  to  the 
south,  were  planning  to  plunder  and  burn  the  missions.  The 
viceroy  in  1776  had  repeated  Galvez’s  unwise  order  to  Fr. 
Vincente  Mora,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  neophytes  were 
incensed  at  the  prospect  of  having  to  leave  their  country.  In 
May,  1777,  Fr.  Mora,  therefore,  asked  for  more  guards  to 
protect  the  frontier  establishments.  Rivera  refused  to  com- 
ply with  the  reasonable  petition  on  the  ground  that  he  would 
first  have  to  consult  Governor  Neve  in  Upper  California. 
Rivera’s  excuse  drew  forth  a sharp  letter  from  the  Fr.  Presi- 
dente,  who  declared  to  have  the  right  to  obtain  such  military 
aid  as  he  needed.  He  threatened  to  abandon  the  frontier 
missions  if  the  guards  were  not  reenforced ; but  Rivera  paid 
no  attention  to  the  appeal.  Fortunately  the  Indians  did  not 
execute  their  plans,  so  that  Fr.  Mora  was  not  forced  to  make 
good  his  threat.  ® 

Bancroft  intimates  that  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Indians 

^ Particulars  will  be  found  in  the  next  volume. 

5 Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  741-744. 


524  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


was  clue  to  severity  on  the  part  of  the  Dominicans.  “The  fact 
is,”  he  says,  ® “the  Dominicans  were  harder  task-masters  than 
either  the  Jesuits  or  the  Franciscans,  and  administered  severer 
punishments,  and  the  natives  were  weary  of  excessive  labor 
and  the  lash.  An  example  had  to  be  made,  however,  and  sev- 
eral of  them  were  tried  at  Loreto,  found  guilty  of  rebellion, 
severely  flogged,  and  the  leaders  were  also  banished  to  the 
south.”  For  his  charge  Bancroft  offers  not  the  slightest  evi- 
dence. From  the  mission  routine,  as  explained  in  Part  II,  we 
know  that  the  work  allotted  to  the  neophytes  was  not  exces- 
sive either  in  time  or  kind.  They  labored  considerably  less 
than  eight  hours  a day.  The  truth  is,  there  was  little  work 
of  any  kind  to  do,  inasmuch  as  the  land  was  tilled  in  a few 
spots  only.  The  punishment,  too,  was  such  as  a kind  father 
might  appl)' ; for  this  there  is  abundant  evidence. 


About  the  year  1779  Fr.  i\Iora  succeeded  in  moving  Coman- 
dante-General " De  Croix  to  grant  a few  petitions  for  the 
relief  of  the  missionaries.  The  concessions  were  that  no  one 
should  interfere  with  the  mission  servants  and  the  crews  of 
mission  vessels,  except  in  case  of  urgent  necessity;  that  the 
mission  ships  should  be  allowed  to  carry  goods  for  others  on 

*>  Ibidem,  742-744. 

7 In  1776  the  seven  northern  provinces  of  Mexico,  including  both 
Californias,  were  withdrawn  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  viceroy 
and  placed  under  a comandante-general  with  headquarters  at 
Arizpe,  Sonora.  Theodoro  De  Croix  was  the  first  to  liold  the 
office.  The  change  was  not  a blessing  for  the  missions.  The  news 
reached  California  in  1779.  See  next  volume. 


New  Missions;  Fages’s  Report  525 

payment  of  the  duties;  that  the  Guaymas  and  Tamazula  mis- 
sions in  Sonora  should  be  ceded  to  Lower  California,  one 
friar  to  be  stationed  at  each ; that  the  missions  should  be  paid 
for  the  supplies  furnished;  and  that  the  Indians  should  be 
excused  as  far  as  possible  from  courier  service. 

The  year  1781  was  made  memorable  by  a terrible  visita- 
tion of  smallpox.  Many  missions  were  entirely  deserted  by 
the  frightened  neophytes,  while  the  mountain  caves  and  canons 
were  filled  with  the  dead  and  dying.  Many  who  escaped  the 
plague,  fell  victims  to  starvation.  The  disease  raged  for  al- 
most a year.  The  favorite  remedies  applied  by  the  natives 
were  burning  the  pustules  with  torches  and  bathing  with  cold 
water.  Fr.  Crisostomo  Gomez  is  said  to  have  saved  many  In- 
dians at  San  Ignacio  by  means  of  inoculation.  Fr.  Sales  re- 
ports that  the  friars  were  not  allowed  to  visit  the  mountains 
as  often  as  they  wished,  otherwise  more  lives  might  have  been 
saved. ® 

About  the  middle  of  1781  the  Dominican  provincial  in  Mex- 
ico appointed  Fr.  Miguel  Hidalgo  presidente  of  the  Domini- 
can missions  to  succeed  Fr.  Vincente  Mora  who  had  resigned 
on  account  of  illness.  ^ On  October  24th,  of  the  same  year, 
the  king  commanded  that  some  new  missions  should  be  estab- 
lished immediately  to  connect  the  peninsular  settlements  with 
those  of  Alta  or  Upper  California.  About  that  time  Lieuten- 
ant Diego  Gonzalez,  who  had  succeeded  V^elasquez,  was  sta- 
tioned on  the  northern  frontier  with  headquarters  at  Mission 
Rosario.  His  force  consisted  of  half  a dozen  picked  soldiers. 

During  the  year  1783,  and  somewhat  later,  both  the  Domini- 
cans of  Lower  California  and  the  Franciscans  of  Upper  Cali- 
fornia were  seriously  disturbed  by  reports  of  plans  forming 
in  Mexico  which  threatened  the  very  existence  of  the  former 
on  the  peninsula.  Fr.  Antonio  de  Reyes  of  the  Apostolic 
College  of  Santa  Cruz,  Queretaro,  which  belonged  to  the 
Friars  Minor,  was  consecrated  bishop  of  Sonora  and  the  Cali- 

8 Bancroft,  ‘‘History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  745. 

9 Letter  of  Fr.  Hidalgo  to  Fr.  Serra,  Loreto,  July  2d,  1781.  ‘‘Sta. 
Barb.  Arch.” 

Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  746. 


526  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


fornias  at  Tacubaya  on  September  15th,  1782.  The  Fr.  Guar- 
dian and  the  venerable  discretory  of  the  College  of  San  Fer- 
nando assisted  at  the  ceremony.  The  bishop-elect  had  come 
from  Spain  two  months  before  accompanied  by  nineteen  Fran- 
ciscans whom  he  had  enlisted  in  the  mother  country  for  the 
purpose  of  establishing  a custody  in  Sonora  under  the  patron- 
age of  San  Carlos.  After  organizing  this  custody  he  intended 
to  pass  over  to  Loreto  to  remove  the  Dominicans  and  substi- 
tute Franciscans  with  whom  he  expected  to  found  the  Custody 
of  San  Gabriel  which  was  to  comprise  the  Franciscans  of 
both  Californias.  The  new  bishop  claimed  to  have  the  au- 
thority of  the  king  and  as  apostolic  delegate  that  of  the  Pope 
also. 

When  Bishop  Reyes  reached  Guadalajara  and  proposed  his 
■plan  to  the  provincial  of  the  Jaliscan  province,  the  latter  at 
first  opposed  the  project.  Later  on,  however,  he  commanded 
his  religious  in  Sonora  to  subject  themselves  to  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  new  custody.  The  bishop  then  proceeded  to  or- 
ganize the  custody  in  Sonora  with  the  friars  whom  he  had 
brought  from  Spain.  The  missionaries  belonging  to  the  Jalis- 
can province  and  the  College  of  Santa  Cruz,  Queretaro,  sub- 
mitted to  the  strange  proceedings  with  the  utmost  reluctance. 
Bishop  Reyes,  indeed,  succeeded  for  a time,  but  after  the  lapse 
of  a few  years  the  new  organization  formed  by  an  outsider 
against  the  will  of  those  concerned,  and  not  in  line  with  the 
Constitutions  of  the  Order,  disbanded,  and  the  friars  all  re- 
turned to  their  respective  jurisdictions.  Nothing  came  of  the 
chimerical  plan  in  California. 

Although  the  life  of  the  missionaries  in  Lower  California 
in  the  most  favorable  circumstances  was  a hard  one,  during 
the  year  1785  their  lot  became  more  trying  than  ever.  One 
ship  was  lost,  and  only  a small  launch  remained  for  the  sup- 
ply service.  All  classes  were  reduced  to  destitution.  When 

Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  iv,  250-252;  .\rricivita,  “Cronica  Apos- 
tolica,”  562-575;  “The  Franciscans  in  Arizona,”  170-178. 

12  “La  Mision  de  Loreto  no  ha  contribuido  cosa  alguna  de  Dona- 
tivo  por  su  pobreza,”  Pages  writes  to  Fr.  Serra  from  Velicata,  Sep- 
tember 20th,  1783.  (“Santa  Barbara  .Archives,”  ad  annum.) 


New  Missions;  Fages’s  Report 


527 


Captain  Arrillaga  in  1783  arrived  at  Loreto  as  lieutenant- 
governor,  he  found  the  soldiers  wearing  any  kind  of  clothing 
they  could  obtain ; and  many  families  were  unable  to  visit  the 
church  for  want  of  absolutely  necessary  covering.  In  the 
warehouse  there  were  only  forty  fan%as  of  corn.  Neither 
money  nor  supplies  had  been  received  in  1781,  very  little  in 
1782,  and  none  in  1783.  Attempts  were  made  to  remedy  this 
deplorable  state  of  things,  but  failed.  In  vain  the  Indians 
were  moved  from  one  part  of  the  peninsula  to  another,  in 
order  to  equalize  the  population  and  the  resources ; the  pov- 
erty of  the  country  made  reforms  well  nigh  impossible.  In 
November,  1783,  Arrillaga  went  to  work  energetically  to  re- 
lieve the  distress.  Another  transport  was  secured,  and  in 


1784  provisions  to  the  value  of  $8000  were  obtained  from 
across  the  gulf. 

Despite  the  wretched  condition  of  the  missions,  the  Domin- 
ican missionaries  contemplated  the  erection  of  new  missions 
in  order  to  fill  up  the  gap  between  those  of  Lower  and  Upper 
California.  Early  in  1783  Governor  Pages  had  chosen  a place 
called  Encino,  near  the  boundary  and  the  west  coast,  as  suit- 
able for  a missionary  center;  and  in  April,  1785,  Fr.  Luis 
Sales  of  San  Vincente  Ferrer,  with  a party  of  soldiers  under 
Lieutenant  Ortega,  made  a trip  into  the  mountains  where  he 

13  Bancroft,  ‘‘History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  747,  nevertheless  would 
have  us  believe  that  the  Dominicans  through  disaffection  prevented 
reforms  and  neglected  the  Indians!  For  Bancroft  as  a historian  see 
Appendix  J. 


528  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

discovered  another  favorable  spot,  which  later  became  the 
scene  of  activity  for  Mission  Santo  Tomas.  Owing  to  the 
hostile  attitude  of  the  savages  nothing  was  accomplished  until 
March,  1787.  In  that  year  Mission  San  Miguel  was  founded 
by  Fr.  Sales  at  or  near  San  Juan.  Rough  fortifications  were 
constructed  and  garrisoned  by  six  men  under  Sergeant  Igna- 
cio Alvarado  from  the  presidio  of  San  Diego  and  five  men 
furnished  by  the  comandante  of  the  frontier.  When  in  May 
Ortega  was  given  command  of  San  Diego,  he  was  succeeded 
by  Lieutenant  Diego  Gonzalez. 

In  1786  by  order  of  the  viceroy,  both  Fr.  Presidente  Hidalgo 
and  Governor  Pedro  Pages  forwarded  reports  on  the  state  of 
the  missions  in  Lower  California.  Fages’s  able  report  is  a 
very  lengthy  document  which  it  is  impossible  to  reproduce 
here ; but  the  following  extracts  afford  an  intelligent  view  of 
the  situation  on  the  peninsula  at  this  time.  Writing  from 
Monterey  under  date  of  October  20th,  1786,  the  governor  says: 
“The  Indians  of  the  last  missions  (Velicata  and  Santa  Maria) 
live  among  the  mountains  in  this  manner.  They  have  a cer- 
tain district  allotted  to  them  where  a certain  number  reside 
in  settlements  called  rancherias.  These  elect  a chief  (capi- 
tano)  and  one  sub-chief  who  are  instructed  and  directed  by 
the  missionary.  At  sunset  those  of  the  rancheria  assemble  to 
recite  the  Rosary  or  to  listen  to  the  Doctrina.  On  certain 
specified  days  they  go  to  the  mission  to  hear  Mass.  In  nearly 
all  the  missions,  owing  to  various  causes,  there  is  only  one 
missionary.  The  Fr.  Presidente  removes  them  as  he  sees  fit, 
but  he  notifies  the  government.  The  missionaries  preach  in 
Spanish,  for  the  majority  of  the  Indians  understand  it.  The 
sinodo  of  the  missionaries,  which  is  annually  paid  in  Mexico, 
amounts  to  $350  for  each  one.  The  churches  are  nicely  deco- 
rated and  well  kept.  All  have  been  erected  by  the  Jesuits, 
except  the  magnificent  temple  at  San  Ignacio  which  has  been 
built  through  seven  years  of  continuous  labor  by  Fr.  Juan 
Crisostomo  Gomez. 

Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  747-748. 

15  All  those  founded  before  the  advent  of  the  Franciscans  and 
Dominicans,  of  course. 


New  Missions;  Fages’s  Report  529 

“The  Indians  of  every  mission  recognize  one  of  their  num- 
ber as  gobernador,  who  is  elected  when  all  are  assembled  on 
January  1st.  The  missionary  proposes  the  candidate,  and 
when  he  is  chosen  his  election  is  announced  to  the  commander 
of  the  presidio  at  Loreto,  who  approves  him  in  the  name  of 
His  Majesty.  This  gobernador  only  attends  to  minor  mat- 
ters with  the  counsel  of  the  missionary.  No  town  organiza- 
tion is  possible  on  account  of  the  backwardness  of  the  natives. 

“The  revenues  or  funds  of  the  missions  consist  of  the  prod- 
uct of  the  field  and  stock.  The  property  is  held  in  common, 
and  the  missionary  manages  it  for  all.  The  missionaries  keep 
the  accounts ; the  superior  makes  visits  and  inspects  every- 
thing, and  at  the  close  of  the  year  a report  of  the  state  of  the 
missions  is  sent  to  the  governor  of  the  territory. 

“All  the  Indians  of  California  are  alike  lazy,  incapable,  and 
stupid.  Their  only  aspiration  is  to  rove  about  the  country. 
The  women  do  some  weaving  and  knitting,  but  under  the 
supervision  of  the  missionaries.  The  grain  which  is  harvested 
scarcely  suffices  to  maintain  the  inhabitants.  Diving  for 
pearls  is  the  principal  source  of  wealth,  but  it  does  not  pros- 
per for  want  of  people.  If  the  Indian  had  the  land  to  him- 
self, he  would  not  be  capable  of  cultivating  it,  so  lazy  is  he. 

“That  the  missions  have  deteriorated,  is  beyond  question ; 
but  account  must  be  taken  of  the  alms  which  the  founders 
received  and  of  the  donations  of  $116,000  which  the  first 
eleven  missions  enjoyed,  whereas  the  present  missionaries  are 
reduced  to  their  allowance  or  sinodo ; even  this  without  ques- 
tion they  share  with  the  Indians. 

“The  frequent  change  of  missionaries  is  prejudicial  to  the 
progress  of  the  mission  interests ; but  the  principal  cause  of 
ruin  is  the  lack  of  water.  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  Santiago,  Todos 
Santos,  San  Francisco  Javier,  Loreto,  San  Jose  de  Comundu, 
Purisima  Concepcion  de  Cadegomo,  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guad- 

16  “Si  el  Indio  tuviera  tierras  propias,  no  seria  capaz  de  cultivar- 
las;  tal  es  de  indolente.”  This  sane  view  is  the  reverse  of  Neve’s 
notion,  who  would  have  the  land  turned  over  to  the  Indians,  and 
the  missions  secularized.  The  result  could  only  be  what  it  was 
when  later  the  measure  was  carried  out. 


530  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

alupe,  and  Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege,  with  giant  strides  are 
going  to  total  destruction. 

“The  transfer  of  the  people  from  the  missions  of  the  north 
to  those  of  the  south  is  inexpedient ; for  though  all  the  Indians 
have  identical  customs,  they  would  contract  venereal  diseases 
and  disappear.” 

Pages  furthermore  states  that  epidemics,  and  especially 
venereal  diseases,  had  greatly  reduced  the  population ; that 
deaths  outnumbered  births  three  to  one ; that  there  were 
few  cattle  except  at  two  or  three  missions ; that  besides  the 
fact  that  the  fertile  lands  were  very  limited  in  extent,  for  two 
or  three  years  there  would  be  no  rain,  and  then  a flood  would 
come  to  destroy  the  crops ; that  no  new  missionaries  had  come 


to  the  peninsula  for  fifteen  years,  though  many  had  died  and 
some  had  lost  their  reason,  so  that  now  there  were  but  twenty- 
one  Fathers  in  charge  of  sixteen  missions ; but  that,  never- 
theless, some  improvements  had  been  made  at  several  places 
to  the  value  of  $24,000.  Pages  finally  recommended  that  Mis- 

Pages,  unlike  Neve,  shows  that  he  understood  the  situation, 
and  was  no  dreamer. 

18  “Las  misiones  de  San  Jose,  Santiago,  Todos  Santos,  San  Javier, 
Loreto,  Comundti,  Cadegomo,  Guadalupe,  y Mulege  van  a pasos 
gigantes  a su  total  extincion.  La  razon  es  de  tal  evidencia  que  no 
deja  duda.  El  mal  galico  domina  a ambos  sexos  y en  tal  grado, 
que  ya  las  madres  no  conciben,  y si  conciben,  sale  el  feto  con  poca 
esperanza  de  vida.  Hay  mision  de  las  citadas,  que  a mas  de  un 
ano  y meses  que  en  ella  no  se  ha  bautizado  criatura  alguna,  y la 
que  mas  no  llega  a cinco  bautizados,  siendo  cosa  digna  de  admirar 
que  esceden  los  muertos  en  el  ano  pasado  de  los  de  edad  de  14 
anos  para  abajo  a los  nacidos.  Con  todos  los  adultos,  son  triples 
los  muertos  que  los  nacidos.” 


New  Missions;  Fages’s  Report 


531 


sion  Guadalupe  be  closed  and  that  its  neophytes  be  added  to 
the  missions  of  Santa  Rosalia  and  Purisima. 

Fr.  Presidente  Hidalgo,  who  had  gone  to  Mexico  in  the 
interest  of  the  missions,  wrote  his  report  to  the  viceroy  on 
March  20th,  1786.  As  his  statements  substantially  agree  with 
those  of  Governor  Pages,  it  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  upon  them 
further.  Hidalgo,  however,  added  an  elaborate  set  of  regu- 
lations in  one  hundred  articles  which  he  had  prepared  for  the 
benefit  of  the  missionaries  and  their  neophytes. 

Considerable  feeling  was  aroused  in  1788  among  the  Do- 
minicans by  an  order  which  Governor  Pages  addressed  to 
Arrillaga  on  April  17th,  1788.  The  lieutenant-governor  was 
directed  not  to  grant  any  missionary  a permit  to  retire  from 
the  peninsula,  as  the  governor  himself  in  each  case  must  first 
be  notified  by  the  superior.  When  on  June  23d,  1788,  Arril- 
laga communicated  this  order  to  Fr.  Hidalgo,  the  latter  on  the 
same  date  replied  in  a lengthy  protest.  Hidalgo  declared  that 
he  did  not  need  such  a permit  from  the  governor,  and  that,  at 
all  events,  the  superior  of  the  missions  should  be  free  to  send 
his  subjects  out  of  the  country,  for  which  there  might  be  ur- 
gent reasons,  or  to  permit  them  to  leave  after  the  lapse  of 
their  ten  years  of  service,  without  having  to  make  applica- 
tion to  far-away  Upper  California.  Pages  thereupon  modified 
his  autocratic  prohibition,  so  that  the  lieutenant-governor 
could  grant  the  required  license  and  thus  avoid  delay. 

Among  the  Dominicans  who  left  the  country  in  1788  or  the 

19  Pages,  “Informe  del  Estado  de  las  Misiones,”  “California  .Ar- 
chives, State  Papers,  Missions.” 

20  Fr.  Sancho  to  Fr.  Lasuen,  Mexico,  April  1st,  1786.  (“Sta. 
Barb.  Arch.,”  ad  annum.)  Fr.  Francisco  Galisteo  meanwhile  acted 
as  presidente  of  the  missions.  Letter  of  Fr.  Galisteo  to  Fr.  Lasuen, 
Loreto,  April  19th,  1786.  (“Sta.  Barb.  Arch.”) 

21  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Tex.,”  vol.  i,  748-750. 

22  Franciscans  and  Dominicans  were  sent  to  California  to  serve 
ten  years,  after  which,  in  case  of  sickness,  they  were  free  to  leave. 

23  Arrillaga  to  Pages,  June  23d,  1788.  “Archbishop’s  Archives,” 
vol.  i,  no.  32.  Hidalgo  to  Arrillaga,  June  23d,  1788,  ibidem  no.  32b. 
Pages  had  no  authority  to  issue  such  an  order.  The  question  will 
be  ventilated  in  the  next  volume. 


532  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

next  year  was  Fr.  Luis  Sales,  author  of  the  only  work  on 
California  published  by  the  Dominicans.  According  to  Ban- 
croft the  book  consists  of  three  lengthy  letters  which  Sales 
wrote  to  a friend  and  which  were  printed  at  Valencia  in  1794. 
The  letters  are  largely  descriptive  and  do  not  purport  to 
present  a connected  historical  narrative  even  of  the  Domin- 
ican period.  The  first  and  second  letters  were  written  at 
Mission  San  Miguel,  Lower  California,  though  no  date  is 
given ; the  third  was  written  from  San  Miguel,  Azores  Islands, 
whither  the  author  had  gone  as  chaplain  of  a man-of-war 
from  Vera  Cruz. 

Nothing  worthy  of  note  occurred  at  the  missions  for  sev- 
eral years  until  1791,  when  a reenforcement  of  four  Domin- 
ican friars  arrived.  With  them  came  two  scientists,  Jaime 
Sensebe  and  Jose  Longinos  Martinez,  who  had  been  sent  by 
the  king  to  make  observations.  This  addition  of  four  mis- 
sionaries made  it  possible  for  the  Fathers  to  start  a new  mis- 
sion. On  April  24th,  1791,  therefore,  they  established  Mis- 
sion Santo  Tomas  de  Aquino  at  a place  called  San  Solano,  be- 
tween San  Vincente  Ferrer  and  San  Migiiel.  Fr.  Jose  Lori- 
ente  was  given  charge  of  the  new  establishment,  and  he  was 
there  still  in  December,  1794. 


From  a letter  which  Fr.  Fermin  Lasuen  of  Mission  San 
Gabriel,  Upper  California,  on  May  20th,  1791,  addressed  to 
Governor  Romeu,  we  learn  that  Fr.  Juan  Crisostomo  Gomez 


24  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  750. 

25  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  751;  “Archbishop’s  Ar- 
chives,” vol.  i,  no.  79. 


New  Missions;  Fages’s  Report 


533 


was  the  presiclente  of  the  Dominicans ; but  when  he  was  ap- 
pointed or  how  long  he  served  it  is  impossible  to  determine.  -® 
Fr.  Caietano  Pallas  succeeded  him  as  presidente  probably 
early  in  1793,  since  on  April  10th  he  reports  to  the  Francis- 
cans the  death  of  Fr.  Jose  Vidaurreta,  which  occurred  at  San 
Jose  del  Cabo  on  March  22d  of  that  year. 

26  Lasuen  to  Romeu,  “Santa  Barbara  .\rchives,”  ad  annum. 

27  Death  Notice,  Loreto,  April  10th,  1793,  “Santa  Barbara  Ar- 
chives.” 


CHAPTER  III. 


Mission  San  Pedro  Martir. — Mission  Santiago  and  Guadalupe 
Closed. — Governor  Borica. — Explorations. — Mission  Santa  Cata- 
lina.— Fr.  Apolinario’s  Defense. — Arrival  and  Departure  of  Mis- 
sionaries.— Governor  Borica  Retires. — Change  of  Presidente. — 
Mission  Reports  Demanded. — Formula  for  Reporting. — The 
Peninsula  Separated  from  the  Jurisdiction  of  Monterey. 

During  the  year  1792,  while  Arrillaga  acted  as  gover- 
nor at  Monterey,  eighteen  Dominican  friars,  whose 
names  are  unknown,  arrived  from  Mexico,  and  although  thir- 
teen Dominicans  obtained  leave  to  retire,  enough  remained 
to  make  the  founding  of  a new  mission  practicable.  Fr.  Pres- 
idente Caietano  Pallas  reported  the  event  to  Governor  Arril- 
laga as  follows:  “In  compliance  with  the  order  of  the  most 
excellent  Lord  Viceroy  of  New  Spain,  dated  March  27th  of 
last  year  (1793),  to  found  a new  mission  in  the  sierra  be- 
tween the  missions  of  Rosario  and  Santo  Domingo,  we  ac- 
complished said  founding  yesterday,  which  was  the  27th  of 
the  present  month,  by  taking  possession  of  a site  in  the  sierra 
mentioned  and  called  by  the  natives  Casilcpe,  but  now  San 
Pedro  Martir  de  Verona  by  the  neophytes,  east  of  the  nearest 
mission  which  is  twelve  or  fourteen  leagues  distant  from  it, 
and  by  planting  the  holy  Cross  and  celebrating  the  first  Mass 
on  the  same  day.  God  keep  you  many  years.  San  Pedro  Mar- 
tir, April  28th,  1794,  Fr.  Caietano  Pallas.”  ^ Owing  to  trou- 
bles with  the  pagan  Indians,  the  mission,  before  the  end  of 
the  year,  was  removed  a short  distance  to  a place  where  the 
natural  defenses  were  stronger  and  the  soil  more  fertile. 
Santo  Tomas  Mission  was  also  moved  somewhat  higher  up 
the  Canada  of  San  Solano.  ^ 

On  December  28th,  1793,  Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo  decreed 


1 Fr.  Pallas  to  Gov.  Arrillaga,  “Archbishop’s  .\rchives,’’  no.  60. 
It  was  situated  in  latitude  30  degrees  45  minutes,  aiul  longitude 
115  degrees  20  minutes. 

2 Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,’’  vol.  i,  751. 


New  Missions;  Form  of  Reports 


535 


the  suppression  of  two  feeble  missions,  Santiago  in  the  south 
and  Guadalupe  north  of  Loreto;  but  owing  to  Governor  Ar- 
rillaga’s  absence  from  the  peninsula  the  measure  was  not 
carried  out  until  April,  1795.  The  few  neophytes  of  Santiago 
were  transferred  to  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  and  those  of  Guada- 
lupe were  allotted  to  Mission  Purisima.  The  mission  prop- 
erty of  Guadalupe  was  put  in  charge  of  Luis  Aguilar  and  his 
heirs  on  joint  account  of  himself  and  the  government.  ^ 

While  Fr.  Crisostomo  Gomez  was  presidente  of  the  Domin- 
icans he  urged  the  necessity  of  missions  in  the  Colorado  River 
country,  and  solicited  aid  to  establish  them.  In  1791  the  vice- 
roy addressed  a communication  to  Governor  Romeu  in  rela- 
tion to  the  matter;  but  by  the  time  the  letter  reached  its  des- 
tination Romeu  had  died.  Lieutenant-Governor  Arrillaga  an- 
swered the  viceroy  in  favor  of  the  project.  It  was  then  de- 
cided to  found  at  lea.st  three  missions  and  a presidio  in  the 
territory  indicated.  Meanwhile  some  explorations  were  made 
in  the  direction  of  the  Colorado  River.  In  October,  1794, 
Sergeant  Ruiz  and  Fr.  Tomas  Valdellon  examined  a site  called 
Santa  Catalina,  midway  between  Santo  Tomas  and  the  head 
of  the  Gulf  of  California,  and  another  spot  near  it  called  Por- 
tezuelo.  Ensign  Bernal  continued  the  explorations  in  1795 
until  the  region  was  fairly  well  known. 

In  June,  1796,  Arrillaga  himself  set  out  from  Loreto  by 
sea  to  examine  the  Colorado  River  district.  After  landing 
at  Bahia  de  San  Luis  and  visiting  the  missions  of  San  Fer- 
nando de  Velicata,  Rosario,  and  Santo  Domingo,  he  arrived 
at  Mission  San  Vincente  Ferrer  on  July  13th.  Much  excite- 
ment prevailed  there  on  account  of  some  troubles  with  the 
pagan  Indians  during  which  some  soldiers  had  been  wounded 
and  a few  savages  killed.  The  neophytes  of  San  Pedro  Mar- 
tir,  Bancroft  asserts,  had  also  been  aroused  and  deserted  their 
mission  in  a body  with  the  declaration  that  they  would  not 
return  until  another  missionary  was  appointed.  Who  the 

3 Fr.  Pallas  to  Gov.  Arrillaga,  June  23d,  1794.  “.4rchb.  Archives,” 
no.  65;  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  752;  Hittell,  “Hist,  of 
Calif.,”  vol.  i,  555. 


536  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

opposed  friar  was  Bancroft  neglects  to  say.  At  Santa  Cata- 
lina Arrillaga,  accompanied  by  eleven  soldiers,  found  five 
hundred  Indians  already  waiting  for  the  opening  of  the  prom- 
ised mission.  The  lieutenant-governor  then  returned  to  San 
Vincente  to  make  preparations  for  a more  e.x;tended  tour  to 
the  northeast  of  Santa  Catalina.  Leaving  San  Vincente  on 
September  5th,  1796,  he  reached  the  Colorado  on  October 
18th,  and  found  himself  opposed  by  a band  of  savages.  A 
battle  ensued  during  which  one  soldier  was  killed  and  seven 
were  wounded.  The  Indians  lost  seven  warriors.  From  there 
Arrillaga  turned  to  the  northwest  and  on  October  27th  ar- 
rived at  San  Diego.  After  a rest  he  led  his  men  back  to  Lo- 
reto. His  leading  object  had  been  to  learn  if  it  were  prac- 
ticable to  open  communication  by  land  with  Sonora,  the 
dream  of  Fathers  Kino  and  Salvatierra  a century  before.  He 
found  it  useless  to  open  such  a route  unless  it  could  be  pro- 
tected by  a strong  garrison,  for  which  purpose  he  suggested 
a presidio  at  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado.  As  a base  of  sup- 
plies for  the  proposed  presidio  it  was  necessary  to  establish 
the  new  mission  of  Santa  Catalina  Martir,  about  twenty 
leagues  northeast  of  San  Vincente  Ferrer.  The  founding  of 
the  mission  was  ordered  by  the  viceroy  and  the  governor, 
but  as  the  military  post  demanded  fortifications  and  a strong 
garrison,  it  was  delayed.  ■* 

The  ceremony  of  founding  at  last  took  place  on  Novem- 
ber 12th,  1797,  and  Fr.  Jose  Loriente  on  the  next  day  re- 
ported to  Governor  Borica  as  follows:  “I  inform  Your  Honor 
that  having  been  notified  by  the  Fr.  Presidente,  Fr.  Caietano 
Pallas,  that  he  had  been  authorized  to  found  a mission  in  the 
sierra  of  the  frontier  towards  the  Rio  Colorado,  and  that, 
since  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  do  so  personally,  he  com- 
missioned me  to  perform  the  ceremony  of  the  founding,  I in 
consequence  and  in  accord  with  Sergeant  Jose  Manuel  Ruiz, 
comandante  of  the  frontier,  and  accompanied  by  the  Rev.  Fr. 
Tomas  Valdellon,  I proceeded  to  establish  said  mission  with 


■*  Hittell,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  554,  602-603;  Bancroft, 
“Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  752-754. 


New  Missions;  Form  of  Reports  537 

the  usual  ceremonies  on  the  12th  of  the  present  month  on 
the  spot  called  by  natives  Jaca-Tobojol,  between  the  missions 
of  San  Vincente  and  Santo  Tomas  and  the  frontier  sierra  to- 
wards the  Rio  Colorado,  in  the  presence  of  many  Gentiles  of 
both  sexes.  I blessed  the  water,  etc.,  the  site,  and  a Cross 
which  we  venerated  and  planted.  I then  intoned  the  Litany 
of  All  Saints,  sang  a High  Mass,  and  preached,  after  which 
we  sang  the  Te  Detim.”  An  Indian  mother  on  the  same  day 
offered  a girl  child  for  baptism.  The  infant  was  given  the 
name  of  the  patron  saint  of  the  mission,  Santa  Catarina,  as 
directed  by  Governor  Borica.  This  was  the  seventh  and  last 
mission  the  Dominicans  were  able  to  establish  on  the  penin- 
sula. ^ 

Some  excitement  prevailed  in  Lower  California  during  the 
last  years  of  the  century,  as  it  was  feared  the  English,  with 


whom  Spain  was  then  at  war,  might  seize  the  peninsula. 
There  were  only  fifty  soldiers  in  the  whole  territory,  and  not 
enough  inhabitants  to  furnish  more,  in  order  to  meet  an  at- 
tack from  a number  of  British  vessels  which  occasionally  'ap- 
peared in  sight  of  the  coast ; but  the  enemy  probably  thought 
the  barren  stretch  of  land  not  worth  the  trouble.  ® 

Throughout  the  mission  period  deserters  were  a source  of 
much  annoyance.  To  make  matters  worse  there  always  were 


5 “California  Archives,  State  Papers,  Missions,”  vol.  ii.  The  mis- 
sion was  situated  in  latitude  31  degrees  35  minutes,  and  longitude 
115  degrees  45  minutes. 

6 Bancroft,  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  754-759. 


538  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


those  malicious  enough  to  blame  the  devoted  missionaries. 
The  Dominicans  fared  no  better  than  either  the  Jesuits  or 
Franciscans.  It  seems  that  in  1796  complaints  of  this  kind 
were  brought  to  Governor  Borica,  and  that  Borica  mentioned 
the  subject  to  Fr.  Mariano  Apolinario  of  San  Miguel.  This 
matter  frequently  recurs  in  the  history  of  both  Californias.  It 
is  well,  therefore,  to  quote  Fr.  Mariano’s  reply,  in  order  that 
the  reader  may  be  aided  to  form  a just  judgment  on  a point 
which  has  been  made  the  pretext  for  endless  wilful  misrep- 
resentation. 

Writing  from  San  Miguel  under  date  of  January  7th,  1797, 
Fr.  Apolinario  says,  “To  the  contents  of  your  letter  I have 
to  say  in  the  first  place  that  I do  not  know  how  it  is  that  the 
paternal  jurisdiction  (as  Your  Honor  expresses  it  in  your 
communication ) should  extend  only  to  twenty-five  lashes,  * 
for  as  we  see  every  day  a father  at  times  inflicts  a slight  pun- 
ishment, and  at  other  times  a grave  chastisement  according 
as  the  misdeed  demands.  Can  it  forsooth  be  said  that  such 
a father  does  not  love  his  sons? 

“In  the  second  place,  the  motive  for  the  running  away  of 
the  Indians  does  not,  as  Your  Honor  says,  rise  from  too  much 
chastising.  Considering  the  character  of  these  Indians  I dare 
say  that  they  run  away  for  lack  of  punishment  rather  than 
for  punishing  them  in  keeping  with  the  guilt.  I prove  this 
by  telling  Your  Honor  that  when  my  companion,  Fr.  Mariano 
Yoldi,  received  charge  of  this  mission,  he  at  the  same  time 
received  from  the  Fr.  Presidente  a list  of  the  Indians.  It 
showed  that  there  were  then  forty  deserters,  and  had  they 
forsooth  run  away  because  of  too  much  chastising?  Your 
Honor  knows  very  well  the  kind  and  affable  character  of  our 
Rev.  Fr.  Presidente.  ® 

“Finally  Your  Honor  may  question  all  the  soldiers  that 
are  in  this  ancient  mission,  who  have  always  lived  in  the 

7 The  missionary  towards  the  Indians  stood  in  the  relation  of  a 
father  to  his  children.  This  was  recognized  by  the  government. 

8 Twenty-five  blows  was  the  limit;  the  punishment  was  applied 
by  some  Indians  who  held  a position. 

9 Fr.  Caietano  Pallas  was  then  presidente. 


New  Missions;  Form  of  Reports 


539 


neighborhood  of  this  mission.  They  will  tell  you  that  since 
the  founding  of  the  mission  until  the  present  moment  the  In- 
dians have  always  run  away.  Now,  in  fact,  we  perhaps  have 
fewer  runaways  than  any  of  the  Fathers  that  have  been  sta- 
tioned here.  I may  be  wrong,  but  the  cause  of  so  many  de- 
sertions is  the  neglect  of  going  in  search  of  them,  as  is  evi- 
dent from  their  own  declaration  which  the  Indians  have  made 
to  us.  When  an  Indian  was  asked  one  day  why  they  ran 
away,  since  they  were  not  whipped,  and  they  were  regularly 
given  food  and  clothing,  he  told  us  that  they  deserted  be- 
cause they  saw  that  no  one  went  after  them,  and  that  not 
the  slightest  solicitude  was  manifested  for  the  runaways.  This, 
as  Your  Honor  tells  me  in  your  letter,  is  not  found  in  the 
report ; well,  many  other  things  pertaining  to  the  royal 
service  are  not  found  in  the  report ; but  when  the  Fathers  are 
accused  that  is  quickly  put  into  the  report.” 

In  August,  1797,  the  following  Dominicans  arrived  at  Lo- 
reto to  aid  in  mission  work  and  relieve  some  of  the  older 
religious  who  wished  to  retire : Fathers  Jaime  Codina,  An- 

tonio Lazaro,  Juan  Rivas,  Raimundo  Escola,  Sigismundo  Font- 
cuberta,  Jose  Caulas,  Eudaldo  Surroca,  and  Placido  Sanz, 
During  the  next  year  Fathers  Rafael  Caballero,  Antonio  Ca- 
ballero, Antonio  Concepcion,  Ricardo  Tejeiro,  and  Jose  Lori- 
ente  departed  for  Mexico.  Fathers  Juan  Maria  Salgado  and 
Jorge  Coello  retired  in  1799,  and  Fr.  Caietano  Pallas  took 
leave  of  California  probably  in  1800.  Loriente  was  especially 
praised  by  the  governor  as  a very  able  missionary,  who,  prob- 
ably as  chaplain  of  a ship,  had  also  extended  his  travels  as 
far  as  San  Francisco  in  Upper  California. 

Fr.  Vincente  Belda  became  presidente  and  vicario  provim 
cial  about  the  end  of  1798.  In  reply  to  congratulations  from 


10  “Diario,”  presumably  daily  accounts  from  the  various  military 
officers. 

11  Fr.  Mariano  Apolinario  to  Gov.  Borica,  “California  Archives,” 
vol.  148,  pages  677-678.  The  United  States  Government  in  late 
years  had  numbers  affixed,  from  1-300,  according  to  the  number  of 
volumes  in  the  archives. 

12  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  756. 


( 


540  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

Fr.  Lasuen,  the  Franciscan  Presidente  of  Upper  California, 
Fr.  Belda  wrote,  “Though  I am  contented  in  the  holy  habit 
of  my  patriarch,  I have  a like  or  greater  affection  for  that  of 
St.  Francis,  obliged  thereto  for  being  a friar,  for  having  been 
on  the  eve  of  putting  it  on,  and  for  having  in  said  Order  two 
uncles,  who  are  definitors,  two  cousins,  who  are  lay-brothers, 
and  other  relatives. 

In  January,  1800,  Governor  Borica  on  account  of  illness 
retired  from  California  to  Durango  where  he  died  on  July 
19th.  He  had  held  the  office  for  nearly  six  years.  Arrillaga 
again  became  acting  governor,  but  continued  to  reside  at  Lo- 
reto. The  population  of  the  peninsula  at  the  close  of  the 
century  was  about  4500  souls,  including  from  four  to  eight 
hundred  Spaniards  and  me.stizos.  The  grain  crop  in  all  mis- 
sions combined  varied  between  3500  and  13,000  fanegas  a 
year.  Some  wine,  brandy,  and  fruits  were  also  produced. 

According  to  Fr.  Lasuen’s  circular,  dated  Mission  Carmelo, 
or  San  Carlos  de  Monterey,  October  19th,  1800,  Fr.  Juan 
Crisostomo  Gomez,  the  Dominican,  passed  to  his  eternal  re- 
ward during  the  summer  of  that  year.  No  dates  or  particu- 
lars are  reported.  From  San  Ignacio  on  July  22d,  1802,  Fr. 


Rafael  Arvina  informed  Fr.  Lasuen  that,  owing  to  the  resig- 
nation of  Fr.  Belda,  he  had  been  appointed  vicario  provincial 
and  presidente  of  the  Dominican  missions,  and  that  he  had 
taken  possession  of  the  office  on  April  28th  of  the  same  year. 

13  Fr.  Lasuen  to  Fr.  Belda,  March  10th,  1799;  Fr.  Belda  to  Fr. 
Lasuen,  Loreto,  May  16th,  1799.  (“Santa  Barbara  Archives,’’  ad 
annum.) 

11  Hittell,  “Hist,  of  Calif.,’’  vol.  i,  604-605;  Bancroft,  “Hist,  of 
Texas,’’  vol.  i,  762-763. 

15  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 

16  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 


New  Missions;  Form  of  Reports 


541 


In  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  Dominicans 
desired  to  extend  their  missionary  efforts  eastward  and  north- 
ward, but  the  intractable  nature  of  the  Indians,  the  barrenness 
of  the  soil,  their  own  poverty,  and  trouble  in  their  immediate 
surroundings,  had  such  a discouraging  effect  that  they  aban- 
doned the  project. 

As  early  as  April  30th,  1772,  the  viceroyal  council  in  Mex- 
ico decreed  that  the  missionaries  should  send  annual  re- 
ports on  the  state  of  their  missions  to  the  governor,  who  was 
directed  to  forward  them  to  the  capital,  whence  they  were 
transmitted  to  the  king.  The  accounts  received  from  Lower 
California  were  considered  so  unsatisfactory  that  under  date 
of  February  19th,  1776,  Viceroy  Bucareli  complained  to  Gov- 
ernor Neve,  and  at  the  same  time  took  occasion  to  lay  down 
regulations  which  formed  the  basis  for  the  minute  reports 
drawn  up  by  the  missionaries  ever  after,  and  which  afford 
such  a clear  view  of  mission  work  in  its  spiritual  as  well  as 
material  aspect  in  L’pper  California  down  to  the  end  of  the 
year  1834.  The  document  is  important  enough  to  be  repro- 
duced. 

“I  have  notified  Your  Honor,”  Bucareli  writes,  “under  date 
of  the  14th  of  the  present  month,  of  the  receipt  of  the  reports 
on  fourteen  missions  to  which  Your  Honor  added  an  accom- 
panying letter  dated  January  5th  previous.  I now  act  upon 
them  after  due  examination,  except  as  to  the  one  entitled 
Santa  Maria  de  los  Angeles,  of  which  I need  to  know  whether 
it  is  a mission  station  only  or  some  other  aggregation.  The 
confusion  and  lack  of  method  with  which  these  documents 
are  drawn  up  scarcely  give  an  idea  of  the  state  of  the  mis- 
sions. When  they  were  turned  over  to  the  Reverend  Domin- 
ican Fathers,  I directed  that  in  each  year  detailed  reports  con- 
cerning their  condition  should  be  forwarded  to  this  govern- 
ment, since  the  account  of  their  progress  must  be  given  to  the 
king.  In  view  of  the  reports  relative  to  the  year  1773,  under 
date  of  September  21st  of  the  same  year,  I informed  the  Rev. 


1’^  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  ii,  705-706. 

18  Letter  of  August  23d,  1782,  in  “Santa  Barbara  Archives.” 


542  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

Fr.  Vincente  Mora  of  the  propriety  of  instructing  the  mis- 
sionaries charged  with  the  missions,  that  in  the  statements 
they  express  clearly  and  distinctly  everything  pertaining  to 
each  along  with  the  increase,  or  decrease,  or  diminution  expe- 
rienced. In  a general  way,  it  is  perceived  those  rules  are  ob- 
served by  some  of  the  Fathers ; but  in  most  reports  there  is 
wanting  an  indication  of  the  lands  under  cultivation,  of  the 
product  of  the  harvests,  and  of  the  efforts  that  have  been 
made  towards  an  increase ; nor  do  they  distinctly  show  the 
kind  and  number  of  the  livestock  which  they  possess.  It  will 
be  necessary  that  in  future  reports  these  formalities  be  ob- 
served so  that  this  government  may  have  complete  informa- 
tion as  to  the  progress  of  each  mission  and  may  transmit  the 
same  to  His  Majesty. 

“In  order  to  obtain  this  object  I judge  it  much  to  the  pur- 
pose that  each  Father  begin  to  describe  the  location  and  the 
latitude,  and  to  express  the  time  of  its  founding,  or  that  of 
the  transfer  made  by  the  religious  of  San  Fernando ; that 
a description  be  made  of  the  church,  sacristy,  furniture,  and 
the  rest  of  which  there  is  knowledge,  and  to  place  in  a sep- 
arate paragraph  the  more  notable  improvements  of  the  year, 
doing  the  same  at  the  end  in  describing  the  dwelling  and 
whatever  pertains  to  the  farm,  in  order  that  at  first  sight  the 
increase  due  to  the  care  and  industry  of  the  missionaries  be 
perceived.  In  the  reports  on  the  land  which  is  cultivated  it 
will  be  expedient  to  observe  great  exactitude  in  the  future, 
for  since  this  and  the  increase  in  the  livestock  constitutes  the 
vigor  of  each  mission,  it  is  proper  to  have  knowledge  of  what 
each  possesses  and  what  it  adds  thereto.  Hence  it  is  expe- 
dient that  in  the  reports  it  be  stated  what  land  in  reality  there 
is  under  cultivation,  what  has  been  planted,  and  the  produce 
obtained  by  giving  the  number  of  fanegas  of  corn,  of  wheat, 
of  beans,  etc.,  without  forgetting  whether  the  mission  has  any 
vineyards,  how  many  vines,  how  many  fruit-trees  and  the 
amount  of  fruit  they  have  yielded,  for  which  purpose  it  will 


19  The  Franciscans  of  the  College  of  San  Fernando. 


New  Missions;  Form  of  Reports 


543 


be  useful  to  draw  up  a formula  exhibiting  this  important  in- 
formation in  separate  columns. 

“Nearly  all  the  reports  received,  in  giving  the  number  of 
people  and  the  number  of  livestock,  suffer  from  confusion. 
This  could  be  overcome  by  enumerating  the  males  separately 
and  stating  how  many  are  married,  how  many  are  widowers, 
how  many  single,  and  how  many  boys;  in  like  manner  by  ob- 
serving the  same  care  in  distinguishing  the  number  of  the  fe- 
males, whence  we  shall  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  whole 
number  of  souls.  The  like  system  could  be  practised  at  the 
end  of  the  Padron,  which  is  to  be  arranged,  by  mentioning 
those  that  existed  in  the  previous  year,  in  order  to  learn  the 
difference  which  may  be  noted  by  decrease  or  increase. 

“Concerning  the  livestock,  the  separation  according  to  kind 
and  number  is  most  important;  without  this  no  judgment  can 
be  formed  as  to  what  exists.  Besides  it  is  easy  to  express  this, 
and  likewise  it  is  expedient  at  the  end  to  indicate  the  number 
of  each  kind  which  existed  in  the  preceding  year  in  order  to 
conclude  the  progress.  Some  of  the  religious  already  men- 
tion the  most  notable  improvements  in  the  lands  and  planta- 
tions, but  it  is  necessary  that  all  observe  this  with  clearness 
and  after  proper  method,  as  nothing  affords  a more  complete 
idea  of  their  zeal  and  of  the  progress  which  can  be  expected 
from  such  information.  Much  more  than  I can  explain  the 
instructions.  Your  Honor  can  advance  the  matter  so  as  to  fa- 
cilitate exact  documents  concerning  what  is  in  the  country ; 
nor  can  the  importance  of  these  informations  be  concealed  to 
you.  I hope  that  Your  Honor  will  place  yourself  in  accord 
with  the  Rev.  Fr.  Vincente  Mora,  in  order  that,  after  he  also 
is  made  acquainted  with  it,  he  may  direct  that  the  rest  of  the 
Fathers  in  future  observe  the  regulations  which  I prescribe, 
and  those  that  Your  Honor  may  consider  opportune  for  the 
greater  clearness  and  understanding  of  the  reports  by  draw- 
ing up  a formula,  if  it  be  necessary,  so  that  all  may  follow 
one  and  the  same  method  and  style,  of  which  results  Your 

20  The  general  record  containing  the  names  of  all  the  Indians 
with  age,  sex,  antecedents,  and  condition  of  each  one. 


544  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Honor  will  furnish  me  with  the  corresponding  information. 
God  keep  Your  Honor  many  years.  Mexico,  February  19th, 
1776.  Don  Antonio  Maria  Bucareli  y Ursua.” 

The  annual  reports  of  the  various  missions  were  sent  by 
each  missionary  to  the  Father  Presidente  at  Loreto,  who  for- 
warded them  to  the  governor  at  Monterey,  Upper  California, 
until  the  peninsula,  by  royal  order  of  March  26th,  1804,  was 
withdrawn  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Monterey  official  in 
order  to  enjoy  a government  of  its  own.  In  the  same  month 
Arrillaga  was  promoted  to  the  governorship  of  Upper  Cali- 
fornia, but  ruled  Lower  California  until  the  arrival  of  its  own 
governor.  Captain  Felipe  de  Goycoechea,  formerly  comandante 
of  the  Santa  Barbara  presidio.  The  latter  was  appointed  in 
1805,  but  did  not  reach  the  peninsula  until  July,  1806.  The 
Arroyo  de  Barrabas,  or  Arroyo  del  Rosario,  between  fifteen 
and  twenty  miles  below  San  Diego,  was  assigned  as  the  divid- 
ing lifie  between  the  two  territories. 

21  “Sta.  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 

22  Hittell,  ‘‘Hist,  of  Calif.,”  vol.  i,  607;  Bancroft,  ‘‘Hist,  of  Texas,” 
vol.  ii,  705. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


The  California  Archives. — Reports  on  the  Missions  of  San  Jose 
del  Cabo,  Sahtiago  de  los  Coras,  Pueblo  of  Santa  Ana,  Todos 
Santos,  San  Francisco  Javier,  Loreto,  San  Jose  de  Comundii, 
Purisima  Concepcion,  Santa  Rosalia,  Guadalupe,  San  Ignacio, 
Santa  Gertrudis,  San  Francisco  de  Borja. 

IN  obedience  to  Viceroy  Bucareli’s  instructions,  reports  on 
the  missions  were  made  in  triplicate.  One  copy  was  sent 
to  the  vicero}  through  the  governor,  another  was  forwarded 
to  the  superiors  in  Mexico,  and  a third  was  retained  at  Lo- 
reto. When  the  missions  were  secularized  or  confiscated  most 
of  the  papers  were  collected  by  the  governors  of  the  respec- 
tive territories.  Those  of  Lower  California  dated  after  the 
separation  were  lost.  Most  of  the  documents  in  Upper  Cali- 
fornia, including  the  reports  from  the  peninsula  up  to  1804, 
later  became  the  property  of  the  United  States  Government 
which  had  them  bound  in  three  hundred  volumes  and  placed 
in  charge  of  a custodian  at  the  United  States  Surveyor’s  office, 
San  Francisco.  These  bound  volumes  of  Spanish  manuscripts 
constitute  the  California  Archives.  During  the  great  confla- 
gration of  April  19-22,  1906,  this  valuable  collection  was  de- 
stroyed. Fortunately,  a year  before  the  disaster,  the  author 
copied  all  the  material  which  he  needed,  and  some  of  this  is 
utilized  in  the  following  concise  description  of  the  missions 
near  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Bancroft  had  much 
of  the  contents  of  the  California  Archives  transcribed  bodily, 
and  the  result  of  his  efforts  are  the  sixty-nine  bound  volumes 
now  at  California  Hall,  University  of  California,  Berkeley. 

From  the  mission  reports  we  learn  that  the  Dominicans,  de- 
spite the  many  drawbacks  of  the  country,  exhibited  activity 
similar  to  that  of  the  Franciscans  in  Upper  California  of 
which  more  is  on  record.  We  have  seen  what  the  missions 
effected  under  the  administration  of  the  Jesuits  and  Francis- 
cans, we  now  proceed  to  describe  the  state  of  each  mission 


546  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

under  the  management  of  the  Dominicans,  as  far  as  could  be 
gathered  from  the  fragmentary  documents  examined.  ^ 

Mission  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  the  first  of  the  peninsular  estab- 
lishments beginning  at  the  south,  reports  that  in  1799  a large 
building  of  adobe  was  erected.  It  measured  fifty-eight  varas 
in  length,  seven  varas  in  width,  and  five  varas  in  height,  and 
was  roofed  with  tides.  Twenty  varas  of  this  structure  served 
for  a church  and  sacristy  uatil  a more  suitable  edifice  could 
be  raised.  Another  small  building  ten  varas  long,  six  varas 
wide,  and  four  varas  high,  had  been  constructed  of  adobe  and 
roofed  with  tules  for  the  purpose  of  lodging  the  unmarried 
men  and  serving  as  a kitchen  for  the  neophytes.  The  former 
church  had  been  destroyed  by  the  floods  of  1793.  From  twen- 
ty-eight souls  in  1782  the  Indian  population  rose  to  two  hun- 
dred in  1800.  The  livestock  varied  considerably.  Cattle  de- 
creased from  535  to  388  head ; horses  increased  from  163  to 
546  head ; sheep  and  goats  decreased  from  572  to  282  head, 
and  mules  from  68  head  to  only  one.  The  yield  of  grain  in 
four  years  for  which  there  are  any  reports  varied  between  180 
to  259  fanegas.  The  missionaries  stationed  at  San  Jose  del 
Cabo  from  1768-1773  were  the  Franciscans  Juan  Moran  and 
Juan  Antonio  Rioboo.  Their  immediate  successors  are  not 
known;  but  Fr.  Jose  Lafuente  was  in  charge  during  1788,  and 


Fr.  Jose  Vidaurreta,  who  presumably  followed  him,  died  on 
March  22d,  1793.  ^ Fr.  Pablo  Zarate  was  in  charge  until  1798, 
and  during  1797-1798  had  as  assistant  Fr.  Eudaldo  Surroca. 

1 “California  Archives,  State  Papers,  Missions’’;  Palou,  “Noti- 
cias,’’  tom.  i;  Bancroft,  “History  of  Te.xas,’’  vol.  i,  760-763. 

2 Letter  of  Fr.  Caietano  Pallas,  Loreto,  .^pril  10th,  1793.  (“Santa 
Barbara  .Archives,”  ad  annum.) 


State  of  the  Missions 


547 


In  1794  there  is  mention  of  a library  which  contained  fifty 
volumes. 

Mission  Santiago  de  los  Coras.  The  neophytes  o'f  this  small 
establishment  by  1772  had  become  so  poor  that  they  lived  on 
the  flesh  of  stray  cattle.  Ten  Indian  families  with  forty-three 
souls  are  reported  for  1782.  In  1794  there  were  altogether 
seventy  Indians  nominally  attached  to  the  mission ; these  by 
order  of  Governor  Borica  were  removed  to  Mission  San  Jose 
del  Cabo.  Santiago  in  1795  was  abandoned  and  the  estate 
turned  over  to  Salvador  Castro.  The  crops  had  varied  be- 
tween thirty  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  fanegas  a year.  In 
the  year  1782  thirty-four  fanegas  of  corn  were  harvested. 
Horses  and  mules  nevertheless  increased  from  ninety-two  head 
in  1782  to  250  in  1794,  cattle  from  280  to  600  head,  and  eighty 
head  of  sheep  and  goats  were  counted  in  1782.  The  Francis- 
cans Jose  Murguia,  Juan  Rioboo,  and  Francisco  Villuendas, 
and  the  secular  priest  Rev.  Baeza  had  charge  of  the  mission 
from  1768  to  1773.  Which  of  the  Dominican  friars  succeeded 
them  it  is  impossible  to  say;  but  F'r.  Francisco  Hontiyuelo  was 
stationed  here  from  1790  to  1794. 

Santa  Ana  Pueblo.  This  was  a mining  town,  but  the  mines 
were  regarded  as  exhausted  in  1772.  It  had  a garrison  of 
thirty-six  men  in  1776.  The  Rev.  Isidro  Ibarzabal,  a secular 
priest,  was  the  curate  from  1768  to  1776.  The  report  for 
1790  gives  the  population  as  consisting  of  381  males  and  314 
females,  of  whom  three  were  Europeans,  133  Spaniards,  198 
Indians,  157  mulattoes,  and  204  of  mixed  races,  besides  one 
Dominican  friar,  or  in  all  696  souls.  Fr.  Jose  Lafuente  served 
as  curate  in  1794  and  1795.  Fr.  Rafael  Arviiia  took  his  place 
in  1796.  His  allowance  was  two  head  of  cattle  a month. 

Mission  Todos  Santos  in  1793  reports  the  existence  of  an 
adobe  church  twenty-four  by  nine  varas  in  size  which  had  been 
erected  in  1786.  It  also  had  a separate  adobe  chapel  dedicated 
to  Our  Lady  of  the  Rosary.  The  corridor  of  the  missionary’s 
dwelling  was  of  stone.  The  same  report  also  mentions  a sugar- 
mill,  a forge,  and  a small  distillery.  The  sugar  was  made  of 
sugar-canes.  The  Indian  population  increased  from  twenty- 
one  families  and  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  souls  in  1782  to 


548  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

one  hundred  and  eighty-one  souls  in  1800.  Horses  increased 
from  462  in  1782  to  751  in  1793,  and  decreased  to  390  head 
in  1800;  mules  increased  from  113  in  1782  to  125  head  in 
1800;  sheep  and  goats  decreased  from  270  head  to  none  in 
1800;  and  cattle  decreased  from  888  in  1782  to  729  head.  Four- 
teen head  of  swine  are  reported  for  1782.  The  mining  town 
of  Santa  Ana  twelve  leagues  distant  was  attended  from  this 
mission  in  1794.  From  1768-1773  the  Franciscans  Juan  Ra- 
mos de  Lora,  Jose  A:  Murguia,  Juan  Figuer,  Marcelino  Senra, 
and  Miguel  Sanchez  were  in  charge  of  the  mission.  The  names 
of  the  Dominicans  who  followed  them  are  not  known ; but  Fr. 
Mariano  Fernandez  was  the  missionary  from  1790  to  1798; 
Fr.  Francisco  Hontiyuelo  assisted  him  in  1797.  ^ 

Mission  San  Francisco  de  Javier  in  1793  had  a church  of 
masonry  forty-one  by  seven  and  one-half  varas  in  size  with 
a transept  surmounted  by  a cupola.  The  tower  had  three 
stories.  On  either  side  of  the  church  was  a sacristy  which 
measured  eight  by  four  and  one-half  varas.  The  baptistry 
was  three  and  one-half  by  four  and  one-half  varas  in  size. 
The  sanctuary  had  the  width  of  the  church.  The  church  con- 
tained many  paintings,  and  it  was  well  supplied  with  vestments. 
The  house  of  the  missionary  was  also  of  stone.  Locusts  and 
drought  did  much  damage  to  the  vines,  fruits,  and  corn.  In 
1782  forty-two  families  with  one  hundred  and  sixty-nine  souls 
were  reported ; these  dwindled  to  one  hundred  and  eleven  in 
1800.  Horses  and  mules  increased  from  122  in  1782  to  two 
hundred  head  in  1800,  cattle  from  218  to  300,  sheep  and  goats 
from  290  to  600  head.  The  harvests  yielded  from  245  to  350 
fan^as  of  grain.  In  1782  twenty-eight  fanegas  of  beans  were 
gathered,  and  sixty  tinajas  of  wine,  each  containing  seventy 
quartillas,  were  manufactured.  There  was  a forge  at  the 
mission,  and  a library  is  reported  for  the  missionary’s  house. 
The  Franciscans  in  charge  before  1773  were  Francisco  Pal6u, 
Juan  Escudero,  Ramon  Uson,  and  Fernando  Parron.  Who 
their  immediate  Dominican  successors  were  is  not  on  record. 
Fr.  Geronimo  Soldevilla  was  stationed  here  from  1790  to 


3 For  the  “Lord’s  Prayer”  in  Guaicuro  see  Appendix  I,  no.  1. 


State  of  the  Missions 


549 


1798,  and  during  that  time  Fr.  Miguel  Gallego  in  1794,  and 
Fr.  Tomas  Marin  in  1797,  were  his  assistants. 

Mission  and  Presidio  of  Loreto.  In  1793  the  church  is  re- 
ported as  being  fifty-six  varas  long  and  seven  varas  wide  and 
richly  decorated.  It  had  a sacristy  whose  dimensions  were  six 
by  eight  varas.  The  house  of  the  missionaries  was  built  of 
masonry  and  roofed  with  tiles.  It  contained  a sala,  or  recep- 
tion room,  twelve  varas  long  and  six  varas  wide,  and  another 
room  six  by  seven  varas  in  size.  The  library  consisted  of  four 
hundred  and  sixty-six  volumes.  In  1794  the  yard  was  paved 
to  protect  the  foundations  of  the  church.  The  Indian  popula- 
tion of  the  mission  in  1782  was  composed  of  sixteen  families 
with  seventy  souls.  In  1800  the  report  shows  a population  of 
about  six  hundred  souls,  of  whom  more  than  half  was  of 
Spanish  or  mixed  blood.  In  fact  only  thirty-seven  Indians  are 
reported  for  the  year  1798.  In  1782  the  mission  owned  73 
horses  and  122  cattle ; in  1800  there  were  50  horses  and  350 
cattle ; but  the  reports  mention  no  sheep.  The  presidio  owned 
a few  hundred  horses  and  cattle.  The  crops,  which  could  not 
be  large,  are  not  reported.  From  1768  to  1773  the  Francis- 
cans in  charge  were  the  Fathers  Junipero  Serra,  Fernando 
Parron,  Vincente  de  Santa  Maria,  Jose  A.  de  Murguia,  and 
Francisco  Palou.  Their  Dominican  successors  were  the 
Fathers  Vincente  Mora,  Jose  Armesto  in  1790,  Caietano  Pal- 
las in  1794-1798,  Miguel  Gallego,  Pedro  Acebedo  in  1795, 
Placido  Sanz  in  1798,  and  Vincente  Belda. 

Mission  San  Jose  de  Comundu.  The  church,  built  of  stone, 
measured  thirty  by  thirteen  varas,  and  was  therefore  the 
widest  in  the  territory.  It  had  an  arched  ceiling,  and  the  inte- 
rior was  divided  into  three  naves  richly  decorated.  There  were 
three  altars,  twenty-five  paintings,  and  six  images.  The  vest- 
ments were  of  the  finest.  The  spacious  dwelling  of  the  mis- 
sionary was  also  built  of  stone,  and  contained  a library  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty-six  volumes.  In  1798  the  foundations 
for  a building,  nineteen  by  six  varas,  were  laid  and  another 
corral  prepared.  The  Indian  population  in  1782  counted  only 
fifteen  families  with  eighty  souls,  and  these  dwindled  to  twen- 


550  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

ty-eight  in  1800.  In  1782  the  report  has  125  horses,  98  mules, 
375  sheep,  128  cattle,  and  24  swine.  In  1800  the  mission 
claimed  about  1000  sheep,  few  cattle,  200  horses  and  mules, 
and  forty  swine.  In  1782  about  600  fanegas  of  wheat,  70 
fanegas  of  corn,  3 fanegas  of  beans,  3 fanegas  of  garbanzos, 
and  150  arrobas  of  figs  were  harvested.  Seventy  tinajas  of 
wine,  each  holding  100  cuartillas,  were  manufactured.  The 
reports  after  that  are  meager,  but  the  grain  crop  never  ex- 
ceeded 400  fanegas.  From  1768-1773  the  Franciscans  Anto- 
nio Martinez,  Juan  Prestamero,  and  Tomas  de  la  Pena  had 
charge  of  the  mission.  The  names  of  their  immediate  Do- 
minican successors  are  not  in  the  records  which  we  have ; 
but  Fr.  Ricardo  Tejeiro  followed  from  1794  to  1796  and  pos- 
sibly later.  After  him  came  Fr.  Jorge  Coello  in  1797  and 
1798,  and  Fr.  Jose  Antonio  Sanchez.  * 

Mission  Ptirisima  Concepcion  de  Cadegomd  in  1793  re- 
ports an  adobe  church  twenty-five  by  six  and  one-half  varas, 
and  poorly  furnished.  The  priest’s  house  was  a spacious  adobe 
building  with  a library  containing  two  hundred  volumes.  In 
the  following  year  two  additional  houses  were  erected.  The 
Indian  population  dwindled  from  seventeen  families  with 
eighty-one  souls  in  1782  to  sixty-one  souls  in  1800.  In  1782 
the  harvest  yielded  200  fs.  of  wheat,  60  fs.  of  corn,  8 fs.  of 
beans,  2 fs.  of  garbanzos,  and  600  arrobas  of  figs.  In  addi- 
tion thirty-eight  tinajas  of  wine,  each  containing  100  cuartil- 
las, were  obtained  from  the  vineyard.  This  was  about  the 
average  product  of  the  farm  and  garden  down  to  1800.  The 
mission  owned  90  horses,  74  mules,  60  cattle,  400  sheep,  and 
30  swine  in  1782;  in  1800  there  were  263  horses  and  mules, 
422  head  of  cattle,  896  sheep,  and  40  swine.  The  Franciscans 
in  charge  from  1768-1773  were  Juan  Crespi,  Juan  Ignacio 
Gaston,  Francisco  Echasco,  and  Martin  Palacios.  Their  im- 
mediate Dominican  successors  are  unknown.  The  reports  for 
1794-1798  give  only  the  name  of  Fr.  Antonio  Sanchez  as  mis- 
sionary of  Purisima. 


* For  the  “Lord’s  Prayer”  as  said  at  this  mission  see  .Appendix 
I,  no.  2. 


State  of  the  Missions 


551 


Mission  Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege  in  1770  had  been  dam- 
aged so  severely  by  floods  that  the  Dominicans  found  it  almost 
deserted.  They  spent  $3000  on  irrigation  works  before  the 
year  1786.  The  Indian  population  in  1782  consisted  of  but 
twenty  families  with  seventy-five  souls.  In  1800  there  were 
ninety  Indians  on  the  mission  list.  The  report  of  1782  has 
83  horses,  30  mules,  and  457  sheep  and  goats,  but  no  cattle ; in 
1800  the  livestock  consisted  of  148  mules  and  horses,  100  head 
of  cattle,  and  about  275  sheep  and  goats.  From  400  to  500 
fs.  of  grain  were  harvested  annually.  Wine  and  cotton  in 
small  quantities  were  also  obtained.  Building  activity  is 

shown  in  that  a kitchen  for  the  Indians  was  erected  in  1794, 
and  during  the  year  1798  six  cottages  of  adobe  having  a flat 
earthen  roof  were  built  for  the  Indians.  Another  adobe  struc- 
ture was  added  in  the  same  year.  From  1768-1773  the  Fran- 
ciscans were  the  Fathers  Franc.  Gomez,  J.  Benito  Sierra,  and 
Pedro  Arriquibar.  The  Dominican  Fr.  Jose  Herrera  was 
stationed  here  from  1783-1794,  Fr.  Miguel  Gallego  in  1795- 
1798,  and  Fr.  Domingo  Timon  in  1800. 

Mission  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe  in  1793  had  an 
adobe  church  whose  dimensions  were  thirty-two  by  seven 
varas.  The  report  of  1782  shows  thirty  Indian  families  with 
one  hundred  and  five  souls,  109  horses,  59  mules,  243  cattle,  800 
sheep,  and  60  goats.  In  1794  the  livestock  consisted  of  108 
horses  and  mules,  500  cattle,  and  486  sheep  and  goats.  The 
yield  of  grain  amounted  to  75  fs. ; it  sometimes  reached  200 
fs.  In  1795  the  mission,  which  then  had  only  seventy-four 
neophytes,  was  closed.  The  Franciscans  Juan  Sancho  de  la 
Torre,  Andres  Villaumbrales,  and  Manuel  Lago  had  charge 

from  1768-1773.  Fr.  Rafael  Arvina  is  the  only  Dominican 
mentioned  in  connection  with  this  mission.  He  was  stationed 
there  in  1794.® 


5 For  the  history  of  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe,  see  Appendix  E. 


552  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

Mission  San  Ignacio  in  1782  had  a neophyte  population  of 
sixty-seven  families  with  two  hundred  and  forty-one  souls ; 
this  decreased  to  one  hundred  and  thirty  souls  in  the  year 
1800.  The  livestock,  however,  increased  somewhat.  There 
were  99  horses  and  mules  in  1782;  in  1800  there  were  340 
head ; 500  head  of  cattle  are  reported  for  both  years,  but 
sheep  and  goats  advanced  from  900  to  1000  head.  The  mis- 
sion in  1800  also  owned  20  swine.  The  yield  of  grain  varied 
between  750  and  1000  fs.  a year,  and  from  90  to  400  tinajas 
of  wine  were  manufactured.  Some  cotton  was  also  raised. 
The  mission,  unlike  many  others  on  the  peninsula,  had  good 
land  and  raised  much  fruit.  The  report  of  1793  tells  of  800 
fig-trees,  50  date-palms,  and  150  pomegranate-trees.  A 
church  of  stone  with  arched  ceiling  was  completed  in  1786;  it 
measured  forty-four  by  seven  and  five-tenths  varas  in  size, 
and  was  considered  the  finest  in  the  country.  It  was  well  fur- 
nished with  vestments,  some  of  which  were  costly.  The  house 
of  the  Fathers  had  two  reception  rooms,  besides  nine  other 
rooms.  There  was  a separate  house  for  the  widows  and  or- 
phans. In  1799  various  Indian  dwellings  were  renovated,  and 
at  one  rancho  two  houses  and  a chapel  were  erected.  The 
Franciscans  stationed  here  from  1768-1773  were  Fathers 
Miguel  Campa  y Cos,  Juan  de  Medina  Beitia,  and  Jose  Lego- 
mera.  Their  immediate  successors  are  not  on  record ; but 
those  in  charge  later  were  Fr.  Juan  Crisostomo  Gomez  until 
1793,  Fr.  Joaquin  Calvo  in  1794  and  1795,  Fr.  Domingo  Timon 
from  1795  to  1798,  and  Fr.  Jose  Loriente  in  1796.® 

Mission  Santa  Gertrudis,  one  of  the  most  populous  in  1768, 
reported  only  sixty-six  families  with  three  hundred  and  seven- 
teen souls  in  1782,  and  this  number  further  dwindled  to  two 
hundred  and  three  souls  in  1800.  The  livestock  varied  be- 
tween 146  horses  and  mules  in  1782  and  150  in  1800;  cattle 
decreased  from  212  head  in  1782  to  80  in  1800;  but  sheep 
and  goats  multiplied  from  777  to  2770  head.  In  1782  wheat 
yielded  200  fs.  and  corn  88  fs. ; in  1800  only  126  fs.  of  grain 


® For  the  Lord’s  Prayer  as  recited  at  this  mission,  see  Appendix 
I,  no.  3. 


State  of  the  Missions 


553 


were  harvested ; 100  tinajas  of  wine  were  obtained  from  the 
vineyard  in  1782;  for  the  other  years  the  reports  are  silent. 
There  was  but  little  good  land,  and  water  was  not  plentiful. 
The  church  in  1793  is  reported  as  of  adobe  and  roofed  with 
tides.  In  1794  a carpenter-shop  and  a smithy  were  erected. 
In  1798  a building  seven  by  six  varas  in  size  was  constructed 
of  masonry.  During  the  following  year  a reservoir  and  trench 
were  built  with  lime  and  stone,  besides  two  walls  each  fifteen 
varas  in  length  and  five  varas  in  height.  Two  years  later  a 
large  building  arose  to  shelter  the  girls  and  unmarried  women, 
and  four  dwellings  for  Indians  were  erected.  Thus  Santa 
Gertrudis  showed  considerable  activity.  The  Franciscans  in 
charge  from  1768  to  1773  were  Fr.  Dionisio  Basterra,  Fr. 
Juan  Sancho,  and  Gregorio  Amurrio.  The  name  of  only  one 
Dominican  is  recorded,  Fr.  Jose  E.spin,  who  was  stationed  at 
this  mission  from  1794  to  1798  and  probably  longer. 

Mission  San  Francisco  de  Borja  was  the  most  populous 
founded  by  the  Jesuits.  In  1782  the  lists  showed  one  hun- 
dred and  sixty-eight  families  with  six  hundred  and  fifty-seven 
souls.  In  1800  four  hundred  still  remained.  Horses  and 
mules  decreased  from  183  to  130  head;  cattle  dwindled  from 
366  head  to  only  31  in  1800;  sheep  and  goats  decreased  from 
1691  head  to  1000  in  1800.  There  were  30  swine  in  1782,  but 
in  1800  they  had  disappeared.  The  harvest  in  1782  yielded 
280  fs.  of  wheat,  one  fanega  of  barley,  60  fs.  of  corn,  3 fs.  of 
beans,  2 fs.  of  garbanzos,  or  horse-beans,  and  22  tinajas  of 
wine.  In  1800  the  average  was  about  the  same.  The  report 
of  1793  describes  the  old  church  as  of  adobe  and  covered  with 
tides.  It  was  thirty-two  by  seven  varas  in  size.  The  interior, 
besides  having  three  altars,  contained  twenty  pictures.  The 
report  of  1801  tells  of  a stone  church  under  construction  and 
nearly  finished.  The  habitation  of  the  priest  was  of  stone. 
The  Franciscans  stationed  here  from  1768  to  1773  were  Fr. 
Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen  and  Fr.  Marcelino  Senra.  The 
names  of  their  immediate  Dominican  successors  are  not  given 


7 “Una  Iglesia  de  cal  y piedras,  la  cual  esta  en  punto  de  sentar 
las  cornizas.”  See  also  “.'Archbishop’s  .Archives,’’  no.  86. 


554  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

anywhere;  but  in  1775  Fr.  Manuel  Garcia  labored  here,  and 
Fr.  Martin  Zavaleta  attended  San  Borja  in  1783.  Fr.  Mel- 
chor  Pons  was  stationed  there  in  1794  and  1797,  and  he  may 
have  dwelt  there  in  the  intervening  years.  Fr.  Antonio  La- 
zaro  is  in  the  reports  for  1797-1798  and  possibly  later.  Fr. 
Juan  Maria  Salgado  seems  to  have  been  in  charge  in  1795- 
1799.  8 


8 For  the  “Lord’s  Prayer”  as  said  at  this  mission,  see  .\ppendix 
I,  no.  4. 


CHAPTER  V. 
(Continued.) 


Missions  San  Fernando  de  Velicata,  Rosario,  Santo  Domingo,  San 

Vincente  Ferrer,  Santo  Tomas,  San  Pedro  Martir,  San  Miguel, 

Santa  Catalina. 

Mission  San  Fernando  Rey  de  Velicata,  to  which  the  neo- 
phytes of  Mission  Santa  Maria  de  los  Angeles  had  been  re- 
moved, in  1782  reported  one  hundred  and  seventy-nine  fam- 
ilies with  six  hundred  and  forty-two  souls.  The  number  de- 
creased gradually,  so  that  in  1794  there  were  five  hundred 
and  twenty-five,  and  in  1800  only  three  hundred  and  sixty- 
three  neophytes  on  the  rolls.  The  mission  owned  compara- 
tively little  livestock  at  any  time.  In  1782  only  12  horses,  19 
mules,  110  head  of  cattle,  178  sheep,  and  65  goats  belonged 
to  the  establishment.  In  1800  the  reports  have  about  the 
same  number  of  animals  besides  13  swine.  The  crops  in  1782 
amounted  to  368  fs.  of  wheat,  410  fs.  of  corn,  and  107  fs.  of 
barley.  In  1800  only  660  fs.  of  all  kinds  of  grain  were  har- 
vested. Some  cotton  was  raised  at  San  Fernando,  but  the 
yield  did  not  amount  to  much,  it  seems.  The  church  in  1793, 
thirty-three  by  five  and  one-half  varas  in  size,  was  built  of 
adobe  and  poles,  and  poorly  furnished.  The  house  of  the 
missionaries  was  of  the  same  material,  but  spacious.  In  1798 
an  adobe  building,  measuring  seven  by  sixteen  varas,  was 
erected.  It  had  a flat  roof  constructed  of  reeds  and  mud. 
The  structure  was  intended  for  a store-room.  The  Francis- 
cans in  charge  from  the  founding  to  1773  were  Fr.  Miguel 
Campa  y Cos,  Fr.  Vincente  Fuster,  Fr.  Antonio  Linares,  and 
Fr.  Pedro  Cam  bon.  As  far  as  the  records  and  casual  remarksi 
in  Fr.  Palou’s  “Noticias”  show,  the  Dominicans  stationed  here 
were  Fr.  Migpiel  Hidalgo  and  Fr.  Pedro  Gandiaga  in  1773- 
1774,  Fr.  Jorge  Coello  in  1794,  Jose  Caulas  in  1795-1797,  and 
Fr.  Rafael  Arvina  in  1795-1799. 

Mission  Nuestra  Seiiora  del  Rosario,  the  first  mission  estab- 
lished by  the  Dominicans,  in  1782  reported  fifty-three  Indian 


556  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

families  with  two  hundred  and  fifty-one  souls.  In  1793  there 
were  three  hundred  and  ninety  neophytes  enrolled.  After  this 
date  the  Indian  population  decreased  so  that  in  1800  the  mis- 
sion counted  only  two  hundred  and  fifty-seven  Indians.  In 
1782  74  horses,  19  mules,  140  cattle,  358  sheep,  and  70  goats 
belonged  to  the  mission.  At  the  close  of  the  century  there 
were  ninety  horses  and  mules,  200  cattle,  700  sheep  and  goats, 
and  about  60  swine.  In  1782  the  crops  amounted  to  9 fs.  of 
wheat,  200  fs.  of  barley,  401  fs.  of  corn,  and  14  fs.  of  beans. 
In  1800  about  2554  fanegas  of  all  kinds  of  grain  were  har- 
vested. The  report  of  1793  describes  the  church  as  consist- 
ing of  adobe  and  poles  and,  including  the  sacristy,  measured 
forty-six  by  nine  varas  in  size.  It  had  only  one  altar  and  the 
interior  was  poorly  furnished.  The  house  of  the  priests  was 
an  adobe  structure.  In  1798  a building  eight  varas  in  length 
was  erected  in  addition  to  others  built  in  former  years  of 
which  we  have  no  reports.  In  1794  a new  cemetery  was  laid 
out.  In  1799  a building  containing  several  rooms  was  con- 
structed at  San  Jose,  a ranch  in  the  district  where  the  grain 
was  raised.  Moreover,  an  oratory  measuring  six  by  sixteen 
varas  in  size  was  erected.  The  walls  were  of  adobe  and  the 
roof  was  made  of  reeds  and  covered  with  earth.  During  the 
year  1800  four  rooms  were  added  to  the  mission  buildings, 
one  was  twelve  by  six  varas  and  served  for  a store-room ; the 
others  measured  six  by  ten  varas  and  were  used  as  kitchen, 
forge,  and  weaving  room  respectively.  All  these  structures 
were  of  adobe,  and  the  roof  consisted  of  poles  covered  with 
earth.  As  far  as  known  Fr.  Francisco  Galisteo  was  in  charge 
in  1775,  Fr.  Pedro  Gandiaga  in  1790,  Fr.  Vincente  Belda  in 
1794-1797,  and  Fr.  Juan  Rivas  in  1797. 

Mission  Santo  Domingo  in  1782  reported  only  twenty  fam- 
ilies with  seventy-nine  souls ; but  the  population  increased 
to  two  hundred  and  fifty-seven  in  1800.  Horses  and  mules 
increased  from  80  to  166  head  for  the  same  period,  cattle 
from  167  to  500,  sheep  and  goats  from  53  to  1100,  and  swine 
from  20  to  30  head.  The  grain  crop  varied  between  410  and 
1620  fs.  Considerable  activity  was  displayed  at  Santo  Do- 


The  Dominican  Missions 


557 


mingo  during  the  last  years  of  the  eighteenth  and  the  first 
years  of  the  nineteenth  centuries.  In  1793  the  church  build- 
ing was  a poor  structure  of  adobe  and  poles,  and  measured 
but  eight  by  eighteen  varas.  The  priest’s  house  was  of  the 
same  material.  In  1794  a new  cemetery  was  laid  out,  a cor- 
ral of  adobe  constructed,  and  a small  building  of  adobe 
erected.  At  the  Rancho  of  San  Anselmo,  a league  from  the 
old  mission  site,  the  Fathers  in  1798  put  up  a large  building 
* which  contained  a chapel  for  celebrating  holy  Mass,  private 
rooms,  a kitchen,  all  the  workshops  needed  at  a mission,  and 
a granary,  apparently  with  a view  to  remove  the  mission  to 
the  new  site.  Sufficient  land  was  also  plowed  to  plant  eight 
fs.  of  corn,  as  water  was  abundant.  During  the  following 
year,  1799,  a corral  of  adobe  posts  was  constructed  at  San 
Telmo  for  the  wild  cattle.  A house  for  the  Fathers  and  one 
other  for  cowherds  were  also  built  at  the  same  place.  More- 
over, say  the  reports,  the  water  pool  was  surrounded  with 
adobe  pillars  to  prevent  the  cattle  from  soiling  the  water,  and 
all  the  buildings  erected  at  San  Telmo  in  the  past  years  were 
whitewashed.  A dam  and  water  ditch  were  built  to  irrigate 
the  land.  In  1800  a few  more  rooms  were  added,  besides  a 
smithy  and  a carpenter-shop,  and  all  the  buildings  of  the  mis- 
sion itself  were  whitewashed.  During  the  year  1801  a fever 
epidemic  visited  the  mission  and  carried  off  many  of  the  In- 
dians. Nevertheless,  a house  for  the  mission  guards  was  con- 
structed. The  Dominicans  stationed  at  Santo  Domingo  were 
Fr.  Manuel  Garcia  in  1775-1776,  Fr.  Miguel  Hidalgo  in  1775, 
Fr.  Jose  Aivar  in  1790,  Fr.  MiguH  Abad  in  1794-1798,  and 
Fr.  Jaime  Godina  in  1795. 

Mission  San  Vincente  Ferrer  in  1782  had  fourteen  families 
with  but  eighty-three  souls.  The  highest  number  reached  was 
two  hundred  and  fifty-seven  in  1785.  In  1800  there  were  still 
two  hundred  and  forty-six  natives  attached  to  the  mission. 
The  livestock  was  not  numerous.  Horses  and  mules  varied 
between  46  in  1782  and  161  in  1800.  Cattle  increased  from 
56  head  to  750,  sheep  and  goats  from  141  to  1300  head.  The 
harvest  in  1782  yielded  200  fs.  of  wheat,  25  fs.  of  barley,  120 


558  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


fs.  of  corn,  and  2 fs.  of  beans.  In  1800  the  crops  amounted  to 
904  fs.  of  grain.  The  church  building  in  1793  was  a poor 
adobe  structure  twenty-two  by  six  and  three-fourths  varas  in 
size,  and  roofed  with  tides.  The  Dominicans  in  charge  were 
Fr.  Miguel  Hidalgo,  Fr.  Joaquin  Valero,  Fr.  Luis  Sales  in 
1785,  Fr.  Miguel  Gallego  in  1790,  Fr.  Jose  Manuel  Ruiz,  Fr. 
Caietano  Pallas,  Fr.  Tomas  Valdellon  in  1794  and  1795,  Fr. 
Ramon  Lopez  and  Fr.  Sigismundo  Fontcuberta  in  1797  and 
1798  and  probably  later. 

With  regard  to  Mission  San  Vincente,  which  he  erroneously 
calls  San  Sebastian,  Pattie  ^ in  1828  writes:  “On  the  18th 


(April)  we  started  under  the  conduct  of  a file  of  soldiers,  who 
led  us  two  days’  travel  over  high  mountains,  a southwest 
course,  to  another  mission,  called  St.  Sebastian,  situated  near 
the  .sea  coast  in  a delightful  valley,  surrounded,  like  the  other. 
(Santa  Catalina),  by  lofty  mountains,  the  sides  of  which  pre- 
sent magnificent  views  of  the  ocean.  This  mission  contains 
six  hundred  souls.  This  mission  establishment,  though  much 
richer  and  neater  than  the  other,  is,  however,  built  on  a pre- 
cisely similar  plan.  Here  they  have  rich  vineyards,  and  raise 

1 “The  Personal  Narrative  of  James  O.  Pattie  of  Kentucky,”  Cin- 
cinnati, O.,  1831.  Republished  and  edited  by  Reuben  G.  Thwaites, 
Cleveland,  O.,  1905,  pages  222-223.  On  his  arrival  at  Mission  Santa 
Catalina,  Pattie  was  arrested  with  his  companions,  sent  to  San 
Diego,  and  all  held  as  spies.  When  he  returned  to  the  East  he  gave 
vent  to  his  bitter  feeling  as  well  as  his  ignorant  bigotry  in  the 
book  which  he  wrote  from  memory.  It  is  unreliable  for  various 
reasons.  However,  as  it  is  the  only  local  information  available 
of  that  period,  the  few  scraps  are  inserted  to  describe  the  respec- 
tive missions. 


The  Dominican  Missions 


559 


a great  variety  of  the  fruits  of  almost  all  climates.  They 
also  raise  their  own  supplies  of  grain  and  have  a tolerable 
abundance  of  stock,  both  of  the  larger  and  smaller  kinds.  A 
sergeant  has  the  whole  command.”  Fr.  Tomas  Mansilla  was 
the  missionary  in  charge  in  1829  according  to  the  “California 
Archives.” 

Mission  Santo  Tomas  was  founded  on  April  24th,  1791. 
According  to  the  report  of  1793  the  church  was  a poor  adobe 
structure  roofed  with  poles  and  mats.  Its  size  was  only  five 
by  twelve  varas.  The  house  of  the  missionary  was  of  the 
same  material.  In  June,  1794,  the  mission  was  removed  to 
another  site.  The  new  church  building  was  an  adobe  struc- 
ture and  roofed  with  poles  and  tules.  Likewise  the  priest’s 
house  and  the  kitchen  were  built  with  the  same  material.  The 
Indian  population  increased  from  ninety-six  souls  in  1791  to 
two  hundred  and  sixty-two  in  1800.  Horses  and  mules  ad- 
vanced from  172-187;  cattle  from  350  to  1070;  and  sheep  and 
goats  varied  between  650  and  2400  head.  The  yield  of  all 
kinds  of  grain  amounted  to  652  fs.  in  1791  and  1550  fs.  in 
1800.  The  Fathers  proved  very  active  builders  at  the  close  of 
the  century.  In  1799  they  put  up  four  buildings;  one  was 
twenty  varas  in  length,  another  fourteen,  a third,  seven,  and 
finally  a fourth,  six  varas  long.  In  addition  they  laid  the  foun- 
dation for  a new  church.  This  latter  edifice  could  not  be 
built  at  the  time,  because  it  was  found  impossible  to  procure 
the  necessary  lumber  which  had  to  be  brought  from  a great 
distance.  A jacal,  or  wigwam  of  poles  and  sticks,  ten  varas 
long,  was  the  last  work  done  in  this  line  during  the  said  year. 
Two  carts  were  made  for  the  transportation  of  material. 

In  1800  efforts  were  made,  without  success,  to  finish  the 
church,  sacristy,  corridor,  spinning-room,  and  barn,  which 
were  all  under  construction ; but  the  church  was  not  completed 
until  the  following  year.  This  building  was  thirty  varas  long 
and  six  and  three-fourths  varas  wide.  The  roof  was  flat  and 
covered  with  earth.  The  sacristy  measured  seven  by  five  and 
one-half  varas.  Two  store-rooms,  one  ten  varas  the  other 
eight  varas  in  length,  roofed  with  tules,  and  a similar  struc- 
ture, six  by  nine  varas,  to  shelter  the  girls  and  unmarried 


560  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

women,  were  built  in  the  same  year.  The  walls  of  these  build- 
ings consisted  of  poles,  as  the  nearest  timber  land  was  situated 
eighteen  leagues  from  the  mission.  The  Dominicans  stationed 
at  Santo  Tomas  were  Fr.  Jose  Loriente  apparently  from  1791 
to  1797,  Fr.  Miguel  Lopez  in  1797-1798,  and  Fr.  Sigismundo 
Fontcuberta. 

Santo  Tomas  must  have  flourished  in  later  years,  if  Pattie 
tells  the  truth.  “At  night’’  (April  2d,  1828),  he  says,  “we  ar- 
rived at  another  mission,  situated  in  a charming  plain.  The 
mission  is  called  St.  Thomas  (Santo  Tomas).  These  wise 
and  holy  men  mean  to  make  sure  of  the  rich  and  pleasant 
things  of  the  earth,  as  well  as  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  ^ They 
have  large  plantations,  with  splendid  orchards  and  vineyards. 
The  priest,  who  presides  over  this  establishment,  told  me  that 
he  had  a thousand  Indians  under  his  care.  During  every  week 
in  the  year  they  kill  thirty  beeves  for  the  subsistence  of  the 
mission.  The  hides  and  tallow  they  sell  to  vessels  that  visit 
the  coast  in  exchange  for  such  goods  as  they  need.” 

Mission  San  Pedro  Martir  de  Verona  was  founded  in  1794 
with  sixty  Indians  who  increased  to  only  ninety-two  in  1800. 
The  reports  are  silent  about  the  livestock  and  harvests  of  the 
early  years.  In  1800  the  mission  owned  140  horses  and  mules, 
600  cattle,  700  sheep  and  goats,  and  50  swine.  The  grain  crop 
for  the  same  year  amounted  to  435  fs.  During  the  year  1801 
the  Fathers  erected  a new  church,  apparently  of  adobe,  which 
measured  six  by  twenty-five  varas.  At  the  same  time  they 
built  a long  structure  which  contained  a sala,  or  reception- 
room,  fourteen  by  seven  varas,  two  rooms  each  seven  by  eight 
varas,  and  a dispensary  or  store-room  for  the  eatables  seven 
by  twelve  varas.  The  Dominicans  in  charge  down  to  1800 
were  Fr.  Caietano  Pallas  and  Fr.  Juan  Pablo  Grijalva  in  1794, 
Fr.  Antonio  and  Fr.  Rafael  Caballero  in  1795,  Fr.  Juan  l^ivas 
in  1797,  Fr.  Mariano  Apolinario  in  1797-1798,  and  Fr.  Jose 
Caulas  in  1798. 

Mission  San  Miguel  Arcangel,  founded  in  1787,  for  the 


2 This  is  a mild  specimen  of  Pattie’s  flings.  They  show  that  he 
did  not  understand  the  situation.  “Personal  Narrative,’’  page  226. 


The  Dominican  Missions 


561 

year  1788  has  only  the  following  meager  information:  20 

horses,  27  mules,  59  cattle,  120  sheep,  and  371  goats,  and  550 
fs.  of  grain.  The  report  of  1793  speaks  of  an  adobe  church 
twenty-six  by  seven  varas  in  size  and  roofed  with  tiles.  The 
interior  had  two  altars.  The  house  of  the  missionaries  was 
built  like  the  church  of  adobe.  The  number  of  Indians  in  the 
same  year  was  one  hundred  and  seventy-one.  They  steadily 
increased  to  two  hundred  and  twenty-four  in  1800.  Horses 
and  mules  increased  from  100  to  328;  cattle  from  152  to  1350; 
sheep  and  goats  from  644  to  1651  in  1800.  In  1798  three 
rooms  and  two  granaries  were  erected,  and  in  1800  a new 
house  was  built  for  the  Fathers  and  their  servants.  The  mis- 
sionaries in  charge  of  San  Miguel  were  Fr.  Luis  Sales  in 
1787,  Fr.  Mariano  Apolinario  in  1794-1795,  Fr.  Mariano 
Yoldi  in  1794-1798,  and  Fr.  Raymundo  Escola  in  1798.  In 
subsequent  years  San  Miguel  grew  to  be  one  of  the  most  pop- 
ulous missions  of  the  peninsula,  if  we  may  believe  James  O. 
Pattie,  ® who  made  a visit  there  in  April,  1828.  “This  day” 
(April  23d),  he  writes,  “we  arrived  at  a mission  situated  im- 
mediately on  the  seaboard,  called  St.  Michael  (San  Miguel). 
Like  the  rest,  it  was  surrounded  with  splendid  orchards,  vine- 
yards and  fields ; and  was,  for  soil,  climate  and  position,  all 
that  could  be  wished.  The  old  superintending  priest  of  the 
establishment  showed  himself  very  friendly,  and  equally  in- 
quisitive. He  invited  us  to  sup  with  him,  an  invitation  we 
should  not  be  very  likely  to  refuse.  We  sat  down  to  a large 
table,  furnished  with  various  dishes  of  the  country,  all  as  usual 
highly  seasoned.  The  priest  informed  us  that  the  population 
of  his  mission  was  twelve  hundred  souls,  and  the  weekly  con- 
sumption fifty  beeves  and  a corresponding  amount  of  grain. 
The  mission  possessed  three  thousand  head  of  domesticated 
and  tamed  horses  and  mules.  From  the  droves  which  I saw  in 
the  plains,  I should  not  think  this  an  extravagant  estimation.  ■* * 

3 “Personal  Narrative,”  p.  227. 

* We  should  say  it  is  very  extravagant,  and  also  the  estimate  of 
the  number  of  sheep  further  below;  but  it  is  in  keeping  with  the 
figures  superficial  writers  scatter  about  the  missions  of  Upper 
California. 


562  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

In  the  morning  he  presented  my  father  a saddle  mule,  which 
he  accepted,  and  we  started.  ...  In  the  evening  we  ar- 
rived at  a ranch  called  Buenas  Aguas,  or  Good  Water,  where 
we  encamped  for  the  night.  We  started  early  on  the  25th  pur- 
chasing a sheep  of  a shepherd,  for  which  we  paid  him  a knife. 
At  this  ranch  they  kept  thirty  thousand  head  of  sheep,  be- 
longing to  the  mission  which  we  had  left.” 

Mission  Santa  Catalina  (Catarina)  Virgen  y Mdrtir,  the 
last  mission  founded  by  the  Dominicans,  had  one  hundred  and 
thirty-three  neophytes  in  1800.  In  the  same  year  it  possessed 
145  horses  and  mules,  315  head  of  cattle,  and  312  sheep  and 
goats.  The  harvest  amounted  to  only  thirty-one  fs.  of  grain. 
During  the  year  1798  a house  with  two  rooms,  each  five  by  six 
varas,  was  built  of  adobe.  In  the  next  year  a building  five 
by  seven  varas  was  erected  of  the  same  material  and  a yard 
walled  in  for  the  protection  of  the  girls  and  single  women. 
Another  structure,  six  by  six  varas,  followed  soon  after.  In 
1802  an  addition  of  adobe  was  built  which  contained  two  rooms 
five  varas  square.  The  missionaries  in  charge  were  Fr.  Jose 
Loriente  in  1797  and  Fr.  Tomas  Valdellon  in  1797-1798. 

Concerning  Santa  Catalina  Pattie  ® writes : “This  mission 

is  situated  in  a valley  surrounded  by  high  mountains  with 
beautiful  streams  of  water  flowing  from  them.  The  natives 
raise  sufficient  corn  and  wheat  to  serve  for  the  subsistence  of 
the  mission.  The  mission  establishment  is  built  in  a quad- 
rangular form ; all  the  houses  forming  the  quadrangle  con- 
tiguous to  each  other ; and  one  of  the  angles  is  a large  church, 
adjoining  which  are  the  habitations  of  the  priests ; though  at 
this  time  there  happened  to  be  none  belonging  to  this  at  home. 
The  number  of  Indians  belonging  to  the  mission  at  this  time 
was  about  five  hundred.  They  were  destitute  of  stock  on  ac- 
count of  its  having  been  plundered  from  them  by  the  free, 
wild  Indians  of  the  desert.  The  air  is  very  cool  and  temper- 
ate, ® and  hard  frosts  are  not  uncommon.  This  cool  tempera- 
ture of  the  atmosphere  I suppose  to  be  owing  to  the  imme- 
diate proximity  of  the  snowy  mountains.” 


5 “Personal  Narrative,”  page  222. 

6 Pattie  claims  to  have  been  there  in  the  month  of  April,  1828. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Lower  California  Neglected  by  the  Government. — Murder  of  Two 
Dominican  Missionaries. — Bancroft’s  Charges. — Death  of  Some 
Dominicans. — Arrival  of  Five  Franciscans. — The  Peninsula  Es- 
capes the  Horrors  of  the  Hidalgo  Revolt,  but  the  Missions 
Suffer. — The  Missionaries  in  Some  of  the  Missions. — Deaths 
Among  the  Dominicans. — Indian  Troubles. 

The  political  separation  of  Lower  and  Upper  California 
in  1804  not  only  resulted  in  ever-growing  neglect  of  the 
peninsula  by  the  government,  but  it  deprived  historians  of  the 
means  to  obtain  exact  information  concerning  the  Dominican 
activity.  Beyond  some  death  notices  communicated  to  the 
Franciscans  of  Alta  California,  very  little  is  on  record.  The 
Dominicans  observed  almost  absolute  silence  about  their  work. 
With  few  exceptions,  the  very  names  of  the  missionaries  and 
their  respective  field  of  activity,  or  the  time  when  they  served, 
is  unknown. 

An  atrocious  crime,  the  victim  of  which  was  a Dominican 
friar,  occurred  at  Mission  Santo  Tomas  at  the  beginning  of 
the  century.  Fr.  Rafael  Arvina,  the  presidente  of  the  Do- 
minican missions,  in  a letter  to  Fr.  Fermin  Francisco  de  La- 
suen,  presidente  of  the  Franciscans,  relates  the  particulars  as 
follows:  “Loreto,  June  18th,  1803.  My  most  esteemed 

Brother  and  Sir:  Under  date  of  the  19th  of  last  May  I have 
received  the  unhappy  notice  that  Fr.  Eudaldo  Surroca,  mis- 
sionary of  Mission  Santo  Tomas,  has  been  found  dead  in  his 
bed,  and  although  he  was  at  first  believed  to  have  died  a nat- 
ural death,  it  is  now  known  that  it  has  been  a violent  one  per- 
petrated by  four  Indian  servants.  ^ Of  these  three  have  been 
arrested  one  of  whom  immediately  confessed  to  the  parricide.  ^ 

1 “Se  sabe  ahora  no  haber  sido  sino  violenta,  y perpetrada  por 
quatro  Indios  los  mas  domesticos.” 

2 “De  estos  se  ban  apresado  tres  de  los  quales  uno  ha  declarado 
luego  al  parricidio.”  Bancroft  asserts,  “a  woman  confessed  to  the 
deed  under  torture,  and  was  executed  together  with  two  accom- 
plices.’’ (“History  of  Texas,’’  vol.  ii,  706.)  It  is  to  be  observed 
that  the  friars  never  had  woman  servants,  and  Fr.  Arvina  expressly 
has  “uno,”  not  “una.”  For  Bancroft  as  a historian,  see  Appendix  J. 


564  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

The  body  was  found  beaten  all  over  and  full  of  bruises  and 
fractured  bones ; and  from  some  signs,  which  were  observed 
about  the  room,  it  may  be  believed  that  the  deceased  must 
have  made  a strong  defense  to  save  his  life.  I communicate 
all  this  to  Your  Reverence  in  order  that,  according  to  our 
agreement,  you  may  inform  all  those  of  my  ^ beloved  Brethren 
and  most  religious  Fathers  that  they  may  have  the  goodness 
to  relieve  the  soul  of  this  unfortunate  religious  by  means  of 
the  customary  suffrages,  and  that  at  the  same  time  it  may 
serve  them  as  a useful  lesson  to  guard  themselves  against  the 
treachery  of  the  Indians,  and  escape  such  a terrible  catas- 
trophe. I beg  God,  etc.  Fr.  Rafael  Arviha.” 

“P.  S.  I do  not  know  whether  or  not  Your  Reverence  has 
received  the  other  notice  in  which  I communicated  the  death 
of  Rev.  Fr.  Migud  Lopez,  missionary  of  the  same  mission, 
on  January  13th  of  this  year,  and  who  it  is  suspected  was 
also  a victim  of  the  Indians.  Fr.  Arviha.”® 

True  to  his  anti-missionary  principles,  Bancroft  attributes 
these  outrages  to  the  tyranny  of  the  Dominicans  without  offer- 
ing the  slightest  evidence.  According  to  the  same  author, 
Fr.  Rafael  Arviha,  who  had  succeeded  Fr.  Belda  on  April 
28th,  1802,  when  the  said  Father  had  resigned,  by  general 
request  in  1804  was  removed  from  the  office  of  presidente  on 
account  of  his  scandalous  conduct,  which  Bancroft  does  not 
specify.  ® Fr.  Miguel  Gallego  from  Loreto  on  February  22nd, 


3 The  Franciscans. 

^ Only  nine  years  later  a Franciscan  met  a similar  fate  at  Santa 
Cruz.  i 

5 “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 

® The  same  author,  upon  the  authority  of  Mariano  Vallejo,  J.  B. 
Alvarado,  and  Vega,  makes  similar  not  specified  charges  against 
Fathers  Gabriel  (?)  of  Loreto  and  Caballero;  but  no  reputable  his-  ► 

torian  will  take  the  unsupported  statements  of  these  three  Upper  * 

Californians  with  shady  records  as  authority  for  anything  on  the 
missions  or  missionaries.  Fr.  Gabriel’s  surname  is  not  given,  so 
we  have  no  means  to  identify  him;  there  were  three  Fathers  Cabal- 
lero; to  which  one  Bancroft's  scribes  refer  it  is  impossible  to  say, 
even  if  the  accusation  were  true,  of  which  we  have  found  no  trace  't 
elsewhere. 


Friars  Murdered;  Hidalgo’s  Rebellion  565 


1804,  notified  Fr.  Estevan  Tapis,  the  Franciscan  presidente 
at  Monterey,  that  on  January  30th  he  had  taken  possession  of 
the  office  of  vicario-provincial  and  presidente  of  the  missions 
by  direction  of  the  Dominican  Province  in  Mexico.  There 
must  have  been  some  cause,  as  Fr.  Arvina  had  served  only 
little  more  than  half  his  term;  but  Fr.  Gallego  gives  no 
reasons. 

On  August  31st,  1805,  Fr.  Gallego  from  San  Ignacio  noti- 
fies Fr.  Estevan  Tapis  that  Fr.  Jose  Espin,  the  missionary  in 
charge  of  that  mission,  had  passed  away  on  August  29th  after 
a short,  but  painful,  illness,  during  which  he  received  all  the 
sacraments. *  * 

A new  presidente  for  Lower  California  was  appointed 
towards  the  end  of  1808  in  the  person  of  Fr.  Ramon  Lopez 
of  Loreto.  Replying  to  the  congratulations  of  Fr.  Tapis  on 


March  20th,  1809,  Lopez  communicates  the  news  of  the  death 
of  Fr.  Manuel  del  Aguila,  which  occurred  at  Mission  San 
Vincente  on  February  21st,  1809,  at  the  age  of  only  thirty 
years.  In  addition  Fr.  Lopez  says,  “such  is  the  scarcity  of 
missionary  laborers  which  we  suffer  that  his  (Aguila’s)  mis- 
sion remains  in  charge  of  the  guards ; but  already  one  is  going 
there.”  It  seems  Fr.  Aguila  had  been  destined  for  Santa 
Catalina,  but  fell  sick  at  San  Vincente,  where  he  received  all 
the  sacraments  before  he  passed  away.  ® 

In  January,  1810,  Fr.  Lopez  reported  two  deaths  among  his 
subjects.  The  first  was  that  of  his  predecessor,  Fr.  Miguel 

“Santa  Barbara  Archives.” 

* Ibidem. 

9 Ibidem. 


566  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Gallego,  who  died  from  a sudden  fit  of  sickness  at  nine  in  the 
evening  of  January  2d  while  at  the  presidio  of  Loreto.  There 
was  barely  time  enough  to  administer  extreme  unction ; but 
he  had  made  his  confession  only  the  day  before.  The  other 
was  the  death  of  Fr.  Placido  Sanz,  who  on  the  17th  of 
January  passed  away  at  the  town  of  San  Antonio  in  the 
southern  part  of  the  peninsula,  after  he  had  been  fortified 
by  the  sacraments.  Fr.  Sanz  had  been  temporarily  in  charge 
of  the  place.  His  death,  Fr.  Lopez  remarks,  was  precious. 

A missionary  of  great  merit,  Fr.  Geronimo  Soldevilla,  died 
at  San  Francisco  Javier  on  November  18th,  1810.  He  had 
labored  in  the  missions  of  Lower  California  for  forty  years, 
during  twenty-six  of  which  he  had  been  stationed  at  San 
Javier.  “He  was  so  full  of  virtues,  which  accompanied  him 
constantly  during  the  whole  course  of  his  life,”  Fr.  Lopez 
writes,  “and  so  patient  in  suffering  the  most  grievous  pains, 
with  which  for  a long  time  the  mercy  of  God  regaled  him, 
that,  nearly  certain  of  his  eternal  rest,  we  can  say  that  we 
ought  to  celebrate  rather  than  deplore  his  death.  Nevertheless, 
as  our  most  holy  Catholic  Religion  commands  us  to  pray  for 
all  the  departed,  I beg  Your  Reverence,  etc.” 

Fr.  Mariano  Fernandez,  who  in  1794  is  mentioned  as  vice- 
presidente  of  the  Dominicans,  died  at  Todos  Santos  in  the 
evening  of  June  19th,  1811,  as  a victim  of  dropsy. 

An  unusual  event  was  the  arrival  at  Loreto  about  April  25th, 
1812,  of  five  Franciscans  on  their  way  from  the  College  of 
San  Fernando,  Mexico,  to  Upper  California.  They  were  the 
Fathers  Fernando  Martin,  Antonio  Ripoll,  Jayme  Escude, 
Joaquin  Nuez,  and  Ramon  Olbes.  All  were  suffering  from 
scurvy  as  the  result  of  a long  sea  voyage.  One  other,  Fr. 
Vincente  Oliva,  had  to  remain  behind  at  Acapulco  on  account 
of  a severe  illness. 

10  Lopez  to  Tapis,  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,’’  ad  annum. 

11  Lopez,  Loreto,  November  27th,  1810,  to  Tapis.  “Santa  Barb. 
Archives.” 

12  “Archbishop’s  Archives,”  San  Francisco,  ad  annum. 

13  Letter  of  Fr.  Ramon  Lopez,  Loreto,  August  17th,  1811.  “Sta. 
Barb.  Arch.” 

1^  Lopez  to  Tapis,  Loreto,  April  25th,  1812.  “Sta.  Barb.  Archives.” 


Friars  Murdered;  Hidalgo’s  Rebellion  567 


Irreparable  damage  was  inflicted  upon  the  missions  of  Cali- 
fornia, as  well  as  upon  religion  in  Mexico,  through  the  revolt 
which  Miguel  Hidalgo,  the  curate  of  Dolores,  in  the  State  of 
Guanajato,  inaugurated  on  August  16th,  1810.  California, 
indeed,  escaped  the  horrors  of  the  war,  but  the  missions  could 
procure  no  supplies,  inasmuch  as  the  insurgents  blocked  the 
roads,  and  the  missionaries  were  deprived  of  their  annual 
allowance.  How  the  friars  managed  to  live  and  maintain 
their  neophytes  in  a country  which  permitted  little  agriculture, 
especially  in  the  central  and  southern  parts  of  the  peninsula, 
we  have  no  means  to  know ; but  much  distress  must  have  been 
the  result.  Naturally  the  missionaries,  the  majority  of  whom 
were  Spaniards,  felt  little  sympathy  with  a war  which  caused 
ruin  to  their  establishments  and  their  wards,  and  made 
advance  in  either  religion  or  civilization  impossible.  They 
rather  felt  relief  at  the  news  of  the  downfall  of  the  insurgent 
leaders,  as  we  learn  from  a letter  addressed  to  Fr.  Tapis  by 
Fr.  Ramon  Lopez  from  Loreto  on  September  25th,  1811.^® 


“By  order  of  our  most  worthy  prelate,  the  Illustrious  and 
Most  Rev.  Lord  Bishop  of  Sonora,  Don  Francisco  Rouset  de 
Jesus,”  Lopez  writes,  “I  forward  to  Your  Reverence  a copy 
of  the  satisfaction  which  the  Bachelor  Don  Miguel  Hidalgo, 

15  Hidalgo  and  other  leaders  were  executed  at  Chihuahua  on  July 
31st,  1811.  His  remains  for  a time  were  buried  in  a side  chapel 
of  the  Franciscan  church,  Chihuahua,  and  later  on  transferred  to 
the  capital,  where  they  are  preserved  in  a chapel  of  the  cathedral. 

16  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 


568  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

the  head  of  the  late  insurrection,  has  given  and  of  the  pardon 
he  has  asked.  All  goes  in  haste  and  in  poor  condition, 
because  a multitude  of  official  papers,  which  I have  to  translate 
and  circulate,  have  been  tied  up  with  it.  Through  Fr.  Peiri 
you  will  receive  the  news  which  we  have  had  by  the  la.st 
European  mail,  which  are  satisfactory  as  far  as  they  concern 
our  Spain.  We  have  had  no  Mexican  correspondence,  because 
the  insurgent  bands  do  not  let  it  pass,  notwithstanding  that 
they  are  not  in  possession  of  any  city,  town,  or  village  of 
importance  whatsoever ; but  as  they  hold  the  sierras,  they 
descend  and  do  considerable  damage,  despite  the  havoc  which 
the  viceroy’s  troops  create  among  them  wherever  they  meet 
them.” 

It  is  but  just  to  the  memory  of  Hidalgo  to  state  that  he 
doubtless  would  never  have  risen  in  revolt,  nor  carried  the 
banner  of  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe  in  battle,  could  he  have 
foreseen  that  his  action  would  result  in  the  anti-Christian  laws 
which  enslave  religion  in  Mexico.  Hidalgo  himself,  should 
he  appear  now  in  his  native  country  carrying  the  banner  of 
Guadalupe  as  he  did  in  1810,  would  be  arrested  and  im- 
prisoned. Such  is  religious  liberty  in  the  country  which  was 
Christianized  and  civilized  by  religious. 

From  a circular  sent  out  by  Fr.  Presidente  Ramon  Lopez 
on  April  26th,  1812,  and  which  on  its  passage  through  the 
missions  was  signed  by  the  respective  missionaries,  we  learn 
that  the  establishments  north  of  Loreto  were  in  charge  of  the 
following  Dominicans:  Loreto,  Fr.  Ramon  Lopez;  San  Fran- 
cisco Jazner,  Fr.  Romantino  de  la  Cruz ; Pnrisima  Concepcion, 

Mexican  historians  and  writers,  who  look  upon  Hidalgo  as  an 
heroic  leader  and  as  the  father  of  Mexican  independence,  claim 
that  he  made  no  such  declarations  and  admissions;  but  Bancroft, 
who  naturally  favors  him,  says:  “I  have  found  many  statements 

therein  contained  corroborated  or  supported  by  other  authorities 
of  reliability,  and  to  ignore  entirely  the  ‘Declaracion  del  Cura 
Hidalgo’  and  the  accompanying  papers  would  scarcely  be  wise.” 
(Bancroft,  “History  of  Mexico,"  vol.  iv,  287.) 

1*  Fr.  Antonio  Peyri,  O.  F.  M.,  was  the  missionary  of  San  Luis 
Rey  in  Upper  California  from  1796  to  1831. 


Friars  Murdered;  Hidalgo’s  Rebellion  569 


Fr.  Antonio  Sanchez;  Santa  Rosalia,  Fr.  ( ?)  Portela ; San  Ig- 
nacio, Fr.  Pedro  Gonzales ; Santa  Gcrtrudis,  Fr.  Sigismundo 
Fontcuberta ; San  Francisco  dc  Borja,  Fr.  Ramon  de  Santos ; 
San  Fernando,  Fr.  Bernardo  Sola;  Rosario,  Fr.  Jose  Caulas ; 
San  Vincente,  Fr.  Antonio  Fernandez;  Santo  Tomas,  Fr.  Josef 
Miguel  de  Pineda ; San  Miguel,  Fr.  Tomas  de  Ahumada ; 
Todos  Santos  in  the  south,  Fr.  Jacinto  Tiol. 

How  close  the  most  northern  Dominican  mission  lay  to  San 
Diego,  the  most  southern  Franciscan  establishment,  may  be 
gathered  from  the  following  incident.  When  Fr.  Jose  Pedro 
Panto  fell  suddenly  and  mortally  ill  at  San  Diego,  it  was  found 
advisable  to  send  for  Fr.  Ahumada  at  San  Miguel  to  ad- 
minister the  last  sacraments  rather  than  to  await  the  arrival 
of  the  Franciscan  Father  from  Sail  Luis  Rey.  Fr.  Panto 
passed  away  on  June  30th,  1812,  only  twenty-eight  hours  after 
he  had  fallen  sick.  21 

Fr.  Bonifacio  Gomez  de  la  Pena  died  at  the  presidio  of 
Loreto  on  September  27th,  1813 ; he  had  been  anointed,  but  on 
account  of  his  infirmity  he  could  not  receive  holy  Viaticum. 

Some  trouble  was  experienced  at  Mission  Santo  Tomas, 
where  early  in  1815  the  savages  within  three  months  killed 
two  inoffensive  and  pious  attendants  of  the  missionary.  ^3 

Nothing  else  of  note  seems  to  have  occurred  about  this 
period,  except  that  in  1814  a new  governor  for  Lower  Cali- 
fornia was  appointed  in  the  person  of  Jose  Arguello,  who 
succeeded  Felipe  de  Goycoechea. 

13  “Guia,”  or  Circular.  (“Santa  Barbara  Archives.”)  There  may 
have  been  other  friars  in  the  missions;  usually  only  the  senior 
signed. 

20  Lopez  to  Tapis,  Loreto,  July  2Sth,  1812.  (“Sta.  Barbara  Ar- 
chives.”) 

21  Tapis  to  Lopez,  Purisima,  July  4th,  1812.  (“Sta.  Barbara  Ar- 
chives.”) 

22  Lopez  to  Tapis,  Loreto,  October  8th,  1813.  (“Sta.  Barbara  Ar- 
chives.”) 

23  Lopez  to  Senan,  Loreto,  March  16th,  1815.  (“Sta.  Barbara  Ar- 
chives.”) 

21  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  ii,  708;  Hittell,  “History 
of  California,”  vol.  i,  632. 


570  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

Under  date  of  July  1st,  1816,  from  San  Ignacio,  Fr.  Pedro 
Gonzales,  presidente  ad  interim,  informed  the  Franciscans 
that  Fr.  Ramon  L6pez,  for  many  years  presidente  of  the 
Dominicans,  had  died.  Neither  date  nor  particulars  are 
given.  25  It  is  this  habit  of  the  Dominican  friars  of  writing 
as  little  as  possible  about  their  brethren  and  their  missions 
which  renders  the  compilation  of  their  history  so  exceedingly 
unsatisfactory.  The  practice  is  laudable  for  the  hermit  and 
contemplative ; but  when  the  religious  occupies  a position  of 
trust  in  the  Church,  and  especially  when  he  is  a missionary, 
it  is  not  of  advantage  for  the  Church  of  Christ  and  religion 
in  general  to  hide  the  light  under  a bushel.  As  a missionary 
the  religious  represents  Mother  Church  in  his  sphere,  and  as 
such  his  conduct  is  judged.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
enemies  of  religion  never  cease  to  make  it  appear  that  re- 
ligious Orders  are  of  little  or  no  benefit  to  human  society,  it 
is  reprehensible  to  provide  them  with  weapons  to  vilify  the 
religious  and  the  Church  by  concealing  the  good  effected  in 
the  world  by  religious.  The  Dominicans  have  doubtless  been 
scarcely  less  active  in  California  than  the  Jesuits  or  Fran- 
ciscans, but  so  far  it  has  not  been  discovered. 


25  Letter,  July  1st,  1816.  (“Santa  Barbara  Archives.”) 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Petition  from  Lower  California. — Fr.  Sarria's  Circular. — Action  of 
the  Franciscans. — Meager  Information. — Some  of  the  Friars. — 
Chilean  Rebels  Plunder  Some  of  the  Missions. 

From  a circular  which  Fr.  Vincente  de  Sarria,  the  comisario 
prefecto  of  the  Franciscans  in  Upper  California,  addressed 
to  his  subjects  in  behalf  of  a Dominican  Father,  we  see  that  the 
state  of  the  peninsula  missions  in  the  second  decade  of  the 
nineteenth  century  must  have  been  deplorable,  inasmuch  as 
the  missionary  of  San  Francisco  de  Borja  found  himself  com- 
pelled to  appeal  to  the  Franciscans  for  relief.  The  circular, 
moreover,  so  well  sets  forth  the  affection  which  the  Friars 
Minor  harbored  for  the  sons  of  St.  Dominic,  and  withal  con- 
tains other  beautiful  lessons,  that  it  is  reproduced  here  entire. 

“Viva  Jesus ! ^ . 

“My  esteemed  Fathers  and  colaborers,  the  Missionaries  from 
Soledad  to  San  Diego.  ^ 

“With  the  mail  which  reached  this  mission  about  the  middle 


of  August  I received  a letter  from  the  Rev.  Fr.  Jose  Martin, 
in  which  he  explains  to  me  that  he  finds  himself  unable  to  con- 

1 “Live  Jesus!”  This  is  the  usual  beginning  of  circulars  and  other 
documents. 

2 A duplicate  usually  went  to  the  missions  north  of  Soledad. 


572  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

tinue  his  spiritual  labors,  because  he  has  not  wherewith  to  feed 
his  own  person  nor  the  occupants  of  his  mission  of  San 
Francisco  cle  Borja  in  Lower  California;  that  to  leave  it 
abandoned  he  would  appear  derelict  in  his  obligations  to  the 
sacred  ministry  which  he  exercises  there  through  obedience ; 
and  that  for  this  reason  he  has  recourse  to  me  to  solicit 
through  me  among  Your  Reverences,  his  brethren,  some  alms 
in  the  form  of  cattle,  mules,  and  cloth  or  dressgoods  to  cover 
the  nakedness  of  those  veritable  effigies  (as  he  expresses 
himself)  of  our  first  parents,  so  that  he  need  not  abandon  the 
said  mission  which  has  been  the  mother  of  all,  in  that  it 
assisted,  as  far  as  possible,  and  even  furnished  sacred  vessels 
and  vestments  for  the  founding  of  these  missions”  (in  Upper 
California),  etc. 

“Well,  Fathers  and  Companions  of  mine.  Your  Reverences 
are  not  unaware  that  it  has  been  the  custom  from  primitive 
times  for  the  churches  to  come  to  the  relief  of  one  another, 
and  even,  it  may  be  said,  for  some  missions  to  assist  the 
others  in  their  necessities.  We  know  from  the  ^c/s  of  the 
Apostles  that  in  the  famine  which  the  Prophet  Agabo  ® fore- 
told, and  which  came  to  pass  according  to  Calmet  in  the 
fourth  year  of  Emperor  Claudius,  the  faithful  of  Antioch 
despoiled  themselves  of  a part  of  their  property,  each  accord- 
ing to  his  means,  and  they  sent  their  alms  through  St.  Paul 
and  St.  Barnabas  to  the  church  of  Jerusalem,  whose  faithful 
found  themselves  in  sore  straits.  What  were  at  that  period 
the  church  of  Antioch  and  the  church  of  Jerusalem  if  not  so 
many  missions  composed  of  those  first  converted  pagans,  who 
already  formed  one  people  in  charity  as  well  as  in  religion? 

“I  do  not  doubt,  what  in  the  course  of  time  the  history  of 
holy  Church  tells  us,  that  many  of  her  saints  in  like  cases, 
on  examining  the  circumstances,  stripped  their  own  material 
churches  and  temples  for  the  maintenance  and  subsistence  of 
the  living  temples  of  the  Lord,  that  is  to  say,  the  faithful  of 
Christ.  The  documents  which  we  possess  are  numerous, 
known  almost  to  all,  as  to  what  on  similar  occasions  holy 


3 “Acts,”  chapter  xi,  28;  xxi,  10. 


Distress;  Fr.  Sarria’s  Circular 


573 


bishops  and  prelates  have  done,  not  even  sparing  the  sacred 
vessels  in  order  to  succor  the  need  and  want  of  others.  How- 
ever, it  is  of  renown  what  St.  Jerome  relates  of  St.  Exuperio, 
bishop  of  Toulouse  in  France.  Of  all  the  praises  which  he 
bestows  upon  this  saint,  and  which  are  many,  his  charity 
towards  the  poor  it  is  which  he  eulogizes  most.  He  says  * 
that  his  charity  had  no  limit;  that  he  sought  the  objects  of  it 
even  in  the  remotest  parts,  and  the  very  hermits  of  Egypt 
had  a share  in  his  bountiful  kindness;  and  having  given  away 
all  his  wealth  to  the  heart  of  Christ,  that  is  to  say,  to  His  poor, 
he  declared  gracefully  and  beautifully  that  his  poverty  made 
him  truly  rich,  since  thereby  he  even  found  himself  obliged 
to  bear  the  Body  of  the  Lord  (the  Most  Holy  Eucharist)  in 
a case  of  willow- work,  ^ and  His  Blood  likewise  in  a cup  of 
clay  or  glass,  according  to  Lohner.  ® 

“I  am  well  aware  that  by  later  regulations  of  the  Church 
this  is  forbidden  us  now ; however,  our  missions  need  not  be 
reduced  to  such  extremities,  nor  do  I propose  it  in  order  to 
furnish  an  alms  in  keeping  with  the  necessity  which  our  dis- 
tinguished brother  exposes  to  us. 

“Of  course  I see  that  only  the  manner  of  how  to  proceed, 
in  order  that  the  contributions  which  will  be  donated  may 
reach  the  mission  whence  it  is  asked  of  us,  embarrasses  Your 
Reverences.  For  that  purpose  you  may  read  what  I said  in 
my  reply.  Nevertheless,  if  another  more  suitable  means  pre- 
sents itself  to  Your  Reverences,  it  will  be  much  to  my  satisfac- 
tion. Writing  to  the  Father  himself  and  acting  in  accord  with 
him  could  also  be  done  in  regard  to  what  your  missions  intend 
to  offer.  If  it  be  not  feasible  to  give  in  kind  what  the  appeal 
indicates,  then  money  will  be  an  equivalent,  or  any  other  thing 
that  could  be  of  use  at  said  mission.  I had  this  much  already 

* “Vease  Butler,  tom.  ix,  page  440.” 

6 “Una  cesta  de  mimbres.” 

® “Nihil  illo  ditius  (pone  este),  qui  Christi  Corpus  canistro  vimi- 
neo,  Sanguinem  portat  in  vitro.” 

7 San  Borja  lay  inland  at  a distance  of  more  than  two  hundred 
leagues  south  of  San  Carlos.  The  reply  was  embodied  in  Sarria’s 
circular;  it  is  omitted  here. 


574  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

on  the  blotter,  when  having  seen  the  governor  (Sola),  and 
having  spoken  to  him  about  the  matter,  he  not  only  agreed  to 
the  determination  of  giving  the  alms  for  the  mission  of  San 
Borja,  but  he  himself  wanted  to  have  the  principal  part  in  a 
work,  so  much  in  accordance  with  charity  and  the  welfare  of 
souls,  by  donating  with  edifying  generosity  one  hundred 
dollars  for  it  from  his  own  purse,  and  by  giving  his  orders  to 
whom  it  concerned  to  furnish  effective  means  for  its  trans- 
mission. In  view  of  this  it  seems  there  is  no  more  liberty 
left  to  us  (to  express  myself  thus)  than  to  choose  the  kind 
which  may  appear  more  convenient  to  the  conditions  of  the 
respective  missions,  as  well  to  quantity  as  to  quality.  What  I 
enjoin  upon  you  is  that  you  carry  it  out,  if  it  can  be  easily 
done,  at  the  opportune  time  in  order  that  the  bark  may  trans- 
port it  which  sails  down  for  San  Diego.  Your  Reverences 
will  please  pass  this  without  much  delay  to  the  nearest  mis- 
sions, and  from  the  last  one  please  to  return  it  in  time,  signed 
at  all  the  missions  by  one  of  the  missionaries.  God  keep  Your 
Reverences  in  His  grace.  Mission  of  San  Carlos,  September 
25th,  1815.  Fr.  Vincente  Francisco  de  Sarria.”  * 

Accordingly,  Fr.  Juan  Amoros  of  San  Carlos,  Fr.  Antonio 
Jayme  of  Soledad,  and  Fr.  Juan  Bautista  Sancho  of  San 
Antonio,  despite  the  fact  that  these  missions,  particularly 
Soledad,  had  no  other  income  than  the  unsalable  product  of 
field  and  pasture,  promised  to  send  donations  for  their  afflicted 
sister  mission  in  Lower  California. 

Fr.  Juan  Martin  of  Mission  San  Miguel  at  once  declared 
that  his  mission  would  donate  and  fetch  to  the  port  of  Santa 
Barbara  twelve  bolts  of  cotton  cloth  and  twenty-five  hundred 
pounds  of  wool.  Fr.  Antonio  Rodriguez  of  Mission  San  Luis 
Obispo  in  the  name  of  his  mission  contributed  one  hundred 
blankets.  Mission  Purisima  Concepcion,  through  Fr.  Mariano 
Payeras,  sent  down  six  mules  and  two  hundred  and  fifteen 
sheep.  Fr.  Francisco  Xavier  Uria  had  Mission  Santa  Inez 
give  eight  mules  and  one  hundred  sheep.  Santa  Barbara 
Mission,  through  Fr.  Ramon  Olbes,  who  had  enjoyed  the  hos- 


8 “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 


Distress;  Fr,  Sarria’s  Circular 


575 


pitality  of  the  Dominicans  for  several  months  in  1812,  as  cheer- 
fully as  the  others  contributed  thirty  young  cows,  one  hundred 
sheep,  fifty  blankets,  and  twelve  pack-saddles.  Fr.  Marcos 
Antonio  Victoria  for  his  mission  of  San  Buenaventura  donated 
two  hundred  cows  and  one  hundred  heifers.  Fr.  Vincente 
Oliva  of  Mission  San  Fernando  Rey  had  the  mission  give  fifty 
head  of  cattle  and  six  mules.  Fr.  Joaquin  Nuez,  another 
who  had  come  up  by  way  of  Lower  California,  in  the  name  of 
his  mission  of  San  Gabriel  turned  over  to  distressed  San  Borja 
three  hundred  sheep,  fifty  blankets,  and  twelve  mules.  Fr. 
Geronimo  Boscana  of  Mission  San  Juan  Capistrano  promised 
to  give  what  the  poor  Dominican  mission  needed  most.  Fr. 
Antonio  Peyri  expressed  himself  in  the  same  manner  in  behalf 
of  Mission  San  Luis  Rey.  Fr.  Jose  Sanchez  of  San  Diego 
Mission  wrote  that  his  mission  just  then  was  itself  in  strait- 
ened circumstances,  but  it  would  nevertheless  contribute.  The 
last  three  missions  were  closer  to  the  border,  and  thus  could 
first  communicate  with  Fr.  Martin  of  San  Borja.  ® The 
missions  north  of  Monterey  were  excused  from  contributing 
on  account  of  the  great  distance,  which  would  have  made 
transportation  too  expensive.  The  generosity  displayed  is  the 
more  noteworthy,  inasmuch  as  the  missionaries  had  received 
neither  goods  nor  stipends  from  Mexico  since  the  year  1811 
by  reason  of  the  guerilla  war  which  devastated  that  country. 

In  a letter  dated  San  Francisco  Borja,  January  15th,  1816, 
Fr.  Jose  Martin  expresses  his  cordial  thanks  for  the  grand 
contributions  which  made  it  possible  for  him  to  continue  at 
said  mission. 

For  the  six  subsequent  years  the  records  concerning  the 
Lower  California  missions  are  a total  blank,  except  for  the 

9 Circular  of  Fr.  Sarria  already  mentioned.  “Santa  Barbara  .\r- 
chives,”  ad  annum. 

10  “Siendome  imposible  el  poder  remunerar  tantos  y tan  grandes 
veneficios,  pedire  a Dios  reintegre  el  ciento  por  uno  y asi  con  todos 
mis  feligreses  dia  por  dia  elevo  mis  clamores  a lo  alto  dando  gracias 
al  Dios  de  las  misericordias,  porque  se  ha  dignado  abrirme  las 
puertas  de  la  caridad  para  que  no  desmaye  en  mis  santos  proposi- 
tos,  etc.”  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 


576  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


following  few  death-notices.  From  a reply  to  a death-notice 
sent  him  by  Fr.  Mariano  Payeras,  O.  F.  M.,  we  learn  that 
Fr.  Pablo  Maria  de  Zarate  was  stationed  at  San  Jose  del  Cabo 
on  May  4th,  1819.  He  probably  was  the  presidente  of  the 
Dominicans.  Fr.  Pedro  Gonzalez  of  San  Ignacio  and  Fr. 
Presidente  Pablo  Zarate  from  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  the  latter  on 
January  16th,  1820,  announce  the  death  of  Fr.  Jacinto  Tiol 
of  Mission  Todos  Santos,  which  occurred  on  January  15th, 
1820,  after  he  had  received  the  last  sacraments.  Fr.  Zarate 
himself  died  at  his  post.  Mission  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  at  one 
o’clock  in  the  morning  of  September  24th,  1821,  well  fortified 


by  the  sacraments.  Fr.  Roque  Varela,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed presidente  ad  interim  by  the  deceased,  communicated 
this  news  to  the  Franciscans  on  September  27th  from  San 
Jose ; but  he  does  not  state  where  he  himself  is  stationed. 
Fr.  Josef  Pineda  from  Santo  Tomas  on  October  27th,  and 
Fr.  Pedro  Gonzalez,  who  styles  himself  presidente  interino, 
from  San  Ignacio  on  October  15th,  1821,  sent  out  the  death- 
notice  through  two  circulars  which  both  were  signed  by  the 
Franciscans  at  the  missions  reached  by  the  respective  docu- 
ment. From  a circular  of  Fr.  Pedro  Gonzalez  of  San 
Ignacio,  dated  July  7th,  1822,  we  learn  that  Fr.  Presidente 
Jose  Antonio  Sanchez  passed  to  his  eternal  reward  at  five 
o’clock  in  the  evening  of  July  5th,  1822.  The  place  is  not 

Inasmuch  as  he  uses  the  expression  that  he  communicated  the 
news  “a  los  Padres  de  mi  mando.”  “Santa  Barbara  .Archives,”  ad 
annum. 

12  "Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 

12  Ibidem. 

11  Fr.  Gonzalez  held  the  appointment  from  the  provincial  for 
just  such  an  emergency. 

15  “Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 


Distress;  Fr.  Sarria’s  Circular 


577 


indicated.  Fr.  Gonzalez  at  the  same  time  gives  the  informa- 
tion that  he  has  been  appointed  presidente  of  the  Dominicans 
by  his  provincial.  Fr.  Josef  Duro  of  Mission  Todos  Santos, 
and  temporary  curate  of  the  town  of  San  Antonio,  through 
Fr.  Felix  Caballero  of  Mission  San  Vincente,  and  by  direc- 
tion of  Fr.  Presidente  Pedro  Gonzalez,  reports  officially  the 
death  of  Fr.  Antonio  Fernandez,  which  occurred  on  May  5th, 
1822. 

Great  distress  visited  the  southern  missions  early  in  1822 
through  Chilean  freebooters.  Two  vessels  of  Admiral  Coch- 
rane’s fleet,  the  Independencia  and  the  Araucano,  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Chilean  revolutionists,  but  in  the  guise  of  whalers, 
were  despatched  to  make  observations  along  the  northern 
coast  of  Mexico,  and  to  sound  the  people  while  purchasing 
provisions.  On  February  17th,  1822,  the  Independencia 
entered  the  harbor  of  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  sacked  the  mission 
and  the  church,  and  captured  the  brig  Alcion,  which  was  laden 
with  tallow,  and  on  her  way  from  Alta  California  to  the 
mainland.  A lieutenant  and  eight  men  of  the  Chilean  ship 
were  then  ordered  to  Mission  Todos  Santos  with  instructions 


to  plunder  the  church,  make  the  missionary  prisoner,  and  to 
burn  and  sink  a schooner  which  had  lately  been  built  there. 
These  orders  were  carried  out  on  the  19th.  The  terrified 
people  dared  offer  no  resistance  while  the  pirates  were  de- 
stroying the  ship  and  desecrating  the  church ; but,  when  the 
lieutenant  and  two  men  attempted  to  lay  hands  on  the  women, 
the  suppressed  feelings  of  the  spectators  burst  forth.  They 

16  Ibidem. 

11  Letter  of  Caballero,  May  5th,  1822.  “Santa  Barbara  Archives.” 


578  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


attacked  the  three  Chileans,  who  were  on  the  beach,  with 
stones  and  other  ready  missiles,  and  killed  them.  Made  fear- 
less by  this  success,  the  enraged  crowd  hurried  off  to  the 
mission  and  suddenly  fell  upon  the  other  six  robbers,  killed 
two  and  seriously  wounded  three ; the  sixth  man  surrendered. 
The  captives  and  three  messengers  from  the  hostile  ship  were 
taken  northward  to  the  town  of  San  Antonio,  but  given  their 
liberty  when  the  captain  of  the  Indepcndencia  threatened  to 
destroy  both  San  Antonio  and  Todos  Santos.  Meanwhile  the 
other  Chilean  vessel,  the  Arancano,  had  moved  up  the  gulf  to 
Guaymas,  and  thence  crossed  over  to  Loreto,  whence  the 
people,  warned  by  the  occurrences  at  Todos  Santos,  fled,  leav- 
ing the  enemy  to  plunder  the  town  and  the  church.  Governor 
Arguello  on  this  occasion  lost  his  silver  plate  and  other 
property. 

18  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  ii,  707-708;  Hittell,  “History 
of  California,”  vol.  i,  664. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


Mexico  Independent. — Emperor  Iturbide. — Arrival  of  Government 
Agent. — His  Regulations. — Indians  Grow  Turbulent. — Ruin. — 
Appeal  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor  for  Aid. — Iturbide  Forced 
to  Abdicate. — He  is  Executed. — Mexico  a Republic. 

Meanwhile  great  changes,  which  affected  California, 
had  taken  place  in  Mexico.  In  February,  1821,.  Agustin 
Iturbide,  a colonel  in  the  royal  army,  had  raised  the  flag  of 
revolution  against  Spanish  rule.  In  September  of  the  same 
year  he  had  forced  Viceroy  O’Donoju  to  surrender  the  capital 
to  the  insurgents,  had  declared  the  absolute  and  complete 
independence  of  New  Spain,  had  established  an  empire,  and 
on  May  21st,  1822,  had  taken  the  oath  as  emperor  of  Mexico 
under  the  name  of  Agustin  I. 

Some  anxiety  was  felt  at  the  capital  as  to  the  sentiments  of 
both  Lower  and  Upper  California  with  regard  to  the  new 
order  of  things.  Even  before  Iturbide  had  been  declared 
emperor,  it  had  been  deemed  advisable  to  send  over  an  agent, 
or  comisionado,  of  the  regency  in  order  to  ascertain  the 
feelings  of  the  Californians,  to  awaken  a spirit  of  independ- 
ence, to  obtain  an  oath  of  allegiance,  to  raise  the  new  national 
flag,  and  in  general  to  put  the  new  conditions  into  working 
order.  The  mission  required  high  and  peculiar  abilities,  which 
Iturbide  believed  were  embodied  in  the  Rev.  Agustin  Fer- 
nandez de  San  Vincente,  canon  of  the  cathedral  of  Durango. 
This  priest  was  accordingly  appointed,  probably  in  April,  1822. 
The  Dominicans  received  the  news  of  his  appointment  and 
mission  with  mixed  feelings.  ^ The  comisionado  sailed  from 
San  Bias  for  Loreto  in  the  warship  San  Carlos  about  the 
middle  of  June.  When  he  arrived  he  found  that  the  people 
yielded  to  all  his  directions.  His  task  was  facilitated  by  the 


1 “Ahora  mismo  salgo  para  Loreto  a conferenciar  con  el  Sr. 
Canonigo  Don  .'Agustin  Fernandez,  plenipotenciado  por  la  Corte 
de  Mexico  para  arrancar  y destruir,  plantar  y edificar,”  Fr.  Pedro 
Gonzalez  diffidently  wrote  from  San  Ignacio  to  the  Franciscans  in 
a circular  dated  July  7th,  1822.  (“Santa  Barbara  -Archives.”) 


580  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

resignation  of  Governor  Jose  Arguello,  whose  place  in  October 
of  the  same  year  was  filled  by  Jose  Manuel  Ruiz,  till  then 
commander  of  the  troops  on  the  frontier,  but  with  the  title 
Jefe  Politico.  ^ 

Canon  Fernandez,  however,  w^ent  further;  he  also  presumed 
to  lay  down  regulations  for  the  management  of  the  Indian 
missions  without,  apparently,  consulting  the  missionaries  as 
to  their  practicability,  and  without  examining  whether  or  not 
the  natives  were  capable  of  appreciating  the  change  or  of 
profiting  by  it  materially  and  spiritually,  as  he  doubtless  in- 
tended that  they  should.  These  rules,  published  under  the 
head  of  Reglamento  Provisional,  and  “which,”  the  Rev.  Agent 
declared,  “must  for  the  present  govern  the  missions  of  Cali- 
fornia until  the  Supreme  Constitutional  Congress  of  the 
Mexican  Empire  determines  otherwise,”  read  as  follows : 

“Article  I.  Inasmuch  as  the  new  citizens  of  the  missions  ^ 
on  the  arrival  of  Captain  Lopez  may  have  mistaken  the  civil 
and  rational  liberty,  which  they  enjoy  through  our  liberal 
institutions,  for  corruption  and  libertinism,  it  is  necessary  that 
they  be  made  to  understand  through  the  Rev.  Missionary 
Fathers,  likewise  through  the  comisionado  of  the  ayunta- 
mientos,  that  there  will  have  to  be  that  respect  and  veneration 
which  the  said  Rev.  Fathers  deserve  as  spiritual  fathers,  as 
they  are  of  their  respective  missions,  and  for  the  character 
of  parish  priests  which  recommends  them  the  more. 

“Article  II.  The  property  of  the  missions  remain  under  the 
immediate  responsibility  of  their  respective  missionaries  until 
the  government  disposes  what  it  deems  proper  concerning  the 
temporalities  of  said  missions.  ® 

2 Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  ii,  708;  “History  of  Califor- 
nia,” vol.  ii,  455-456;  Hittell,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  i,  663-666. 

3 It  appears  from  this  that  Agent  Fernandez  had  published  a de- 
cree of  emancipation  of  some  kind  or  other,  and  that  the  Indians 
had  quickly  availed  themselves  of  its  provisions  to  suit  themselves. 

4 Town  Councils.  This  shows  that  the  missions  were  declared 
pueblos,  and  the  term  “parish  priests”  in  the  same  article  makes  it 
plain  that  Fernandez  wanted  the  friars  to  he  regarded  as  mere 
curates. 

5 As  the  missions  were  founded  and  the  land  cultivated  without 


Unwise  Regulations;  Governor’s  Appeal  581 


“Article  III.  To  the  missionary  of  each  mission  belongs 
entirely  and  exclusively  the  direction  and  government  which 
the  new  citizens  have  to  obey  in  their  labors  in  the  field  and 
in  other  duties  of  the  missions  mentioned,  assigning  them 
within  bounds  so  as  not  to  exasperate  them  by  too  much  work, 
and  seeing  that  the  latter  be  moderated.® 

“Article  IV.  In  order  that  the  new  citizens  understand 
that  the  present  system  is  no  mere  theory  or  insignificant 
paper,  it  is  necessary  that  they  be  treated  by  the  missionaries 
with  more  sweetness  than  heretofore,  that  each  one  of  them 
be  given  rations,  and  that,  if  in  addition  greater  advantages 
are  offered  them,  they  be  permitted  to  use  the  right  which 
they  have  by  law,  in  order  that  they  may  enjoy  the  commodity 
which  the  mission  cannot  afford  them. 

“Article  V.  There  will  be  at  each  mission  one  comisionado 
by  authority  of  the  ayuntamiento  of  this  capital  and  in  those 
of  the  south  through  the  same,  in  order  that  he  take  care 
of  and  observe  the  conduct  of  the  natives  and  act  accordingly, 
to  hear  their  demands  and  complaints,  being  himself  guided 
in  everything  by  the  instructions  which  the  respective  ayunta- 
miento will  have  to  give  them,  and  the  said  comisionado  will 
be  paid  from  the  necessary  provisions  by  the  respective 
missions.  ® 


aid  from  the  government,  it  is  remarkable  that  the  government 
should  so  hastily  constitute  itself  sole  owner  of  such  property.  No 
government  would  make  the  same  attempt  with  regard  to  private 
or  other  corporate  property. 

6 That  in  Lower  California  too  much  work  could  not  well  be  im- 
posed in  the  cultivation  of  land  we  have  seen  frequently.  There 
was  little  land  to  cultivate,  except  possibly  in  the  more  northern 
missions.  There  was  little  other  work  to  be  done  in  any  branch. 

7 Loreto. 

8 This  was  practically  secularizing  the  missions,  though  no  such 
decree  had  been  passed  in  Mexico  as  yet,  inasmuch  as  the  whole 
management  of  the  missions  was  placed  in  charge  of  comisionados, 
despite  the  sad  results  obtained  through  just  such  arrangement 
after  the  banishment  of  the  Jesuits.  Fernandez  burdened  the  in- 
solvent missions  with  the  salary  of  individuals  whom  they  did  not 
need,  as  the  friars  were  doing  the  work  gratis. 


582  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

“Article  \'I.  Inasmuch  as  experience  has  proved  that  the 
major-domos  of  the  missions  have  been  more  burdensome  than 
helpful  to  the  same,  and  the  natives  detest  them  on  account 
of  their  injuries,  exactions,  and  arbitrariness,  and  because  of 
their  families  on  their  own  grounds,  the  major-domo  at  each 
mission  will  have  to  be  the  citizen  whom  among  themselves 
they  may  deem  to  be  most  capable  of  exercising  said  office.  ® 

“Article  VII.  Since  man  does  not  live  on  bread  alone,  but 
must  be  clothed  and  must  make  other  indispensable  expendi- 
tures, it  is  necessary  that,  besides  the  rations,  proportionate 
wages  for  their  labor  be  given  them. 

“Article  \’III.  If  in  the  near  future  something  occur  de- 
manding reform,  the  comisionado  (Rev.  Fernandez)  shall  be 
notified  at  Monterey,  or  on  his  return  and  landing  at  Cape 
San  Lucas,  in  order  that  what  is  proper  may  be  determined ; 
but  if  the  matter  be  urgent  and  demand  quicker  solution,  the 
Rev.  Missionary  Fathers  will  act  in  conformity  with  the  cir- 
cumstances as  they  permit,  always  directing  in  accordance 
with  the  liberal  institutions  which  so  happily  govern  us,  as 
must  be  hoped  from  their  patriotism  and  pastoral  zeal. 
Loreto,  July  27th,  1822,  the  second  of  the  Independence  of 
the  Empire. — Agustin  Fernandez.” 

In  his  remarkable  Reglamento  the  Rev.  Canonigo  and 
Comisionado  Fernandez  made  no  provisions  whatever  for  the 
maintenance  of  Divine  Worship,  nor  for  the  support  of  the 
missionaries,  or  parish  priests,  as  he  would  have  them  styled. 
From  his  ecclesiastical  character  one  should  suppose  that  he 
would  have  regulated  this  matter  first  of  all.  However,  he 
seems  to  have  been  a politician  rather  than  an  ecclesiastic,  and 
therefore  judged  things  from  the  selfish  politician’s  stand- 
point. Unfortunately,  there  have  been  in  history  so-called 

9 This  last  clause  orders  what  is  quite  just  among  reasoning  and 
industrious  beings,  but  was  a source  of  confusion  and  endless  jeal- 
ousies among  such  creatures  as  the  native  Californians. 

As  the  salary  of  the  comisionado  would  consume  the  profits 
of  the  mission,  and  the  government  furnished  no  aid,  it  is  not  plain 
out  of  which  fund  the  wages  should  be  paid. 

“Santa  Barbara  Archives,”  ad  annum. 


Unwise  Regulations;  Governor’s  Appeal  583 


state  or  liberal  Catholics  among  the  clergy,  and  in  Mexico 
also  among  the  members  of  religious  Orders,  who  apparently 
explained  the  Ten  Commandments  of  God  in  the  lurid  light 
of  unchristian  politics,  instead  of  adhering  to  the  message 
Christ  entrusted  to  them  and  making  it  plain  that  politics,  like 
everything  else,  are  subject  to  approval  from  the  Creator,  and 
that  politics  and  politicians  must  adapt  themselves  to  His 
Commandments  if  they  would  provide  for  the  good  of  all. 
At  any  rate,  Fernandez’s  presence  in  California  proved  no 
blessing  to  the  country.  He  undoubtedly  meant  well,  but  he 
was  just  as  undoubtedly  an  impractical  theorist,  and  un- 
acquainted with  the  needs  and  character  of  the  Indians.  On 
his  arrival  at  Loreto  he  most  probably  lent  a willing  ear  to  the 
unfounded  or  exaggerated  complaints  of  some  shrewd,  work- 
hating  natives  and  friar-hating  Mexicans,  and  then,  without 
investigating,  framed  his  Reglamento. 

Whether  or  not  the  Dominicans  deserved  the  admonitions 
and  implied  reproofs  from  the  imperial  comisionado,  it  is 
impossible  to  determine,  because  of  the  absolute  silence  of  the 
records ; but  the  missionaries  predicted  disaster,  both  to  the 
mission  establishments  and  to  the  Indians,  from  this  sudden 
thrusting  of  citizenship  upon  a people  that  could  no  more 
realize  or  appreciate  its  worth  and  its  duties  than  a group  of 
unruly,  indolent  boys.  The  result  justified  the  warning  of  the 
Dominicans.  The  neophytes,  freed  from  salutary  restraint, 
surrendered  themselves  to  dissipation  and  idleness,  allowed 
themselves  to  be  guided  by  interested  schemers,  and  declined 
in  condition  as  well  as  in  numbers.  Their  decadence,  Ban- 
croft himself  acknowledges,  would  probably  have  been 
more  rapid  but  for  the  efforts  of  the  missionaries.  There  are 
no  particulars  on  record,  however ; the  sources  of  information 
from  this  time  on  grow  even  more  meager  than  they  have 
ever  been  before ; but  from  an  appeal  for  assistance  addressed 
by  the  governor  of  Lower  California  to  Governor  Luis 
Antonio  Arguello,  only  one  year  after  the  departure  of 
Canonigo  Fernandez,  it  is  evident  that  the  burdening  of  each 


12  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  ii,  709. 


584  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


mission  with  the  support  of  a superfluous  agent  or  comisionado, 
at  a time  when  the  missions  could  not  maintain  themselves, 
was  one  of  those  foolish  things  which  political  theorists  are 
prone  to  commit.  The  appeal  from  the  peninsula  sets  forth 
the  conditions  in  Lower  California  so  graphically  that  it 
deserves  to  be  reproduced  here  entire. 

“Under  date  of'  the  18th  of  last  September,”  Governor 
Arguello  writes  to  Fr.  Sarria  of  Upper  California,  in  1823, 
“the  governor  of  Lower  California  tells  me  what  follows : 

“ ‘The  dismal  scene  which  the  painful  circumstances  delineate 
that  surround  us  on  all  sides  are  sure  indications  of  the  fatal 
disaster  threatening  the  distressed  little  population  of  this 
wretched  province.  This  condition  impels. me,  after  much 
reflection,  to  urge  you  to  co-operate  in  as  far  as  concerns  you 
in  the  name  of  all  rights  and  of  the  law  to  prevent  such  in- 
calculable calamity ; for  I cannot  persuade  myself  that  the 
leaders  in  your  well-to-do  province  would  see  this  province 
tossed  about  between  the  anxieties  of  poverty  and  want,  aor 
that  a reasonable  discussion  would  be  admitted  by  the  con- 
templation that,  inasmuch  as  it  was  Lower  California  which 
at  another  but  happy  period  cheerfully  moved  its  missions  to 
nurse  Alta  California  at  its  birth  and  in  its  childhood,  the 
latter  would  feign  not  to  understand  the  sacred  rights  of  a 
mother  who  is  already  about  to  expire  amid  the  horrors  of 
destitution,  scarcity,  and  extreme  necessity. 

“ ‘Such  is  the  struggle  in  which  this  province  finds  itself, 
particularly  the  frontier  region,  that  they  are  absolutely 

13  The  petitioner  was  in  error;  Upper  California  at  that  time,  as 
a result  of  the  Mexican  War  of  Independence  and  subsequent  po- 
litical arrangements,  was  also  suflfering,  though  not  as  grievously 
as  the  peninsula. 

Lower  California  justly  considered  herself  to  be  the  mother 
of  Upper  California.  Therefore  the  history  of  Upper  California  is 
unintelligible  without  a knowledge  of  the  contents  of  this  first 
volume.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  the  peninsula  history  was  treated 
as  exhaustively  as  possible. 

13  This  statement  makes  us  suspect  that  Pattie’s  description  of 
the  missions  on  the  frontier,  Santa  Catalina,  Santo  Tomas,  San 
Miguel,  San  Vincente,  was  confounded  with  much  that  he  saw  in 
Upper  California. 


Unwise  Regulations;  Governor’s  Appeal  585 


unable  to  furnish  the  supplies  for  the  garrison  of  their  military 
post,  since  it  is  true  that  they  scarcely  manage  to  sustain  their 
respective  neophytes  on  short  rations. 

“ ‘On  this  account  I find  myself  in  the  extreme  necessity  of 
supplicating  you,  entreating  you  to  interest  the  prelate  and 
the  missionary  Fathers  of  your  province,  in  order  that  they 
may  succor  the  troops  in  those  missions  with  the  provisions 
they  need  and  with  some  blankets  and  other  things  of  the  kind. 
I give  you  warning  that,  if  this  my  petition  have  no  good 
results,  everj-thing  is  at  an  end.  I expect  that  on  the  return 
of  the  courier  you  will  be  pleased  to  reply  to  me,  and  to  direct 
the  comandante  of  the  frontier  that  he  may  send  for  what  is 
petitioned  above.  If  the  contrary  occur,  I shall  direct  that  all 
the  soldiers  retire  and  abandon  the  missions.  For  this  decisive 
reason  I shall  likewise  give  permission  to  the  missionaries, 
who  are  there,  to  cross  the  gulf  for  the  other  side,  as  they 
have  petitioned,  thus  leaving  the  neophytes  to  unbridled 
licentiousness.  I shall  at  once  report  to  the  government 
making  you  responsible  for  such  great  and  unbearable  distress, 
because  you  being  able  to  interfere  by  supplication  and  au- 
thority that  your  missions  (which  have  abundant  provisions 
to  maintain  even  the  whole  province)  give  aid  to  the  missions 
on  the  frontier.  It  is  an  easy  matter  for  you  to  succeed,  on 
account  of  your  position,  in  a matter  in  which  I could  not  have 
succeeded  through  mine.  Meanwhile  the  government  is 
making  arrangements,  as  I am  informed,  through  which  I 
shall  be  protected,  even  though  the  province  be  destroyed,  and 
you  and  the  Fathers  will  take  the  consequences. 

“ ‘Finally,  I hope  that  you  will  write  to  me  as  well  as  to  the 
comandante  on  the  frontier  by  the  returning  courier  in  order 
to  make  arrangements,  let  it  be  in  favor  of  this  unhappy 
province  or  to  the  contrary,  for  the  matter  is  of  the  greatest 
necessity.’ 

“This  is  forwarded  to  Your  Paternity,”  Arg^ello  writes  to 
Fr.  Sarria,  “in  order  that  you  may  be  pleased  to  pass  it 
through  the  missions  under  your  jurisdiction  to  see  what 
assistance  they  can  offer  to  that  province,  and  to  reply  to  me 
as  quickly  as  possible,  so  that  I can  give  an  account  to  said 


586  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

governor  for  his  information.  God  keep  Your  Paternity 
many  years.  Monterey,  26th  of  November,  1823.  Luis 
Antonio  Arguello.”  The  result  of  this  most  urgent  appeal 
is  not  known ; but  that  the  conditions  on  the  peninsula  in  no 
way  improved  will  appear  presently. 

Emperor  Iturbide,  in  March,  1823,  was  forced  to  abdicate 
and  leave  the  country,  after  reigning  only  ten  months.  On 
July  19th,  1824,  he  was  executed  for  returning  to  Mexico. 
The  Mexican  republic,  which  followed  the  empire,  was 
created  on  November  19th,  1823,  by  the  adoption  of  the  “Acta 
Constitutiva  de  la  Nacion  Mexicana,”  which  provided  for  a 
constitution  resembling  that  of  the  United  States.  It  was 
promulgated  on  October  4th,  1824,  in  the  fourth  year  of  the 
Mexican  Independence.  In  virtue  of  this  instrument  the 
provinces  which  formerly  constituted  New  Spain,  including 
the  Californias,  were  formed  into  a federation  of  nineteen 
states  and  four  territories.  Among  those  that  signed  the 
document  was  Manuel  Ortiz  de  la  Torre,  who  represented 
Lower  California.  The  executive  power  of  the  government 
was  vested  in  a president  and  vice-president,  the  legislative  in 
a senate  and  a chamber  of  deputies.  Only  the  states  were 
entitled  to  representation  in  the  senate,  but  each  territory  in 
the  chamber  of  deputies  was  to  be  represented  by  at  least 
one  “diputado  proprietario,”  or  proprietary  delegate,  and  a 
“suplente,”  or  substitute.  While  the  states  were  declared 
independent,  free,  and  sovereign,  and  each  was  to  organize 
its  own  internal  government,  the  territories,  to  which  Lower 
California  was  classed,  were  to  be  ruled  by  a governor,  ap- 
pointed by  the  president,  and  a territorial  legislature  elected 
by  the  people,  but  all  under  the  general  supervision  of  the 
National  Congress. 

16  Arguello  to  Sarria.  (“Santa  Barbara  Archives.”)  Jose  Man- 
uel Ruiz  was  governor  of  Lower  California  at  that  time. 

17  Hittell,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  ii,  49,  65. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


Echeandia  First  Governor  Under  the  Republic. — Territorial  Legis- 
lature.— The  Governor  An  Enemy  of  the  Mission  System. — His 
Regulations. — Unhappy  Natives. — Secularization. — Missionaries 
Protest. — Echeandia  Goes  to  Monterey. — Padres  Lieutenant- 
Governor  and  Deputy  to  the  Mexican  Congress. — Liberalism. — 
Quarrels. — Missions  Plundered  by  Savages. — The  Last  Domin- 
icans.— Fr.  Felix  Caballero. — The  First  Bishop  of  California. — 
Result  of  Secularization. — Lassepas  on  the  Pious  Fund. 

The  era  of  a republican  form  of  government  without  its 
substance,  as  in  Mexico,  was  inaugurated  for  California 
by  the  appointment  of  Jose  Maria  de  Echeandia  as  governor 
of  both  Californias  on  February  1st,  1825.  He  arrived  at 
Loreto  on  June  22d  in  company  of  nine  Dominican  friars, 
whose  names  unfortunately  are  not  known.  On  July  10th 
Echeandia  opened  the  territorial  legislature.  The  subject  of 
some  of  its  deliberations  was  how  to  raise  funds  for  primary 
schools  at  Loreto  and  San  Antonio,  two  white  settlements. 
The  peninsula  was  divided  into  the  four  districts  of  Cabo  de 
San  Lucas,  Loreto,  Santa  Gertrudis,  and  San  Pedro  Martir, 
each  with  an  ayuntamiento  or  town  council  at  the  principal 
pueblo  of  the  district.  This  council  was  composed  of  an 
alcalde,  two  regidores,  ^ a sindico,  ^ and  a secretary. 

As  an  enemy  of  religious  Orders,  Echeandia  early  made  it 
a point  to  interfere  with  the  management  of  the  Indian  mis- 
sions. Only  two  months  after  his  arrival,  on  August  19th,  he 
issued  a reglamento  which  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  the 
secularization  of  these  establishments,  that  is  to  say,  the  re- 
moval of  the  Dominicans  from  administering  the  temporalities 
free  of  charge  and  replacing  them  with  salaried  officials,  who, 
as  experience  had  shown,  took  no  interest  in  either  the  temporal 
or  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  neophytes.  According  to  the 
governor’s  orders  a sufficient  proportion  of  the  mission  land 
was  to  be  allotted  to  the  Indians  as  community  property  under 

1 Councilmen. 

2 Treasurer,  collector,  and  attorney  combined. 


588  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


the  direction  of  major-domos  elected  for  a number  of  years 
from  among  themselves.  The  Indians  were  also  to  receive 
the  necessary  grain  and  implements  for  establishing  farms, 
and  half  of  the  livestock;  the  other  half  was  to  remain  for  the 
support  of  the  churches  and  missionaries.  The  latter  were 
reduced  to  the  condition  of  parish  priests,  more  or  less  de- 
pendent upon  the  whims  of  alcaldes  and  major-domos,  and 
were  to  occupy  themselves  only  with  the  spiritual  affairs  of 
the  Indians.  ® 

The  enforcing  of  this  plan  through  the  decree  of  seculari- 
zation, which  was  adopted  by  the  Mexican  Congress  on  Au- 
gust 17th,  1833,  was  like  taking  children  from  their  parents 
and  turning  them  over  to  selfish  strangers.  It  could  but  have 
the  result  which  followed.  “The  unhappy  natives,”  says  Ban- 
croft, who  approves  of  Echeandia’s  ideas,  “gradually  deserted 
the  now  inhospitable  missions,  and  wandered  about  the  hills 
and  beaches  looking  for  food.  Occasionally  they  would  work 
for  the  recompense  of  a little  watered  atole  twice  a day,  and 
a breech-cloth  and  blanket  every  two  years,  being  withal  badly 
treated  everywhere.  Epidemics  and  local  diseases,  moreover, 
combined  to  ravage  their  enfeebled  ranks.  As  for  their  prop- 
erty, it  was  to  be  absorbed  partly  by  settlers,  partly  by  favored 
individuals,  who  obtained  it  as  grants,  or  against  nominal  pur- 
chase money.  The  secularization  decree  had  already  declared 
such  unoccupied  lands  national  and  open  to  rental.”  ® This 
was  a most  glorious  achievement  for  the  enemies  of  the  mis- 
sion system  which  had  furnished  the  Indians  with  three  meals 
a day,  decently  clothed  them,  and  procured  contentment  for 

3 Hittell,  “History  of  California,”  vol.  ii,  82-83;  Bancroft,  “His- 
tory of  Texas,”  vol.  ii,  709.  In  a letter,  dated  March  19th,  1833, 
and  addressed  to  Governor  Figueroa,  Echeandia  sought  to  justify 
his  unauthorized  plan  of  secularization  with  the  law  of  September 
13th,  1813.  As  the  subject  will  be  treated  at  some  length  in  the 
next  volume,  it  is  passed  over  for  the  present. 

That  is  to  say,  the  former  mission  lands  taken  from  the  control 
of  the  friars,  and  which  as  a consequence  the  Indians  had  aban- 
doned, because  they  could  or  would  not  work  them  under  the 
heartless  comisionados. 

5 Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  ii,  709. 


Politics;  Ruin  of  the  Missions 


589 


all  for  less  than  six  or  seven  hours’  work ; but,  then,  the  un- 
salaried, unselfish,  inoffensive,  defenseless  religious  had  been 
removed,  and  that  result  for  the  anti-Christian  politician  and 
land-grabber  is  sufficient  reason  to  rejoice,  whatever  the  con- 
sequences to  the  people,  Indian  or  civilized. 

The  missionaries  in  behalf  of  their  neophytes  vigorously 
protested  and  opposed  the  various  attempts  at  spoliation,  but 
all  their  efforts  were  in  vain.  Governor  Micheltorena  in  1843 
indeed  ordered  the  restoration  of  all  the  property  taken,  ex- 
cept the  lands  already  occupied  and  for  which  titles  had  to  be 
obtained  from  the  government,  but,  as  in  Upper  California, 
the  order  came  too  late  to  benefit  the  neophytes,  and  then  the 
unscrupulous  Governor  Pico,  the  last  Mexican  ruler,  in  1846 
disposed  of  nearly  all  that  was  left.  ® 

Nor  did  the  change  of  the  political  system  bring  content- 
ment to  the  settlers.  “They  remained  neglected  as  ever,  and 
so  stricken  became  their  condition  that  petitions  were  pre- 
sented in  1827  for  the  remission  of  tithes  and  other  imposts, 
except  municipal  taxes,  for  fifteen  years.  Echeandia  was 
supposed  to  rule  the  peninsula  from  his  seat  in  Alta  Califor- 
nia, but  he  did  not  trouble  himself,  and  his  functions  were 
performed  by  a deputy,  who  was  sometimes  appointed  by  the 
governor  and  sometimes  by  the  territorial  deputation.  On 
leaving  for  the  north  in  October,  1825,  Echeandia  installed  as 
his  deputy  at  Loreto,  Lieutenant  J.  M.  Padres,  a member  of 
the  territorial  deputation,  whose  liberal  ideas  brought  the 

6 Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  ii,  709. 

7 “Liberal”  in  Latin  and  German  countries  generally  stands  for 
unscrupulous  and  for  emancipated  from  all  restraint  that  the  Ten 
Commandments  impose.  It  also  means  determined  to  rule  at  all 
hazards,  and  to  rule  against  religion.  This  kind  of  liberalism,  on 
accession  to  power,  signalizes  its  valor  by  warring  on  helpless,  in- 
offensive monks  and  nuns,  and  by  robbing  them  of  the  homes,  hos- 
pitals, schools,  asylums,  and  missions  which  their  abstemiousness 
managed  to  erect  and  maintain  for  the  benefit  of  their  fellow  men. 
Places  of  Divine  Worship  and  the  resting-places  of  the  dead,  which 
the  very  pagans  of  all  ages  and  countries  respected  and  held  sacred, 
are  not  sacred  to  the  men  who  call  themselves  “Liberals.”  Mex- 
ico, some  South  and  Central  American  States,  and  France  at  pres- 


590  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Dominicans  into  opposition  with  him.  Elected  deputy  to  Con- 
gress in  the  following  year,  he  departed  for  Mexico,  leaving 
the  gubernatorial  office  to  the  alcalde  of  Loreto,  Miguel 
Mesa.” 

In  1829,  however,  the  territorial  deputation  took  upon 
itself  to  reverse  this  order  by  selecting  its  first  member,  Alfe- 
rez  Mata  of  the  garrison,  as  sub-jefe  politico,  or  lieutenant- 
governor.  This  independent  action  aroused  Echeandia.  His 
representations  led  the  supreme  government  to  appoint  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel M.  Victoria,  and  to  separate  the  peninsula  from 
Alta  California  while  subordinating  it  in  military  and  judicial 
matters  to  the  comandante-general  of  Sonora.  When  Vic- 
toria was  transferred  to  the  northern  province  (Upper  Cali- 
fornia) in  1830,  he  was  succeeded  by  M.  Monterde,  who,  upon 
his  election  to  Congress  in  1831,  surrendered  the  office  to  the 
deputation,  and  its  members  now  rotated  monthly  as  jefe 
politico.  The  consequent  confusion  caused  Monterde  to  be 
sent  back  as  ruler  two  years  later,  and,  when  again  elected 
deputy,  a Peruvian  member  of  the  deputation  took  charge 
until  the  arrival,  in  April,  1835,  of  the  government  appointee, 
Colonel  M.  Martinez ; but  so  intense  was  the  opposition  of 
the  legislative  body  to  this  “mainland  intruder”  that  he  re- 
signed. Then  came  a contest  among  the  deputation  members 
for  control  which  led  to  virulent  party  spirit  and  bloodshed. 
The  government  thereupon  ordered  the  administration  to  rest 
with  the  alcalde  of  La  Paz,  to  which  place  the  capital  had  been 
transferred  in  1830,  owing  to  the  destitution  of  Loreto  in 
natural  resources,  aggravated  by  an  inundation,  which  in  the 
preceding  year  had  swept  away  a large  portion  of  the  town. 
This  action  served  only  to  unite  the  factions  against  the  com- 


ent,  show  what  it  is  to  be  “liberal.”  Padres  belonged  to  this  class 
of  political  reformers,  and  naturally  the  Dominicans  soon  found 
themselves  in  opposition  to  him.  As  this  volume  is  growing  too 
bulky,  we  shall  have  to  postpone  dealing  with  Padres  and  his  fel- 
low reformers  until  we  reach  Upper  California,  where  he  sought 
to  establish  himself  upon  the  ruins  of  the  missions  at  the  expense 
of  the  Indian  neophytes.  See  Bancroft’s  “Hist,  of  Texas,”  vol. 
ii.  710. 


Politics;  Ruin  of  the  Missions 


591 


mon  enemy.  The  alcalde,  M.  Conseco,  was  cast  into  prison, 
and  the  deputation  renewed  the  rotation  in  office.  The  gov- 
ernment then  imperatively  repeated  its  former  order,  and, 
Conseco  declining,  the  second  alcalde.  Captain  Fernando  de 
la  Toba,  was  for  a while  installed  as  jefe  politico  in  January, 
1837.  Luis  del  Castillo  Negrete  succeeded  him  from  1837- 
1842,  and  was  in  turn  replaced  by  Francisco  Padilla.  * 

About  the  same  time  a quarrel  with  Upper  California  oc- 
curred concerning  the  frontier  jurisdiction,  and  the  disorder 
was  aggravated  by  the  government’s  neglect  to  properly  sus- 
tain the  garrison.  The  pagan  Indians  took  advantage  of  the 
discord  and  made  numerous  raids  against  the  missions,  and 
in  October,  1839,  Mission  Guadalupe  was  plundered  and  three 
of  the  defenders  were  killed.  In  1840  Mission  Santa  Catalina 
was  burned  and  sixteen  of  its  neophytes  suffered  death.  In 
1846  Lower  California  was  invaded  by  the  troops  of  the 
United  States  and  several  small  battles  were  fought  in  which 
the  Californians  were  defeated ; but  the  Americans  withdrew 
from  the  territory  after  peace  had  been  concluded  between  the 
governments  of  the  United  States  and  Mexico.  ^ 

Little  more  is  known  about  the  fate  of  the  missions  and 
their  missionaries.  Some  of  the  Dominicans  became  chap- 
lains on  board  of  ocean  vessels.  One,  Fr.  Antonio  Menendez, 
in  1824,  accepted  the  post  of  presidio  chaplain  at  San  Diego, 
and  subsequently  he  removed  to  Santa  Barbara  to  fill  a like 
position  for  the  garrison  of  that  port.  He  died  on  April  24th, 
1832,  and  the  remains  were  buried  in  the  vault  beneath  the 
sanctuary  of  the  mission  church.  Other  friars  appear  in  the 
registers  of  Mission  San  Diego  at  various  periods,  notably 
Fr.  Felix  Caballero  in  1824  and  1832.  Fr.  Thomas  Mansilla 
of  Mission  Santo  Tomas  officiated  at  a baptism  at  San  Diego 
Mission  as  late  as  February  28th,  1840.  A recent  publica- 

8 Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  ii,  710-711;  Hittell,  “History 
of  California,”  vol.  ii,  311.  See  Appendix  K for  list  of  governors. 

9 Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  ii,  711,  712-718. 

10  Mission  Records  of  San  Diego  and  Santa  Barbara. 


592  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


tion  asserts  that  Fr.  Mansilla  and  a Fr.  Gonzalez  were  the 
last  Dominicans  on  the  peninsula,  and  that  both  served  at 
Mission  Santo  Domingo  as  late  as  1855,  when  Bishop  Esca- 
lante reached  Lower  California.  The  same  authority  states 
that  Fr.  Ignacio  Ramirez  de  Arellanes  was  superior  of  the 
missions  in  1843-1846,  but,  being  a sympathizer  with  the 
American  troops,  in  1848  emigrated  to  Upper  California.  A 
Fr.  Ignacio  Ramirez  de  Arellano,  O.  P.,  indeed,  appears  as 
missionary  in  the  baptismal  records  of  Monterey  from  Feb- 
ruary 15th,  1849,  to  February  2d,  1853.^^ 

Fr.  Felix  Caballero,  like  Fr.  Peyri  of  San  Luis  Rey,  seems 
to  have  been  enthusiastic  for  the  Mexican  republic  in  its  first 
years.  Even  in  his  private  letters  he  employs  the  watchword 
Dios  y Libertad,  which  a Mexican  Congress  decreed  should  be 


used  in  all  official  documents.  They  were  as  sincerely  meant 
by  those  Mexican  politicians  as  Liberty,  Equality,  Fraternity 
by  the  French  Jacobins,  but  intended  to  captivate  the  simple- 
minded.  By  the  year  1832,  however,  Fr.  Caballero’s  ardor, 
owing  to  the  anti-Christian  legislation  which  he  might  have 
foreseen  from  the  class  of  men  at  the  head,  had  abated.  He 
thereafter  dropped  the  silly  whim  and  was  satisfied  with  the 
more  appropriate  and  time-honored  Dios  le  guarde  or  Viva 

11  “Mother  of  California,’’  by  A.  W.  North,  71-72.  North  on 
page  60  mentions  a Fr.  Domingo  Luna  as  “provisional  vicar”;  he 
probably  means  vicar-provincial.  Unfortunately  little  reliance  can 
be  placed  on  what  this  writer  relates  outside  of  what  he  himself 
has  seen.  Of  Catholic  terms  and  customs  he  knows  next  to  noth- 
ing. The  idea  he  has  of  the  motives  of  the  missionaries  is  ex- 
pressed in  this  sentence  on  his  second  page;  “The  padres  gave 
their  lives  in  fanatic  devotion  to  the  Cross.”  The  Cross  to  him 
must  be  the  embodiment  of  all  that  is  foolish.  We  have  adopted 
his  latitude  and  longitude  in  describing  the  missions. 

12  Records  of  San  Carlos  de  Monterey. 


Politics;  Ruin  of  the  Missions 


593 


Jesus!  On  June  25th,  1839,  we  find  him  writing  from  Mis- 
sion Guadalupe  to  Governor  Alvarado.  The  same  Father 
is  styled  “Presidente  y Vicario  Foraneo  de  la  Baja  California” 
in  a letter  addressed  from  Culiacan  on  March  15th,  1839,  to 
Fr.  Gonzalez  Rubio,  O.  F.  M.,  of  Mission  San  Jose  in  Upper 
California,  by  the  Rt.  Rev.  Lazaro  de  la  Garda  y Ballesteros, 
bishop  of  Sonora. 

Fr.  Francisco  Garcia  Diego,  who  later  became  the  first 
bishop  of  California,  with  nine  Franciscans  of  the  Apostolic 
College  of  Guadalupe,  Zacatecas,  arrived  at  Cape  San  Lucas 
on  his  way  to  Upper  California.  These  Fathers  were  all  Mex- 
icans by  birth  and  enlisted  on  that  account  by  the  Mexican 
government  to  take  the  places  of  the  Fernandinos,  who  were 
nearly  all  Spaniards.  On  September  5th,  1832,  Fr.  Garcia 
Diego  from  Cape  San  Lucas  notified  Governor  Figueroa  of 
their  arrival  in  a destitute  condition,  and  asked  him  to  furnish 
means  for  their  transportation  to  Monterey.  On  October 
6th  the  same  Father  wrote  from  Casitas  to  the  same  official 
for  the  same  purpose.  What  steps  Figueroa  took  is  not 
known,  but  the  Fathers  finally  reached  their  destination  and 
were  put  in  charge  of  all  the  missions  from  San  Antonio  to 
Solano,  as  will  be  related  in  the  next  volume. 

There  is  nothing  more  to  be  said  about  the  missions  and 
missionaries  of  Lower  California.  Smallpox,  measles,  and 
nameless  diseases  introduced  among  the  Indians  by  soldiers, 
sailors,  and  adventurers,  and  ill-treatment  swept  them  off  by 
degrees.  Seasons  of  protracted  drought  starved  the  cattle 
remaining  to  them.  The  Pious  Fund,  which  had  been  their 
support,  was  delivered  over  to  officials,  to  be  “administered,” 
who  did  little  but  “administer”  it,  as  Doyle  says.  Unable 
to  support  life  in  the  missions,  the  Indians  wandered  off  into 

13  Caballero  to  Fr.  Narciso  Duran,  San  Miguel,  February  31,  1832. 
(“Santa  Barbara  Archives.”) 

1^  “Papeles  Originales,”  tom.  ii,  in  Bancroft’s  Library. 

13  “Santa  Barbara  Archives.” 

16  “Santa  Barbara  Archives”;  Forbes,  “California,”  138-140. 

11  “Santa  Barbara  Archives.” 

13  See  Preface  to  Palou’s  “Noticias”  by  Doyle. 


594  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

the  mountains  and  resumed  their  former  mode  of  life.  Thus 
they  gradually  decreased  in  numbers,  until  they  became  nearly 
exterminated,  and  the  missions  ceased  to  exist.  Whatever  the 
so-called  secularization  act  of  1833  left  to  destroy,  was  de- 
stroyed by  subsequent  acts  of  the  irreligious  Mexican  govern- 
ment, notably  by  the  confiscation  of  the  Pious  Fund. 

In  a work  entitled  “Historia  de  la  Colonizacion  de  la  Baja 
California,”  by  Ulixes  Urbano  Lassepas,  an  official  of  the 
Mexican  government  in  Lower  California,  and  printed  in  1859 
in  Mexico  City,  apparently  as  a government  publication,  there 
is  a description  of  the  missions  which  shows  that  their  pop- 
ulation in  nearly  every  case  had  suffered  a great  decrease.  On 
page  164  of  the  history  this  Mexican  official  says  that  “the 
greater  number  of  the  northern  missions  lying  between  Santa 
Catarina  and  San  Ignacio  are  to-day  (1859)  veritable  skele- 
tons, some  in  ruins,  scarcely  indicating  the  spot  where  for- 
merly stood  the  houses  of  worship  and  other  buildings.  The 
animals  have  disappeared  from  the  fields,  the  native  popula- 
tion has  died,  silence  reigns  where  formerly  was  heard  the 
humming  of  a mill,  the  bells  of  the  chapels,  and  the  lowing  of 
the  herds.  One  of  the  principal  causes  of  this  decadence  was 
without  doubt  the  application  of  the  Pious  Funds  of  Califor- 
nia to  purposes  other  than  those  for  zvhich  they  zvere  de- 
signed.” 


19  See  “Foreign  Relations,”  United  States  vs.  Mexico,  1902,  Ap- 
pendix II,  page  90;  Preface  to  Doyle’s  edition  of  Palou’s  “Noticias.” 


CHAPTER  X. 


The  Vicissitudes  of  the  Pious  Fund. — Decision  of  the  Tribunal  at 
The  Hague. — List  of  Dominicans  in  Lower  California. 

WE  now  close  our  narrative  on  the  missions  and  mission- 
aries of  Lower  California  with  an  official  statement  as 
to  what  became  of  the  Pious  Fund,  to  which  Lassepas  refers 
in  last  paragraph  of  the  preceding  chapter.  Reporting  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  ^ 
Agent  for  the  United  States  in  the  matter  of  the  Pious  Fund 
before  the  Hague  Tribunal,  writes  as  follows:  “As  early  as 

the  year  1697  certain  members  of  the  Order  of  Jesus,  with 
the  permission  of  the  King  of  Spain  and  upon  the  condition 
that  they  should  not  have  power  to  draw  against  or  from 
the  royal  revenues  for  such  purpose,  undertook  the  conversion 
of  the  Indians  of  the  Californias,  and  to  effect  this  end  col- 
lected considerable  sums  of  money  and  entered  upon  their 
work.  From  time  to  time  large  contributions  were  made  to 
assist  in  the  development  of  the  missions  established  or  de- 
signed to  be  established  by  them  or  by  their  successors,  the 
total  of  such  contributions  down  to  the  year  1731  reaching 
$120,000.  In  1735  properties  valued  at  about  $40,000  were 
deeded  for  the  same  purpose,  and  in  1747  an  additional  con- 
tribution, finally  amounting  to  the  sum  of  $120,000,  was  made. 
Later,  and  about  the  year  1784,  some  $400,000  reached  the 
fund  from  another  source.  ^ 

“These  moneys,  to  which  were  added  various  smaller  con- 
tributions from  time  to  time  from  other  sources,  constituted 
what  became  known  as  ‘The  Pious  Fund  of  the  Californias,’ 
which,  during  the  earlier  portion  of  its  existence,  was  entirely 


1 “Report  of  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Agent  of  the  United  States 
and  of  Counsel,  in  the  Matter  of  the  Pious  Fund  Case.”  The  Re- 
port was  made  to  Hon.  John  Hay,  Secretary  of  the  United  States, 
on  November  10th,  1902.  See  pages  9-15,  “Appendix  II,  Foreign 
Relations,  United  States  vs.  Mexico.” 

2 Palou,  “Noticias,”  tom.  i,  191-193.  See  Part  III,  chapter  xiii, 
this  work. 


596  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

managed  and  controlled  by  the  Order  of  Jesus.  Later,  and 
upon  the  expulsion  of  that  Order  from  the  dominions  of  the 
King  of  Spain,  that  monarch  acted  as  trustee,  delivering  the 
charge  of  the  missions  of  Upper  California  to  the  Franciscans, 
and  of  Lower  California  to  the  Dominicans.  When  Mexico 
threw  off  her  allegiance  to  Spain,  the  Mexican  Government, 
through  a junta,  managed  the  fund  for  the  pious  uses  in- 
tended by  the  founders.  On  September  19th,  1836,  Mexico 
enacted  a law  looking  toward  the  establishment  of  a bishopric 
for  the  two  Californias,  and  providing  that  the  person  selected 
therefor  should  receive  from  the  public  revenues  $6000  per 
annum,  with  certain  additional  allowances,  and  further  pro- 
viding that  ‘the  property  belonging  to  the  Pious  Fund  of  the 
Californias  shall  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  new  bishop 
and  his  successors,  to  be  by  them  managed  and  employed  for 
its  objects  or  other  similar  ones,  always  respecting  the  wishes 
of  the  founders  of  the  fund.’  ^ 

“The  Mexican  legation  to  the  Holy  See,  on  April  6th,  1840, 
notified  the  Papacy  that  ‘the  Mexican  Government  had  taken 
all  proper  measures  so  that  the  new  prelate  may  not  lack  a 
decent  income,  which  is  necessary  to  sustain  the  expenses 
and  respect  and  dignity  of  a bishop,  and  in  addition,  according 
to  a decree  of  Congress,  the  Pious  Fund  destined  for  the  sup- 
port of  missions  in  the  Californias  is  to  be  placed  at  his  dis- 
posal.’ 

“Immediately  after  receiving  this  notification,  and  in  con- 
sequence thereof,  on  April  27th,  1840,  the  bishopric  of  the 
Californias  was  created,  and  Francisco  Garcia  Diego  appointed 
thereto,  he  assuming  his  office  in  the  latter  part  of  the  year. 

“On  February  8th,  1842,  by  decree  of  that  date,  the  Mex- 
ican Government  repealed  the  law  of  September  19th,  1836, 
placing  the  management  of  the  Pious  Fund  in  the  hands  of 
the  bishop  of  the  diocese,  and  reassumed  its  direction,  as  the 
decree  said,  ‘for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  intention  of 
the  donors  in  the  civilization  and  conversion  of  the  savages.’ 

“On  October  24th  of  the  same  year  a further  decree  was 


3 For  the  First  Bishop  of  the  Californias,  see  the  next  volume. 


Vicissitudes  of  the  Pious  Fund  597 

passed,  formally  incorporating  the  properties  of  the  Pious 
Fund  into  the  national  treasury,  and  directing  the  sale  of  the 
real  estate  and  other  property  for  the  capital  represented  by 
their  annual  product  at  6 per  cent  per  annum,  and  acknowl- 
edging an  indebtedness  of  6 per  cent  per  annum  on  the  total 
proceeds  of  the  sale,  at  the  same  time  pledging  the  revenue 
from  tobacco  to  the  payment  of  the  income  corresponding  to 
the  capital  of  said  fund. 

“After  the  purchase  of  Upper  California  by  the  United 
States  from  Mexico  in  1848,  Mexico  failed  to  pay  any  part 
of  the  income  to  the  proper  recipients  in  Upper  California, 
and  as  a consequence,  upon  the  formation  of  the  mixed  com- 
mission, under  the  treaty  of  1868,  to  adjust  claims  of  citizens 
of  the  United  States  or  of  Mexico  against  the  other  govern- 
ment, the  Archbishop  of  San  Francisco,  and  the  Bishops  of 
Monterey  and  Grass  Valley,  ^ through  the  American  agent, 
presented  their  claim  against  the  Republic  of  Mexico  for  a 
proper  portion  of  the  income  of  said  fund,  bringing  it  to  the 
attention  of  the  mixed  commission  on  March  30th,  1870,  a 
formal  memorial  being  filed  December  31st,  1870.  A large 
amount  of  evidence  was  filed  with  the  memorial,  and  Mr. 
Cushing,  on  behalf  of  Mexico,  on  April  24th,  1871,  filed  a 
motion  to  dismiss.  After  full  consideration  of  this  motion  and 
of  all  the  evidence  adduced  on  behalf  either  of  the  United 
States  or  Mexico,  the  American  arbitrator  found  in  favor  of 
the  claimants  for  $904,700.99,  and  the  Mexican  arbitrator  for 
the  defendant  Government. 

“Because  of  this  difference  of  opinion,  the  case  was  submit- 
ted to  the  umpire.  Sir  Edward  Thornton,  who,  on  November 
11th,  1875,  awarded  against  Mexico  and  in  favor  of  the  claim- 
ants the  sum  of  $904,700.99  in  Mexican  gold,  being  twenty- 
one  years’  interest  at  the  rate  of  $43,080.99  per  year;  or,  in 
other  words,  6 per  cent  upon  one-half  of  the  capitalized  value 
of  the  Pious  Fund,  it  being  considered  by  him  that  the  proper 
apportionment  of  interest  in  the  fund  itself  between  Upper 
and  Lower  California  would  be  one-half  to  each.  Attention 


* Now  Sacramento  Diocese. 


598  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

being  called  to  an  error  in  computation,  this  sum  total  was, 
by  the  further  order  of  the  umpire,  reduced  to  $904,070.99. 
This  award  was  duly  paid  by  Mexico,  although  the  Mexican 
secretary  of  foreign  affairs,  by  letter  said  that  ‘though  the 
final  award  in  the  case  only  refers  to  interest  accrued  in  a fixed 
period,  said  claim  should  be  considered  as  finally  settled  in 
toto,  and  any  other  fresh  claim  in  regard  to  the  capital  of 
said  fund  or  its  interest,  accrued  or  to  accrue,  as  forever  inad- 
missible.’ This  position  Secretary  Fish  (United  States)  de- 
clined to  entertain.  Mexico,  on  January  20th,  1890,  made  its 
last  payment  on  account  of  the  Pious  Fund  award,  and  shortly 
thereafter,  and  on  August  3d,  1891,  Hon.  William  F.  Whar- 
ton, as  Acting  Secretary  of  State,  took  up  the  matter  of  the 
claim  for  the  interest  which  had  accrued  since  1869 ; the  same 
subject  being  renewed  by  later  Secretaries  of  State,  including 
Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  Hon.  John  W.  Foster,  Hon.  Walter 
Q.  Gresham,  Hon.  John  Sherman,  Hon.  W.  R.  Day,  and, 
finally,  by  yourself”  (Secretary  Hay). 

The  case  was  placed  before  the  Tribunal  of  Arbitration  at 
The  Haggle,  which  on  October  14th,  1902,  unanimously  de- 
cided and  pronounced  as  follows : 

1.  “That  the  said  claim  of  the  United  States  of  America 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Archbishop  of  San  Francisco  and  of  the 
Bishop  of  Monterey  is  governed  by  the  principle  of  res  judi- 
cata by  virtue  of  the  arbitral  sentence  of  Sir  Edward  Thorn- 
ton of  November  11th,  1875;  amended  by  him  October  24th, 
1876. 

2.  “That  conformably  to  this  arbitral  sentence,  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Republic  of  the  United  Mexican  States  must 
pay  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States  of  America  the 
sum  of  $1,420,682.67  Mexican,  in  money  having  legal  cur- 
rency in  Mexico,  within  the  period  fixed  by  article  10  of  the 
protocol  of  Washington  of  May  22d,  1902. 

“This  sum  of  $1,420,682.67  will  totally  extinguish  the  an- 
nuities accrued  and  not  paid  by  the  Government  of  the  Mex- 
ican Republic — that  is  to  say,  the  annuity  of  $43,050.99  Mex- 
ican from  February  2d,  1869,  to  February  2d,  1902. 


Vicissitudes  of  the  Pious  Fund 


599 


3.  “The  Government  of  the  Republic  of  the  United  Mex- 
ican States  shall  pay  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
of  America  on  February  2d,  1903,  and  each  following  year  on 
the  same  date  of  February  2d,  perpetually,  the  annuity  of 
$43,050.99  Mexican,  in  money  having  legal  currency  in  Mex- 
ico.” ^ 

Hence  Mexico  must  forever,  each  year,  pay  to  the  Catholic 
Authorities  of  Upper  California  six  per  cent  on  one-half  of 
the  Pious  Fund  Property,  which  the  Mexican  Government 
confiscated  and  diverted  into  its  treasury  despite  the  inten- 
tion of  the  donors,  and  which  sum  annually  amounts  to  $43,- 
050.99.  The  other  half  of  the  Pious  Fund  Property  and  its 
income  belongs  to  the  Catholic  Church  in  Lower  California ; 
but  inasmuch  as  that  territory  at  present  is  part  of  Mexico, 
where  no  one  dare  claim  anything  for  religious  purposes,  where 
churches,  chapels,  and  the  very  places  of  Christian  burial  are 
confiscated,  and  where  there  is  no  court  to  compel  the  gov- 
ernment to  use  the  money  according  to  the  intention  of  the 
benefactors,  that  is  to  say,  for  the  spread  and  maintenance  of 
the  Catholic  Faith,  the  peninsula  is  obliged  to  leave  said  money 
in  the  hands  of  the  government  along  with  all  other  church 
property  which  it  holds  in  violation  of  all  divine  and  human 
rights,  merely  because  that  rabidly  atheistic  government  hap- 
pens to  be  physically  stronger. 

It  now  remains  for  us  to  add  the  list  of  the  Dominican 
missionaries  as  far  as  it  was  possible  to  ascertain  the  names. 
With  few  exceptions  these  religious  reached  Lower  California 
before  the  year  1800. 


LIST  OF  DOMINICAN  FATHERS  IN  LOWER  CALIFORNIA 


Abad,  Miguel, 
Acebedo,  Pedro, 
Aguila,  Manuel  del, 
Ahumada,  Thomas  de, 
Aivar,  Jose, 


Apolinario,  Mariano, 
Armesto,  Jose, 
Arvina,  Rafael, 
Belda,  Vincente, 
Berragero,  Antonio, 


5 “Appendix  II,  Foreign  Relations,  United  States  vs.  Mexico,” 
page  18. 


6oo  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Caballero,  Antonio, 
Caballero,  Felix, 

Caballero,  Rafael, 

Calvo,  Joaquin, 

Caulas,  Jose, 

Codina,  Jaime, 

Coello,  Jorge, 

Concepcion,  Antonio, 
Conouse  ( ?),  Jose, 

Cruz,  Romantino  ( ?)  de  la, 
Cruzado,  Antonio, 

Cuculla,  Francisco, 

Duro,  Josef, 

Escola,  Raimundo, 

Espin,  Jose, 

Esteves,  Jose, 

Fernandez,  Antonio, 
Fernandez,  Mariano, 
Fernandez,  Vincente, 
Fontcuberta,  Sigismundo, 
Galisteo,  Francisco, 

Gallego,  Miguel, 

Gandara,  Pedro  (?), 
Gandiaga,  Pedro, 

Garcia,  Manuel, 

Gomez,  Juan  Crisostomo, 
Gonzalez,  Pedro, 

Grijalva,  Juan  Pablo, 
Herrera,  Jose, 

Hidalgo,  Miguel, 
Hontiyuelo,  Francisco, 
Lafuente,  Jose, 

Lazaro,  Antonio, 

Loriente,  Jose, 

Lopez,  Miguel, 

Lopez,  Ramon, 

Luesma,  Antonio, 


Luna,  Domingo, 

Mansilla,  Tomas, 

Marin,  Tomas, 

Martin,  Jose, 

Mesa,  (?), 

Mora,  Vincente, 

Munoz,  Nicolas, 

Naranjo,  Jose, 

Pallas,  Caietano, 

Pena,  Bonifacio  Gomez  de  la, 
Pineda,  Jose  Miguel  de. 

Pons,  Melchor, 

Portela,  (?), 

Ramirez  de  Arellano,  Ignacio, 
Rivas,  Juan, 

Ruiz,  Jose  Manuel, 

Sales,  Luis, 

Salgado,  Juan  Maria, 
Sanchez,  Jose  Antonio, 
Santolarra,  Jose, 

Santos,  Ramon  de, 

Sanz,  Placido, 

Sola,  Bernardo, 

Soldevilla,  Geronimo, 
Surroca,  Eudaldo, 

Tejeiro,  Ricardo, 

Timon,  Domingo, 

Tiol,  Jacinto, 

Valdellon,  Tomas, 

Valero,  Joaquin, 

\'arela,  Roque, 

\'erduzco,  (?), 

\'idaurreta,  Jose, 

Villatoro,  Jose  Garcia, 

Yoldi,  Mariano, 

Zarate,  Pablo  Maria  de, 
Zavaleta,  Martin. 


APPENDIX 


A. 

The  First  Church  and  the  First  Holy  Mass  in  the  New  World, 

(To  Page  9.) 

“Post  elapsos  vero  aliquot  dies  ab  insulae  istius  expugnatione, 
nonnulli  fratres  nostri,  inter  eos  Frater  Joannes  Piretius,  qui 
Columbo,  ne  a tanta  provincia  discederet,  instantissime  suasit, 
ad  has  partes  secunda  navigatione  trajecere,  atque  praesenti  pro- 
vinciae  in  hunc  modum  initium  dedere.  Is  namque  Frater  Joannes 
Piretius,  primo  in  istam  insulam  ingressus,  straminaceum  tuguri- 
olum  sibi  edificari  jussit;  inibique  primum  Sacrum  fecit,  atque 
demum  Eucharistiae  Sacramentum  asservandum  curavit.  Et  haec 
prima  Occiduarum  omnium  Indiarum  ecclesia  est.”  (“A  few  days 
after  taking  possession  of  that  island  some  of  our  friars,  among 
whom  was  Fr.  Juan  Perez  who  had  most  urgently  counseled  Co- 
lumbus not  to  abandon  so  grand  an  undertaking,  passed  over  to 
those  parts  on  the  second  voyage,  and  laid  the  foundation  for  the 
present  province  (i.  e.,  the  Franciscan  Province  of  Santa  Cruz 
de  Cuba).  This  same  Fr.  Juan  Perez,  who  first  set  foot  on  that 
island,  had  a hut  erected  of  boughs  and  covered  with  straw,  where 
he  offered  up  the  first  holy  Mass,  and  then  took  care  to  have  the 
Blessed  Sacrament  preserved  there.  This  was  the  first  church  in 
all  the  West  Indies.”)  Fr.  Franciscus  Gonzaga,  Minister-General, 
in  his  large  work  “De  Origine  Seraphicae  Religionis  Francis- 
canae,  ’ Pars  Quarta,  pag.  1198,  Romae,  1587.  With  him  agree 
the  following  ancient  writers  and  others  quoted  by  Fr.  Jose  Coll, 
O.  F.  M.,  in  “Colon  y La  Rabida,”  pp.  241-260,  Madrid,  1892. 

Fr.  Antonio  Daza,  O.  F.  M.,  “Cronica  General,”  lib.  ii,  parte  iv, 
cap.  iii,  Valladolid,  1611. 

Fr.  Diego  de  C6rduba,  O.  F.  M.,  “Cronica  de  la  Provincia  de 
Peru,”  lib.  vii,  cap.  xiv,  p.  104,  Lima,  1651. 

Fr.  Juan  del  Olmo,  O.  F.  M.,  “Arbol  Serafico,”  art.  9,  sec.  3, 
Barcelona,  1703. 

Fr.  Juan  Melendez,  O.  P.,  “Tesoros  Verdaderos  de  las  Indias,” 
lib.  i,  cap.  i,  Rome,  1681. 

Fr.  Luke  Wadding,  O.  F.  M.,  “Annales  Ordinis  Fratrum  Mino- 
rum,”  ad  annum  1493,  Lyons,  1625-1654. 

Fr.  Francis  Harold  O.  F.  M.,  “Epitome  Annalium,”  ad  annum 
1493,  Rome,  1662. 

Juan  Diez  de  la  Calle,  “Memorial  y Noticias  Sacras  y Reales  del 
Imperio  de  las  Indias  Occidentales,”  cap.  xxix,  Madrid,  1646. 


6o2 


Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


B. 

The  First  Vicar-Apostolic  in  the  New  World. 

(To  Page  10.) 

Historians  relate  that  the  vicar-apostolic,  who  on  the  second 
voyage  of  Columbus  in  1493  reached  West  Indies,  was  a member 
of  the  Order  of  St.  Benedict.  The  discovery  in  1851  of  a copy 
of  the  Bull  appointing  the  first  vicar-apostolic  proved  this  general 
opinion  incorrect.  The  first  part  of  the  Bull  of  Pope  Alexander 
VI.,  which  is  dated  June  2Sth,  1493,  reads  as  follows: 

“Alexander,  Episcopus,  Servus  Servorum  Dei,  dilecto  filio  Ber- 
nardo Boil,  fratri  Ordinis  Minorum,  vicario  dicti  Ordinis  in  His- 
paniarum  regnis,  Salutem  et  Apostolicam  Benedictionem. 

“Piis  fidelium,  praesertim  Catholicorum  regum  et  principum, 
votis,  quae  religionis  propagationem  divinique  cultus  augmentum 
et  fidei  Catholicae  exaltationem  ac  animarum  salutem  respiciunt, 
libenter  annuimus,  eaque,  quantum  cum  Deo  possumus,  favoribus 
prosequimur  oportunis.  Cum  itaque,  sicut  charissimus  in  Christo 
filius  noster,  Ferdinandus  rex,  et  charissima  in  Christo  filia  nostra, 
Elisabet  regina,  Castellae  et  Legionis,  Aragonum  et  Granatae, 
illustres.  Nobis  nuper  exponi  fecerunt;  ipsi  fervore  devotionis  ac- 
censi,  desiderantes  quod  fides  Catholica  in  terris  et  insulis,  per  eos 
de  novo  versus  partes  occidentals  et  mare  Oceanum  repertis, 
antea  aliis  incognitis,  ac  aliis  imposterum  reperiendis,  floreat  et 
exaltetur;  decreverunt  te  ad  partes  illas  destinare,  ut  inibi,  per  te 
et  alios  presbyteros  saeculares  vel  religiosos  ad  id  idoneos  et  per 
te  deputandos.,  verbum  Dei  praedicetis  et  seminetis,  ac  incolas  et 
habitatores  insularum  et  terrarum  praedictarum,  qui  fidei  nostrae 
cognitionem  non  habent,  ad  fidem  ipsam  ac  religionem  Christianam 
reducatis,  et  in  mandatis  Domini  eos  ambulare  doceatis  et  in- 
struatis;  Nos,  sperantes  quod  ea,  quae  tibi  duxerimus  committenda, 
fideliter  et  diligenter  exequeris,  tibi,  qui  presbyter  es,  ad  insulas 
et  partes  praedictas,  etiam  cum  aliquibus  sociis,  tui  vel  alterius 
Ordinis,  per  te  aut  eosdem  regem  et  reginam  eligendis,  superiorum 
tuorum  vel  cujusvis  alterius  super  hoc  licentia  minime  requisita, 
accedendi  et  inibi,  quamdiu  volueris,  commorandi;  etc.  etc. 

“Nulli  ergo  etc.  Nostrae  concessionis,  elargitionis,  indulti,  vol- 
untatis et  decreti  infringere  etc.  Si  quis  etc. 

“Datum  Romae  apud  Sanctum  Petruni,  Anno  etc.  MCCCCL- 
XXXXIII,  Septimo  Kalendas  Julii,  Pontificatus  Nostri  Anno 
Primo.” 

Gratis  de  mandato  Smi  D.  N.  Papae,  Collat.  Phy.  de  Pontecurvo, 
pro  Registr.  A.  de  Mucciarellis.  N.  Casanova. 

(The  document  is  in  the  Secret  .Archives  of  the  Vatican,  Reg. 
777f.  122.) 


Appendix 


603 


From  the  address,  “Alexander,  Bishop,  etc.,  to  the  beloved  son 
Bernard  Boil,  friar  of  the  Order  of  Minors,  vicar  of  said  Order  in 
the  Spanish  dominions,  etc.,”  it  is  evident  that  the  appointee  was 
not  a Benedictine,  but  a Franciscan.  From  history  we  know  that 
the  first  vicar-apostolic,  who  went  to  America,  was  not  a Fran- 
ciscan, but  a Friar  Minim  of  the  Order  of  St.  Francis  de  Paul, 
only  lately  founded.  This  discrepancy  has  given  rise  to  two  opin- 
ions. Franciscan  writers,  notably  Fr.  Coll,  O.  F.  M.,  in  “Cofon 
y La  Rabida,”  and  the  author  of  “St.  Francis  and  the  Franciscans” 
with  Count  Roselly  de  Lorgues,  the  biographer  of  Christopher 
Columbus,  claim  that  King  Ferdinand,  the  husband  of  Queen  Isa- 
bella, forged  the  Papal  Bull  to  the  extent  of  substituting  “Mini- 
morum”  for  “Minorum”  in  favor  of  Fr.  Bernardo  Boil,  the  Minim, 
and  thus  defrauded  Fr.  Bernardo  Boil,  the  Friar  Minor,  who,  it  is 
said,  happened  to  be  vicar  among  the  Franciscans  at  the  same 
time. 

The  defenders  of  the  other  opinion  assert  that  “Minorum”  in  the 
copy  of  the  Papal  Bull  is  merely  an  error  of  the  copyist,  who 
wrote  “Minorum,”  a title  with  which  he  was  familiar,  for  “Mini- 
morum,”  a title  which  was  new,  and  that  Fr.  Bernardo  Boil,  the 
Minim,  was  of  right  as  he  was  in  fact  the  first  vicar-apostolic  in 
the  New  World. 

The  writer  held  the  former  view  until  he  secured  a copy  of  the 
Bull  of  Pope  Alexander  VI.  Since  then  he  came  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  the  belief  which  charges  forgery  rests  on  a poor  basis, 
and  that  the  claim  that  the  copyist  committed  an  error  is  reason- 
able. The  copy  of  the  Bull  (the  original  so  far  has  not  been  dis-  • 
cov'ered),  as  far  as  it  is  reproduced  on  the  preceding  page,  shows 
two  erasures  of  two  different  words,  as  can  be  seen  in  the  holo- 
graphic copy  on  page  414,  vol.  i,  of  the  new  “Catholic  Encyclo- 
pedia.” After  the  word  “illustres”  occurs  what  seems  to  read 
“nuper,”  but  this  word  is  canceled.  Further  down  between 
“mare”  and  “Oceanum”  another  word  is  canceled.  If  a copyist 
could  commit  such  errors  as  these,  it  is  not  improbable  that  he 
might  have  substituted  a known  title  for  one  with  which  he  was 
not  so  familiar. 

W'hat,  however,  proves  disastrous  to  the  claim  of  Fr.  Coll  and 
his  adherents  is  the  fact  that  there  is  no  evidence,  except  that 
word  “Minorum”  in  the  copy  of  the  Bull,  that  a Fr.  Bernardo 
Boil,  O.  F.  M.,  ever  existed.  We  know  who  Fr.  Bernardo  Boil, 
the  Minim,  was;  that  he  was  most  probably  born  at  Tarragona 
in  1445;  that  he  had  been  a member  of  the  Benedictine  Order  of 
the  Congregation  of  Montserrate  until  he  joined  the  Minims  of 
St.  Francis  de  Paul  some  years  before  the  discovery  of  America; 
that  he  went  to  the  West  Indies  in  1493;  and  that  in  1495  he  was 


6o4  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


sent  to  Rome  by  the  saintly  founder  of  the  Minims;  whereas  of 
Fr.  Bernardo  Boil,  the  Friar  Minor,  there  appears  to  be  abso- 
lutely no  trace  in  the  records  or  anywhere  else. 

Fr.  Coll  himself,  “Colon  y La  Rabida,”  page  294,  confesses,  “We 
shall  not  conceal  that  in  the  ‘Cuadro  Sinoptico,’  (Paris,  1878), 
where  are  recorded  the  names  of  the  vicars-general  of  the  Span- 
ish (Franciscan)  Family  from  1415  to  1516,  when  the  vicars  were 
abolished  and  commissaries-general  came  into  existence  in  our 
Order,  during  that  whole  century  the  name  of  no  Boil  is  found; 
but  might  not  the  Father  Bernardo  Boil,  Franciscan,  to  whom  the 
Bull  alludes,  have  been  a vicar-provincial?”  First  it  must  be 
proved  that  he  ever  existed. 

Moreover,  from  the  Bull  it  is  clear  that  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
jointly  asked  for  the  appointment  of  a vicar-apostolic,  and  that 
they  jointly  nominated  for  that  position  Fr.  Bernardo  Boil.  Queen 
Isabella  certainly  knew  whom  she  was  nominating,  and  she  also 
knew  whether  or  not  the  person,  who  actually  went  to  America 
as  vicar-apostolic,  was  identical  with  her  candidate.  It  is  prepos- 
terous to  charge  her  with  participating  in  the  forgery  of  a Papal 
Bull,  and  without  her  consent  no  other  person  could  have  been 
substituted.  Hence,  until  the  original  Bull,  which  may  exist 
somewhere  in  Spain,  is  discovered,  or  until  the  existence  in  1493 
of  Fr.  Bernardo  Boil,  the  Friar  Minor,  is  proved,  we  are  forced 
to  conclude  that  the  copyist  committed  an  error.  (See  for  the 
arguments  on  both  sides  of  the  controversy  Fr.  Jose  Coll,  O.  F. 
M.,  in  “Colon  y La  Rabida,”  Madrid,  1892,  and  the  “Boletin  de  la 
Real  Academia  de  la  Historia,”  Madrid,  1892,  tomo  xix.) 


c. 

The  First  Bishop  of  Florida,  U,  S.  A. 

(To  Pages  14-15.) 

The  first  bishop  appointed  for  a diocese  within  the  present  ter- 
ritory of  the  United  States  was  the  Franciscan  Fr.  Juan  Xuarez 
(also  written  Juarez,  Suarez).  He  was  one  of  the  twelve  Friars 
Minor  whom  the  Most  Rev.  Fr.  Francisco  Quinones,  Superior- 
General  of  the  Seraphic  Order,  had  sent  to  Mexico  in  1824.  While 
he  held  the  office  of  guardian  of  the  monastery  at  Huexotcingo 
in  the  present  State  of  Puebla,  he  was  chosen  to  accompany  the 
expedition  of  Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  who  intended  to  found  a colony 
in  Florida.  In  order  to  give  the  settlement  a proper  organization 


Appendix 


605 


in  ecclesiastical  matters,  Fr.  Juan  Xuarez  was  nominated  bishop 
of  Florida  and  of  Rio  de  las  Palmas,  now  Panuco,  Mexico. 

Some  doubt  has  been  cast  upon  this  fact  by  the  late  eminent 
Historian  Dr.  John  Gilmary  Shea.  In  his  “History  of  the  Catho- 
lic Church,”  vol.  i,  page  111,  he  declares  the  statement  that 
Xuarez  was  a bishop  to  be  “utterly  unfounded,”  though  in  an  ear- 
lier work,  “Catholic  Missions,”  Shea  himself  styled  Fr.  Juan 
Xuarez  Bishop  of  Florida. 

While  reviewing  “Alzog's  History”  in  the  “American  Catholic 
Quarterly  Review,”  vol.  iv,  page  138,  Shea  goes  still  farther.  “In 
the  Spanish  portion,”  he  writes,  “we  find  the  silly  fable  of  Friar 
Juan  Xuarez  having  been  bishop  of  Florida  given  as  a fact,  and 
the  assertion  made  that  he  and  his  companions  were  the  first  mis- 
sionaries to  set  foot  on  our  territory.  That  Xuarez  was  a bishop 
is  contradicted  (?)  by  every  contemporaneous  document,  by  the 
silence  of  all  (?)  the  Spanish  writers,  and  by  intrinsic  (?)  facts. 
The  reference  made  to  a modern  French  writer,  who  compiled 
without  accurate  guides,  was  the  only  (?)  authority  for  the  fable.” 

Let  us  see  how  Dr.  Shea  is  borne  out  by  the  facts.  It  is  true, 
there  is  no  evidence  that  Fr.  Juan  Xuarez  ever  received  episcopal 
“consecration”;  he  never  was  consecrated  bishop;  but  there  is  good 
authority,  apart  from  the  modern  French  writer,  to  show  that  Fr. 
Juan  Xuarez  was  nominated  by  Emperor  Charles  V.  to  the  new 
See  of  Florida  and  Rio  de  las  Palmas;  quite  sufficient  reason, 
according  to  Dr.  Shea  himself,  to  honor  the  first  Franciscan  who 
entered  our  territory  with  the  title  of  bishop.  On  page  139,  vol. 
iv,  “American  Catholic  Quarterly  Review,”  Shea  informs  us  that 
“Under  the  Bull  of  Pope  Julius  II.,  the  Catholic  king  nominated 
bishops  for  the  Indies.  They  were  constantly  spoken  of  as 
bishops.” 

Fr.  Francis  Harold  of  Limerick,  who  published  an  abbreviated 
edition  of  Fr.  Luke  Wadding’s  “Annales  Ordinis  Fratrum  Mino- 
rum”  at  Rome  in  1662,  has  this  to  say  on  the  subject  in  his  “Epi- 
tome Annalium  Ordinis  Minorum,”  ad  annum  1527,  no.  1:  “Alii 

quoque  Franciscani  ad  Yucatanae  peninsulam  missi  sunt.  . . . 

His  autem  religiosis  a Caesare  serio  commissum  est,  ut  Dei  suas- 
que  leges  a provinciarum  praefectis  observari  curarent.  . . . Sed 
idipsum  quoque  Designate  Episcopo  Franciscano,  et  quatuor  fra- 
tribus  commendatum  est,  qui  cum  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  Pro- 
vinciae  Floridae  et  Palmarum  Fluvii  transfretarunt.”  (Other  Fran- 
ciscans also  were  sent  to  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan.  These  re- 
ligious were  earnestly  commissioned  by  the  emperor  to  see  that 
the  laws  of  God  and  his  own  were  observed  by  the  governors  of 
the  provinces.  . . But  the  same  commission  was  given  to 

the  Framciscan  Bishop-Elect,  and  to  the  four  friars  who  sailed  with 


6o6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  the  governor  of  the  province  of  Florida  and 
the  River  of  Palms.”) 

Again,  in  paragraph  5,  ad  annum  1527,  Fr.  Harold  says:  “Cum 
plurimae  in  Chris'ti  caulam  oves  Evangelii  ministri  compellerent, 
ne  pastoribus  destituerentur,  ex  eadam  Observantium  Familia  se- 
lecti  sunt  aliquot:  pro  Episcopatu  in  urbe  Mexicana  erigendo,  Fr. 
Joannes  a Zumarraga;  pro  Darieni  Episcopatu  missus  est  Fr.  Mar- 
tin de  Bejar;  ad  Floridae  Provinciae  Sedem,  Fr.  Joannes  Suarez, 
quibus  etiam  graviter  commendatum  est,  ut  provinciarum  praefec- 
tos,  inter  se  discordes,  conciliarent,  et  gravissimis  Indorum  praes- 
suris  moderentur.”  (Since  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel  gathered 
so  very  many  sheep  into  the  fold  of  Christ,  lest  they  be  destitute 
of  shepherds,  several  were  selected  from  the  same  Family  of  Ob- 
servants (Franciscans):  for  the  diocese  to  be  erected  in  the  City 
of  Mexico,  Fr.  Juan  a Zumarraga,  to  the  diocese  of  Darien,  Fr. 
Martin  de  Bejar  was  sent,  to  the  See  of  the  province  of  Florida, 
Fr.  Juan  Suarez,  who  were  likewise  strictly  charged  to  make  peace 
among  the  quarreling  governors,  and  to  remedy  the  worst  griev- 
ances of  the  Indians.”) 

In  the  last  paragraph  the  Franciscan  annalist  mentions  the  im- 
portant circumstance  that  Fr.  Xuarez  was  named  bishop  of  Flor- 
ida about  the  same  time  that  Fr.  Juan  a Zumarraga  received  the 
nomination  for  first  bishop  of  Mexico.  Those  were  not  the  days 
of  steamships  and  railroads,  nor  were  there  any  telegraph  or  tele- 
phone lines.  Between  the  nomination  of  a bishop  and  the  arrival 
of  the  Bulls  from  the  Pope  authorizing  the  consecration  of  the 
nominee  years  often  passed  by,  so  that  not  unfrequently  the  bishop- 
elect  departed  from  life  before  the  consecration  could  take  place. 
This  was  the  case  with  the  first  bishop-elect  of  Florida.  While 
Bishop  Zumarraga  was  not  consecrated  until  Sunday,  .\pril  27th, 
1533,  six  years  after  his  nomination.  Bishop-elect  Xuarez,  who 
had  been  named  with  him  in  1527,  perished  on  or  near  the  shores 
of  Florida  in  1528. 

Moreover,  Barcia  (Don  Gabriel  de  Cardenas  y Cano),  the  best 
authority  on  the  Florida  of  ancient  times,  and  whom  Shea  recog- 
nizes as  authority  for  everything  else,  in  his  “Ensayo  Cronolog- 
ico,”  Decada  Segunda,  Ano  MDXXVII,  page  9 (Madrid,  1723), 
writes  that  “A  17  de  Junio  salio  de  San  Lucar  Panfilo  de  Narvaez, 
Gobernador,  .Adelantado,  y Capitan  General  de  las  Provincias 
desdc  el  Rio  de  las  Palmas  hasta  Florida,  a conquistar  y pacificar 
la  Tierra  Firme,  con  cinco  bajeles  y 600  hombres,  en  que  iba 
Fr.  Juan  Suarez  por  Obispo  de  aquel  distrito.” 

Finally,  Antonio  de  Herrera,  “Historia  General,”  tom.  ii,  decada 
4,  lib.  ii,  cap.  iv  (Madrid,  1601),  says  that  “Xuarez  fue  presentado 
para  Obispo  de  aquel  distrito.” 


Appendix 

D. 


607 


The  Right  of  the  Missionaries  to  be  Supported. 

(To  Page  133.) 

On  this  subject  the  Rev.  Miguel  Venegas,  S.  J.,  in  his  “Noticia 
de  la  California,”  tomo  ii,  parte  iii,  sec.  xi,  pp.  236-242,  quite 
rightly  says:  “There  is  nothing  so  good  in  the  world  that  it  may 
not  have  different  views  and  reasons  for  and  against  it;  but,  in 
truth,  in  the  present  case  that  appears  more  in  order  and  more 
Christian  which  prudence  dictated.  The  missionaries  might,  in- 
deed, have  been  sent  among  the  Indians  like  sheep  among  the 
wolves  without  staff  and  without  bag;  but  he  who  admires  this  in 
the  Apostles  for  the  founding  of  churches,  will  not  for  all  that 
condemn  the  collections  which  the  same  men  took  up  among  the 
faithful,  nor  the  distribution  of  provisions  by  the  deacons  in  charge 
of  the  orphans  and  widows,  which  could  not  have  been  done  un- 
less there  had  been  some  funds.  Much  less  will  he  dare  disap- 
prove of  the  donations,  which  have  been  made  to  the  same 
churches  from  the  very  time  of  the  .A.postles  until  now  in  the 
form  of  tithes,  first-fruits,  offerings,  real  estate,  workmen,  stipends, 
and  fees  for  Divine  Worship,  and  for  the  decent  support  of  the 
bishops  and  the  minor  clergy  who  serve  the  churches. 

“If  these  revenues,  though  often  so  meager,  must  not  be  con- 
demned, what  reason  can  there  be  to  decry  the  poor  and  infre- 
quent donations  to  those  of  the  clergy  who,  stripping  themselves 
more,  banish  themselves  from  their  country,  relatives,  and  friends, 
and  devote  themselves  to  live  in  the  farthest  corner  of  the  world, 
deprived  of  every  convenience,  of  all  society,  of  all  corporal  and 
intellectual  enjoyment,  in  the  midst  of  thousands  of  dangers  and 
labors  among  savages,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  attracting  them  to 
Jesus  Christ?  How  could  they  possibly  live  upon  alms  from  the 
Indians,  when  almost  the  only  means  to  convert  them  is  that 
they  receive  alms  from  the  missionaries?  It  is  laudable  to  live 
upon  alms,  as  many  religious  Orders  do;  but  likewise  it  is  laud- 
able to  gain  a living  from  the  own  farm,  without  asking  the 
faithful,  as  some  others  do.  The  Society  (of  Jesus)  practises  both 
ways.  It  is  apostolic  to  preach  the  Gospel  while  obtaining  the 
means  of  subsistence  by  begging;  but  it  is  likewise  apostolic  to 
preach  the  Gospel  while  providing  for  one’s  self,  and  for  those 
belonging  to  one’s  self,  by  means  of  the  labor  of  one’s  own  hands 
without  begging.  The  Society  practised  both  ways  in  California; 
but  the  one  and  the  other  way  is  exposed  to  difficulties  and  criti- 
cisms. 

“The  apostolic  ministry  may  appear  to  be,  and  even  may  be. 


6o8  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


an  excuse  for  the  obtaining  of  alms.  Endowments,  or  landed 
property,  may  appear  to  be,  and  even  may  be,  an  incentive  to 
luxury  and  comfort  rather  than  a preventive  of  destitution.  The 
Society  avoids  the  one  as  well  as  the  other  when  it  receives  noth- 
ing for  its  ministrations,  nor  even  in  its  churches  permitted  col- 
lections, collection-boxes,  nor  requests  (quando  ni  recibe  cosa 
alguna  por  sus  ministerios,  y aun  en  sus  iglesias  no  admitio  limos- 
nas,  zepillos,  ni  demandas);  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  greater 
part  of  its  members  live  upon  alms  obtained  by  begging  wherever 
they  may.  Where  it  has  plantations,  it  maintains  its  members  in 
such  moderate  style  that  it  does  not  go  beyond  the  indispensable. 

“The  Society  has  haciendas  (plantations)  for  its  colleges;  but 
even  when  something  abounds,  which  is  not  common,  on  that  ac- 
count each  individual  does  not  cease  to  be  truly  poor,  for  he  re- 
ceives clothing  and  subsistence  only.  The  rest  are  the  tales  of 
the  ignorant  rabble.  To  provide  all  decently  with  these  neces- 
saries, funds  are  requisite  and  by  means  of  these  the  observance 
of  the  Rule,  labor,  the  contempt  of  worldly  goods,  evangelical 
poverty  itself,  and  the  spirit  of  the  members  are  maintained.  If 
the  funds  were  lacking  for  the  community,  and  each  individual 
had  to  take  care  of  himself  and  provide  for  himself,  soon  like- 
wise the  members  would  be  lacking  in  discipline,  regularity,  work, 
and  true  poverty  itself.  For  this  reason,  what  cannot  be  main- 
tained either  by  means  of  alms,  or  with  funds  obtainable,  the  So- 
ciety abandons.  Hence,  for  that  which  must  be  upheld,  when 
there  is  no  possibility  to  continue  purely  by  means  of  alms,  which 
is  more  conformable  to  its  spirit,  the  Society  admits  funds 'and 
endowments  for  the  sustenance  of  those  employed. 

“These  considerations  obliged  St.  Francis  Xavier  to  admit  the 
assignments  which  King  Juan  III.  of  Portugal  liberally  made  for 
him  and  his  companions  for  the  purpose  of  propagating  the  faith 
throughout  the  Orient.  Without  them,  how  could  the  expenses 
for  his  many  journeys  and  voyages,  for  his  subjects,  for  so  many 
newly-founded  missions,  seminaries,  and  colleges  have  been 
covered?  For  all  these  purposes  endowments  and  donations,  which 
Catholic  kings  with  marvelous  generosity  have  made  in  the  Amer- 
icas and  the  Philippines,  were  admitted  in  order  to  bring  the 
light  of  the  Gospel  to  countless  nations.  For  the  same  reasons  in 
Europe  there  are  found  throughout  many  dioceses  missions  with 
fixed  revenues.  Finally,  it  was  by  this  means  that  the  Society,  in 
order  to  plant,  maintain,  and  spread  the  faith  in  California,  could 
educate  youths  and  train  apostolic  men;  but  not  for  the  purpose 
of  hoarding  up  wealth.  Let  the  intelligent  and  dispassionate 
reader  see  what  other  means  there  are  than  those  adopted,  namely 
the  acceptance  of  donations,  and  let  him  decide  whether  these  are 
contrary  to  the  Spirit  of  Jesus  Christ?  . . . 


Appendix 


609 


“Though  the  magnanimous  and  pious  King  Philip  V.  commanded 
that  at  his  expense  the  missions  of  California  should  be  assisted 
with  everything  necessary  for  Divine  Worship,  such  as  bells, 
images,  vestments,  lamps,  oil,  and  altar-wine,  which  his  Majesty 
furnished  to  all  the  missions  of  America,  nevertheless,  this  order 
was  never  executed.  All  has  been  paid,  and  it  is  being  paid,  from 
the  allowance  of  the  missionaries,  from  alms,  and  from  the  prod- 
uct of  the  missions.  At  the  expense  of  the  missionary,  who  is  the 
parish  priest  of  the  Indians,  the  church  building  is  erected  and 
furnished,  the  missionary  supported,  and  ordinary  as  well  as  extra- 
ordinary demands  are  paid.  However,  this  is  not  the  only  draw- 
back encountered  by  the  missionaries  of  California.  All  the  world 
over  the  laborer  is  worthy  of  the  recompense  for  his  labor;  and 
it  is  not  too  much,  if  he  that  serves  the  altar,  lives  by  the  altar; 
for  he  that  sows  what  is  spiritual  among  the  faithful,  it  seems  just, 
should  share  somewhat  in  that  which  is  temporal.  Hence  it  would 
not  have  been  strange,  if  the  new  California  Christians  had  sup- 
ported and  had  served  their  missionaries  with  some  things  of 
temporal  use;  but,  on  the  contrary,  the  pastors  and  Jesuit  mis- 
sionaries are  the  ones  that  at  their  expense  and  care  had  to  main- 
tain not  only  the  churches,  but  also  their  neophytes.”  What 
Venegas  here  states  in  connection  with  the  Jesuits  is  equally  true 
of  their  successors,  the  Franciscans  and  Dominicans,  except  that 
the  friars  admitted  no  endowments  for  colleges  and  convents  under 
any  title  whatsoever,  as  may  be  learned  from  Appendix  F. 


E. 

Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe. 

(To  Page  174.) 

Seven  missions  in  Lower  California  were  dedicated  in  honor  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin  Mary  under  various  titles.  They  were  Our  Lady 
of  Loreto,  Our  Lady  of  Sorrows  in  the  South,  Our  Lady  of  Sor- 
rows in  the  North,  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe,  Our  Lady  of  the 
Angels,  Our  Lady  of  the  Rosary,  Our  Lady  of  Pilar.  The  one  dear- 
est to  the  hearts  of  the  Mexicans  is  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe  under 
which  title  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  is  called  the  Patroness  of 
Mexico.  The  origin  of  this  devotion  dates  back  to  the  year  1531, 
only  ten  years  after  Cortes  had  taken  possession  of  the  Mexican 
capital.  The  account  of  the  remarkable  event  in  substance  is  as 
follows: 


6io  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


On  Saturday,  December  9th,  1531,  Juan  Diego,  a poor  Christian 
Indian,  while  on  his  way  from  Tolpetlac  to  Tlatelulco,  now  a part 
of  the  capital,  to  hear  holy  Mass  and  receive  instructions  at  the 
Franciscan  church  of  Santiago,  was  obliged  to  pass  the  brow  of  a 
rugged,  barren  hill,  known  as  Tepeacac.  He  suddenly  heard  the 
sounds  of  the  most  delightful  music,  and  turning  his  eyes  up- 
wards, whence  the  sweet  strains  came,  with  amazement  he  beheld 
an  arc  of  glorious  coloring.  In  the  center  shone  a brilliant  light 
whence  rays  of  various  colors  spread  out  in  every  direction.  Diego 
stood  bewildered  and  contemplated  the  wonderful  vision  from 
the  midst  of  the  splendor,  until  he  heard  his  name  called.  Draw- 
ing nearer,  he  saw  in  the  radiance  a lady  of  surpassing  beauty 
who  in  a gentle  voice  bade  him  ascend  to  where  she  stood.  The 
lady  in  the  Aztec  language,  and  in  a voice  inexpressibly  tender, 
said  to  him:  “My  son  Juan,  whither  art  thou  going?”  “I  am 

going,”  Diego  replied,  “most  noble  Lady  and  Sovereign,  to  Mex- 
ico, to  the  Tlatelulco  quarter,  to  hear  Mass  and  the  instructions 
which  the  ministers  of  the  Lord,  our  priests,  give  us.”  “Know, 
then,”  the  Apparition  continued,  “my  much  beloved,  that  I am 
the  ever  Virgin  Mary,  the  Mother  of  the  true  God,  the  Author  of 
life.  He,  who  has  created  and  preserves  all  things.  It  is  my  will 
that  on  this  place  there  be  built  in  my  honor  a temple,  in  which 
I will  show  forth  all  my  goodness  and  love,  for  I am  the  Mother 
of  mercy;  and  to  thee,  and  such  as  thee,  and  to  all  who  love  me 
and  confidently  invoke  my  name,  who  call  on  me  in  their  trials 
and  afflictions,  I shall  show  forth  that  mercy.  I will  be  mindful 
of  their  tears  and  tribulations  and  will  give  them  consolation  and 
relief.  In  order  that  my  will  may  be  fulfilled,  I command  thee  to 
go  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  to  the  palace  of  the  bishop,  and  tell  him 
that  thou  art  sent  by  me,  and  that  I wish  a temple  to  be  raised 
on  this  spot  in  my  honor.  Thou  shalt  also  tell  him  all  that  thou 
hast  seen  and  heard;  and  be  assured  that  thy  work  and  thy  serv- 
ice will  be  pleasing  to  me,  and  I will  reward  thy  labor  and  dili- 
gence. Thou  hast  heard  my  words,  beloved  son;  go,  therefore, 
and  do  as  thou  art  bidden.”  Prostrating  himself  before  the  lady, 
the  Indian  replied,  “I  will  go,  my  Lady  and  my  Queen,  as  thy 
humble  servant  in  order  that  thy  will  and  thy  word  may  be  ful- 
filled.” 

Juan  hastened  to  the  city,  and  went  straight  to  the  bishop’s 
house.  Fr.  Juan  a Zumarraga,  O.  F.  M.,  the  first  bishop  of  Mex- 
ico, and  a fearless  defender  of  the  Indians,  with  no  little  astonish- 
ment heard  the  story  of  the  pious  Diego,  but,  fearing  that  the 
Indian  might  be  the  dupe  of  a delusion,  he  kindly  dismissed  him 
with  the  promise  that  he  would  consider  the  matter. 

With  a heavy  heart  Juan  Diego  in  the  evening  returned  to  the 
spot  and  found  the  lady  awaiting  him.  Casting  himself  at  her 


Appendix 


6i  I 

feet,  he  related  his  failure  to  interest  the  bishop,  “and  this  is,  I 
believe  because  of  me,”  he  added.  “I  beseech  thee,  therefore,  O 
Virgin,  my  Lady  and  my  Queen,  that  thou  choose  some  noble 
and  honorable  man  to  whom  credit  will  be  given;  and  that  thou 
committest  to  him  thy  will  and  thy  word,  for  I am  poor,  and 
lowly,  and  unknown,  and  it  is  useless  that  I am  sent.  Pardon,  O 
Virgin,  my  Lady  and  my  Queen,  if  I have  offended  before  thy 
face  or  incurred  thine  anger.” 

The  Virgin  listened  until  Diego  had  finished  his  plaint,  and  then 
said:  “Hear,  my  beloved  son,  and  understand  that  I am  not  with- 
out clients  and  servants  to  send;  but  it  pleases  me  and  it  is  my 
will  that  thou  undertake  this  work,  and  that  it  be  accomplished  by 
means  of  thee.  I command  thee  to  go  again  to-morrow  to  the 
bishop  and  tell  him  to  erect  the  temple  I demanded,  and  say  that 
she  who  sent  thee  is  the  Virgin  Mary,  Mother  of  the  true  God.” 
Poor  Diego  expressed  his  willingness  to  obey,  but  declared  that 
he  feared  he  should  have  no  more  success  than  the  first  time. 

On  the  following  day,  Sunday,  December  10th,  Juan  Diego 
again  repaired  to  the  bishop’s  palace.  The  servants  were  in  no 
hurry  to  announce  him,  but  at  last  he  was  admitted  to  the  prel- 
ate’s presence.  With  tears  in  his  eyes  he  related  that  he  had 
seen  the  Mother  of  God  a second  time,  and  that  she  had  again 
charged  him  to  ask  that  a temple  be  built  on  the  spot  where  she 
had  appeared.  Zumarraga  questioned  him  closely,  made  him  de- 
scribe every  circumstance,  and  then  instructed  him  to  ask  the 
lady  to  give  him  some  sign  whereby  he  might  know  that  the  mes- 
sage was  from  the  Mother  of  God.  After  Juan  had  departed,  the 
prudent  bishop  ordered  two  of  his  attendants  to  follow  the  Indian 
secretly  and  to  report  everything  they  might  observe.  When 
Diego  reached  the  bridge,  which  crossed  a small  stream  near  the 
foot  of  the  mount,  he  disappeared  from  view,  nor  could  the  closest 
search  discover  the  least  trace  of  him.  The  spies  returned  to 
the  bishop  and  expressed  it  as  their  firm  belief  that  the  Indian 
was  an  impostor. 

Meanwhile  Juan  Diego  continued  on  his  way,  unconscious  of 
the  miracle  performed  in  his  behalf,  and  related  to  the  Virgin  the 
result  of  his  mission.  The  lady  bade  him  return  the  next  morn- 
ing when  he  should  have  the  sign  the  bishop  demanded.  At  his 
home  he  found  his  uncle,  Juan  Bernardino,  grievously  sick.  This 
prevented  him  from  visiting  the  hillside  on  the  next  day  as  he 
had  promised.  On  the  second  day,  December  12th,  his  uncle 
seemed  to  be  at  the  point  of  death,  wherefore  Diego  hastened  to 
call  a priest  to  administer  the  last  sacrament.  On  the  way  to 
Tlatelulco  he  remembered  that  he  had  failed  to  keep  his  promise 
on  the  day  before.  In  his  simplicity  he  hoped  to  avoid  meeting 
the  lady  by  taking  another  path.  In  doing  so  he  arrived  at  a small 


6i2  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


fountain  near  the  foot  of  the  hill.  From  there  he  suddenly  beheld 
the  Virgin  descending  surrounded  by  the  same  brilliant  light  as  on 
the  first  occasion.  The  vision  dazzled  him.  Conscience-stricken 
and  trembling  he  fell  upon  his  knees.  The  lady  addressed  him  in 
most  tender  accents,  and  asked,  “My  son,  whither  art  thou  going? 
and  what  road  art  thou  taking?”  Quite  confused  Juan  Diego  re- 
lated his  predicament,  and  then  promised  to  carry  out  her  com- 
mands as  soon  as  he  had  brought  the  priest  to  his  uncle.  The  Vir- 
gin consoled  him,  and  bade  him  have  no  fear  for  his  relative,  as 
she  had  cured  him  at  that  same  hour.  She  then  told  him  that  she 
would  now  give  him  the  sign  for  the  bishop.  “Go,  my  beloved  son, 
to  the  top  of  the  hill  where  thou  didst  see  me  first;  pick  the  roses 
which  thou  shalt  find  growing  there,  and  fetch  them  to  me  in  thy 
mantle,  when  I will  tell  thee  what  thou  shalt  do  and  say.” 

Juan  obeyed  without  a word,  though  he  well  knew  that  no 
flowers  ever  grew  on  that  barren  spot.  When  he  reached  the 
summit,  he  was  amazed  to  find  a number  of  beautiful  rose-bushes, 
fresh  and  fragrant  and  wet  with  the  dew  of  the  morning.  He 
gathered  the  roses  in  his  tilma  or  mantle,  which  was  nothing  more 
than  a square  piece  of  cloth,  and  brought  them  to  the  lady.  She 
took  them  into  her  hand,s  and  putting  them  back  in  the  cloak 
she  said  to  Juan,  “This  is  the  token  thou  shalt  take  to  the  bishop. 
Tell  him  that  by  this  he  shall  do  what  I have  commanded.  Show 
what  thou  carriest  to  no  one,  nor  do  thou  open  thy  cloak  till  thou 
art  in  the  presence  of  the  bishop.  Tell  him  all  that  thou  hast  seen 
and  heard,  and  he  will  take  courage  to  build  my  temple.”  The 
Virgin  then  dismissed  him. 

When  Diego  arrived  at  the  bishop’s  house,  the  servants  would 
not  admit  him  for  a long  time.  They  wanted  to  see  what  he  car- 
ried. Through  a slight  opening  they  saw  the  roses  and  tried  to 
seize  them,  but  they  caught  at  nothing.  The  flowers  seemed  to  be 
only  painted  or  woven  into  the  cloth.  They  then  informed  the 
bishop,  who  called  the  Indian  into  his  presence.  Falling  on  his 
knees  Juan  delivered  his  message,  and  added,  “Here  is  the  sign 
thou  didst  want,  and  which  the  lady  sends  to  thee.”  With  this  he 
opened  his  mantle  and  displayed  the  fresh  roses,  and,  to  his  own 
as  well  as  the  bishop’s  astonishment,  the  glorious  likeness  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin  herself  was  found  imprinted  on  the  mantle.  Zu- 
marraga  called  in  the  members  of  his  household,  and  all  acknowl- 
edged the  miraculous  nature  of  the  roses  and  of  the  apparition. 
With  his  own  hands  the  prelate  untied  the  two  corners  of  the 
cloak  from  behind  the  Indian’s  neck,  and  placed  the  picture  in 
his  oratory.  On  the  following  day  he  accompanied  Diego  to  the 
hill  where  the  apparition  had  occurred,  and  there  ordered  the 
temple  built.  The  Indian  now  hastened  with  some  of  the  bishop’s 
servants  to  the  house  of  his  uncle,  whom  he  found  perfectly  cured. 


Appendix 


613 


Juan  Bernardino  related  that  a beautiful  lady  had  appeared  to 
him  on  the  previous  morning.  She  informed  him  that  she  was  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  that  she  restored  him  to  health,  that  she  wanted 
a temple  erected  on  the  spot  where  his  nephew  had  seen  her,  and 
that  it  should  be  known  as  Santa  Maria  de  Guadalupe. 

No  further  evidence  was  needed.  The  fame  of  the  apparition 
spread  all  over  the  country  and  captivated  the  poor  Indians,  who 
rejoiced  that  one  of  their  number,  and  not  one  of  the  haughty 
foreigners,  had  been  chosen  to  see  the  Virgin,  and  that  she  herself 
had  deigned  to  represent  herself  on  the  picture  as  one  of  them. 
They  danced  and  sang,  and  the  burden  of  their  song  were  the 
pathetic  and  beautiful  words,  “The  Virgin  is  one  of  us,  the  Indians! 
Our  pure  Mother!  Our  Sovereign  Lady!  The  Virgin  is  one  of  us.” 
That  was  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  idolatry  in  Mexico.  When 
the  temple  had  been  erected  the  picture  was  transferred  thither  in 
procession  and  placed  above  the  altar;  there  it  has  been  venerated 
ever  since. 

The  choice  of  Mount  Tepeacac  for  a church  in  honor  of  the 
Mother  of  God  was  most  appropriate.  According  to  Fr.  Bernar- 
dino de  Sahagun,  O.  F.  M.,  (quoted  by  Don  Francisco  Pimentel, 
“Obras  Completas,”  tom.  iii,  p.  83,  Mexico,  1904)  “there  were  three 
or  four  places  where  it  was  customary  to  offer  very  solemn  sacri- 
fices, and  to  which  the  people  would  come  from  very  distant  re- 
gions. One  of  these  is  here  in  Mexico  (that  is  to  say,  the  region 
around  the  present  Federal  District  of  Mexico),  where  there  is  a 
hill  called  ‘Tepeacac.’  The  Spaniards  call  it  ‘Tepeaquilla,’  but  now 
it  is  known  as  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe.  On  this  place  there 
used  to  be  a temple  dedicated  to  the  mother  of  the  gods,  who 
was  called  ‘Tonantzin,’  which  means  ‘Our  Mother.’  There  they 
used  to  offer  many  sacrifices  in  honor  of  that  goddess,  and  for 
them  they  would  come  from  very  distant  parts,  as  many  as  twenty 
leagues  from  all  the  surrounding  country  of  Mexico,  and  they 
would  bring  many  offerings.  The  concourse  of  the  people  in  those 
days  was  grand,  and  they  would  all  say,  ‘Let  us  go  to  the  feast 
of  our  mother.’  Now  that  the  church  of  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe 
is  built  there,  the  people  still  call  her  ‘Tonantzin,’  taking  occasion 
from  the  practise  of  the  preachers  who  called  Our  Lady  the  Mo- 
ther of  God,  ‘Tonantzin.’”  (Fr.  Sahagun  came  to  Mexico  from 
Spain  in  1529.) 

“In  regard  to  the  painting  itself,”  says  the  puzzled  Bancroft,  who 
for  a wonder  relates  the  history  of  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe  truth- 
fully without  a sneer,  “we  find  the  Virgin  represented  as  standing 
with  the  right  foot  on  a crescent  moon,  supported  by  a cherub 
with  wings  outstretched,  and  hands  clasped  upon  her  breast.  A 
rose-colored  tunic  richly  embroidered  with  gold  covers  her  form. 


6i4  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


and  a girdle  of  velvet  clasps  her  waist.  The  mantle,  decorated 
with  stars,  partially  covers  the  head,  on  which  rests  a crown  with 
ten  points,  or  rays.  The  artist  Cabrera  describes  the  countenance 
as  exquisitely  beautiful  in  every  feature,  and  maintains  that,  even  if 
a person  were  ignorant  of  the  origin  of  the  painting,  he  could  not 
deny,  on  seeing  it,  that  it  is  supernatural  work.  The  figure  is 
surrounded  by  an  aureola  encompassed  by  a luminous-edged 
cloud.”  (See  the  frontispiece  of  this  volume.) 

“In  1835,”  Bancroft  continues,  “a  formal  investigation  was  made 
with  regard  to  the  genuineness  of  the  existing  painting,  from 
which  it  was  discovered  that  its  identity  with  the  one  miracuously 
depicted  on  the  mantle  of  Juan  Diego,  was  not  proven  until  its 
removal  from  its  place  on  the  old  altar  on  account  of  repairs,  when 
attention  was  attracted  to  its  extraordinary  weight.  Examination 
revealed  the  fact  that  it  was  attached  to  the  top  of  Zumarraga’s 
table,  on  which  was  an  inscription  by  the  bishop,  certifying  this  to 
be  the  true  and  original  picture.  The  painting  had  been  stretched 
upon  five  boards,  solidly  joined  together  by  tree-nails.  The  car- 
penter, who  accompanied  the  committee,  testified  to  the  antiquity 
of  the  boards,  while  the  wooden  nails  were  like  those  used  by 
the  Indian  carpenters  in  the  bishop’s  time.”  (Bancroft,  “History 
of  Mexico,”  vol.  ii,  403-408.)  With  this  account  compare  Theodore 
Hittell’s  version  in  his  “History  of  California,”  vol.  ii,  46-48.  In 
justice  to  Hittell  it  must  be  stated  that  he  merely  furnishes  a 
literal  translation  from  the  Spanish  of  a story  fabricated  by  J.  B. 
Alvarado,  the  notorious  governor  of  Upper  California.  The  writer 
has  a copy  of  the  Spanish  original.  Alvarado,  the  writer  was  told 
by  the  best  authority,  “would  get  drunk.”  He  must  have  been 
in  some  such  condition  when  he  wrote  the  ridiculous  story  of 
Guadalupe.  No  Mexican  or  Spaniard  in  his  senses,  unless  he  be  a 
Voltarian,  would  perpetrate  such  an  impious  absurdity. 


F. 

Apostolic  Colleges. 

(To  Page  289.) 

Apostolic  Colleges  were  seminaries  in  which  Franciscan  volun- 
teers were  trained  for  the  missions,  notably  Indian  missions.  They 
were  independent  of  any  province  or  custody,  and  directly  subject 
to  the  Franciscan  Commissary-General  for  the  Indies  who  resided 
at  Madrid. 


Appendix 


615 

The  first  Apostolic  College  in  America  was  established  at  Quere- 
taro,  Mexico,  where  by  virtue  of  the  Bull  “Sacrosanct!  Apostola- 
tus”  of  Pope  Innocent  XL,  dated  Rome,  May  8th,  1682,  the  Fran- 
ciscan monastery  of  Santa  Cruz  belonging  to  the  province  of 
Saints  Peter  and  Paul  of  Michoacan,  was  withdrawn  from  the  jur- 
isdiction of  the  provincial  and  erected  into  an  Apostolic  College 
for  the  training  of  missionaries.  Later  a similar  institution  was 
founded  at  Guadalupe,  Zacatecas,  by  the  Venerable  Fr.  Antonio 
Margil,  one  time  missionary  in  Texas.  The  third  in  point  of  time 
and  importance  was  the  Apostolic  College  of  San  Fernando  in  the 
city  of  Mexico,  established  by  authority  of  the  Pope  and  of  King 
Fernando  VI.  in  1734.  It  was  this  institution  which  furnished  the 
missionaries  for  both  Lower  and  Upper  California.  The  Fathers 
were  generally  called  Fernandinos  to  distinguish  them  from  those 
of  Santa  Cruz,  who  were  known  as  Queretarenos,  and  from  those 
of  Guadalupe  who  were  designated  as  Zacatecanos,  or  Guadalu- 
panos. 

The  special  constitution  of  these  Colleges,  which  was  incorpo- 
rated in  the  Papal  Bull,  provided  for  a superior  with  the  title  of 
guardian  and  four  discretos  or  councilors  elected  by  the  commu- 
nity every  three  years.  The  guardian,  however,  was  chosen  by  the 
commissary-general  from  three  candidates  proposed  by  the  Fathers 
in  chapter  assembled.  In  addition  a vicar  was  elected  who  presided 
and  governed  in  the  absence  of  the  Fr.  Guardian. 

The  guardian,  with  the  consent  of  the  discretos,  could  admit 
any  friar,  cleric  or  lay-brother,  from  any  of  the  provinces,  pro- 
vided the  applicant,  after  due  examination  as  to  health,  virtue  and 
studies  was  judged  suitable  and  worthy  by  the  discretos;  nor  could 
any  one  except  the  commissary-general  prevent  his  admission. 
A novitiate  was  attached  to  the  College,  into  which  suitable  young 
men  were  received  and  where  they  were  trained  by  one  of  the 
Fathers  who  was  elected  at  the  chapter  and  bore  the  title  master 
of  novices. 

The  community  at  the  College  was  never  to  consist  of  more  than 
thirty  friars,  of  whom  twenty-six  were  to  be  priests  and  four  lay- 
brothers.  The  latter  attended  to  housework  and  the  collecting 
of  alms. 

Inasmuch  as  these  monasteries  were  to  excel  in  spirituality  and 
self-denial,  the  Papal  Bull  expressly  directed  “that  in  said  seminary 
the  Rule  of  the  Friars  Minor  should  be  most  strictly  observed, 
as  well  in  regard  to  poverty  in  general  as  in  regard  to  the  special 
regulations  concerning  the  quality  and  number  of  wearing  apparel, 
going  barefooted,  fasting,  etc.,  particularly  with  regard  to  provid- 
ing the  necessaries  for  the  friars  in  sickness  and  in  health  accord- 
ing to  our  mode  of  life,  so  that  all  live  in  community,  and  that  in 


6i6  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


no  case  any  friar  shall  be  permitted  to  have,  neither  in  charge  of 
the  apostolic  syndic  nor  in  charge  of  spiritual  friends,  whosoever 
the  owner  may  be,  any  money  deposits  for  his  own  necessities. 

“That  indispensably  every  day  they  shall  devote  two  hours  to 
mental  prayer,  one  in  the  morning  and  one  in  the  evening.  The 
Divine  Office  shall  be  recited  in  choir  at  stated  hours  ...  at 
which  and  at  the  conventual  Mass,  and  at  the  other  community 
exercises  all  without  exception  shall  be  bound  to  be  present. 
(Matins  and  Lauds  were  chanted  at  midnight.) 

“That  every  day  for  two  hours  there  shall  be  lectures  and  con- 
ferences for  one  hour  after  the  conventual  Mass  on  the  language 
of  the  Indians,  and  for  one  hour  after  Vespers  on  the  manner  of 
converting,  teaching  catechism,  and  instructing  converts.  No  one 
shall  be  excused  from  attending  these  lectures,  nor  from  giving 
an  account  on  the  subject  of  the  lecture  if  he  be  questioned. 

“That  no  secular  person  shall  be  permitted  to  enter  the  interior 
parts  of  the  convent,  but  in  the  outer  cloister  a decent  and  edi- 
fying room  containing  a few  plain  seats,  shall  be  set  apart,  where 
male  seculars  desiring  to  speak  with  any  of  the  Fathers  for  their 
consolation  may  be  received  and  comforted. 

“That  the  guardian,  or  in  his  absence  the  presiding  Father,  on 
suitable  occasions,  or  when  he  deems  it  necessary,  shall  send  out 
missionaries  by  twos,  or  in  larger  numbers,  as  it  shall  seem  ex- 
pedient for  the  conversion  of  the  people,  assigning  to  them  the  vil- 
lages, districts,  and  territories  in  which  the  several  religious  may 
preach  their  missions.  Some,  however,  shall  be  left  at  the  semi- 
nary to  carry  on  the  exercises  of  the  community,  and  these  may 
be  sent  out  when  the  others  return. 

“That  if  any  of  the  missionaries  without  legitimate  cause,  which 
must  be  approved  by  the  discretos,  shall  have  excused  himself 
from  preaching  the  missions  according  to  the  regulation  of  the 
Fr.  Guardian,  or  if  in  the  missions  he  shall  have  accepted  anything 
beyond  moderate  food,  or  shall  have  given  bad  example,  or  in  the 
seminary  shall  have  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  community,  or  in 
attending  the  community  and  other  exercises  to  be  observed  as 
said  before  shall  have  been  notably  negligent,  and  if  reproved 
once  and  again  by  the  guardian  shall  not  have  improved,  the  guar- 
dian himself,  with  the  counsel  and  consent  of  the  discretos,  may, 
if  he  had  been  a member  of  a province,  expel  him  from  the  sem- 
inary and  return  him  to  his  province,  which  shall  be  obliged  to 
receive  back. 

“That  the  said  commissary-general  shall  be  bound,  either  per- 
sonally or  through  his  commissary  especially  appointed  for  that 
purpose,  to  visit  said  seminary  every  three  years,  and  at  each 
visitation  he  shall  question  each  one  about  the  observance  of  all 
aforesaid  regulations.  . . . .-\nd  inasmuch  as  we  hope  that,  in- 


Appendix 


617 


spired  by  the  grace  of  God,  by  means  of  these  ministers  of  His 
Word,  many  pagan  nations  will  be  converted  to  the  faith,  whose 
neophytes  it  is  necessary  to  preserve  in  the  faith  embraced  and  to 
administer  to  them  the  sacraments,  it  is  ordered  that  some  of  the 
said  missionaries,  who  are  necessary  to  perform  said  work,  shall 
remain  among  the  converted  people,  after  they  have  notified  the 
guardian  of  the  seminary  and  received  permission  from  him,  and 
they  shall  always  remain  subordinate  to  the  same  guardian  and 
subject  to  correction  from  him,  as  above.  . . . They  may  remain 
in  charge  of  souls  thus  converted  to  the  faith  only  so  long  until 
it  shall  have  pleased  the  bishop,  to  whom  the  territory  pertains, 
or  in  the  future  may  pertain,  to  assign  secular  priests  to  whom 
he  may  commit  the  care  of  the  souls.  (In  cura  animarum  sic 
conversarum  ad  fidem,  tamdiu  solummodo  poterunt  remanere, 
quoadusque  Episcopo,  ad  quern  terra  pertinet,  vel  in  posterum  per- 
tinebit,  placuerit  Presbyteros  Saeculares,  quibus  animarum  curam 
committat,  destinare.)  While,  however,  the  said  missionaries 
shall  continue  in  said  charge,  they  can  accept  nothing  on  the  title 
of  curates  or  missionaries,  but  must  live  strictly  upon  the  alms 
obtained  by  begging  or  otherwise  offered.  (Quamdiu,  vero  prae- 
dicti  missionarii  in  praedicta  cura  remanserint,  nihil  ex  titulo  cura- 
torum,  vel  doctinarum  possint  accipere,  sed  praecise  ex  mendicatis 
eleemosynis,  vel  ultro  oblatis  vivere  debent.)”  . . . (“Gobierno 

de  los  Regulares  de  la  America,”  by  Fr.  Pedro  Joseph  Parras,  tomo 
ii,  pp.  82-93,  169,  Madrid,  1783.) 

There  is  no  mention  of  a time  limit  for  the  missionaries;  but 
four  years  later,  in  the  Bull  “Ecclesiae  Catholicae”  of  the  same 
Pope  Innocent  XL,  it  was  ordained  that  “To  the  missionaries  who 
had  during  ten  years  occupied  themselves  laudably  in  the  service 
of  the  missions,  and  who  desired  to  return  to  their  province,  the 
guardian  and  discretos  shall  not  refuse  that  permission,  nor  the 
testimony  of  having  complied  with  their  obligation.”  Nor  did  this 
regulation  originate  with  the  religious,  but  was  issued  in  the  de- 
cree of  King  Felipe  II.  in  1563,  and  later  adopted  by  the  Pope. 
(“Los  misioneros,  que  por  diez  anos  se  hayan  ocupado  loablemente 
en  el  exercicio  de  las  misiones,  y quieran  volverse  a sus  provincias, 
el  guardiano  y discretos  no  les  podran  negar  esa  licencia,  ni  el  tes- 
timonio  de  haber  cumplido  con  su  obligacion.”  (“Gobierno  de  los 
Regulares  de  la  America,”  ut  supra,  p.  169.) 

These  were  the  principal  special  regulations  under  which  the 
Franciscan  missionaries  toiled  among  the  Indians  of  California  in 
addition  to  the  rules  laid  down  by  St.  Francis  himself.  From  this 
it  is  evident  that  all  the  so-called  historians,  who  have  written 
about  the  missions  of  California,  and  who  have  accused  the  friars 
of  enriching  themselves  or  their  Order,  will  have  to  revise  their 
assertions  in  order  to  bring  them  within  the  lines  of  truth. 


6i8 


Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


G. 

Indian  Veracity. 

(To  Pages  325  and  404.) 

“I  would  caution  all  superiors  of  the  secular  or  regular  clergy,” 
says  Fr.  Pedro  Joseph  Parras,  O.  F.  M.,  who  had  lived  in  Para- 
guay and  held  many  prominent  offices  in  his  Order,  (“Gobierno 
de  los  Regulares  de  la  America,”  tom.  ii,  no.  937,  p.  430,  Madrid, 
1783)  “when  there  is  question  of  removal  or  of  other  corrections, 
to  avoid  juridical  examinations  (of  Indians).  I do  not  know  that 
any  credence  can  be  given  where  Indians  must  be  employed  as 
witnesses.  (No  se  que  alguna  pueda  hacer  fe,  donde  han  de  servir 
los  Indios  de  testigos.)”  Parras  then  recites  one  case  in  which 
he  with  three  other  synodal  examiners  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  testimony  of  eight  Indians  agreeing  in  the  affirmative 
amounted  to  only  very  imperfect  proof.  “We  four  synodal  exam- 
iners,” he  writes,  “based  our  decision  on  the  practical  knowledge 
of  what  the  Indians  are.  They  generally  give  the  reply  which 
they  perceive  the  judge  wants  them  to  give.  (Respondan  por  lo 
comun  lo  que  conocen  que  quiere  el  juez  que  respondan.)  Lest 
this  appear  an  exaggeration  on  my  part,  let  the  Regulations  of 
Viceroy  Francisco  de  Toledo  (of  Peru)  be  read.  . . . After  he 
had  by  experience  acquired  a practical  knowledge  of  the  Indian 
character,  he  issued  this  order; 

“In  grave  cases  never  fewer  than  six  Indians  should  be  ex- 
amined, and  after  the  judge  has  questioned  them  and  found  them 
agreeing,  no  more  credence  shall  be  accorded  them  than  that 
which  would  be  given  to  one  trustworthy  witness.  (Que  en  las 
causas  graves  nunca  se  examinen  menos  de  seis  Indios,  y despues 
de  examinados  por  el  juez  de  la  causa,  y hallados  contestes,  no  se 
les  deba  dar  mas  fe,  que  aquella  que  se  daria  a un  solo  testigo 
idoneo.)”  (Parras,  ut  supra,  no.  938.) 

In  conformity  with  this  the  Third  Council  of  Lima  declared 
that,  when  the  necessity  is  urgent  for  accepting  the  oath  of  In- 
dians, and  upon  their  testimony  alone  depends  the  verification  of 
the  truth,  “the  judge  shall  look  carefully  to  the  credit  which  should 
be  given  to  men  in  whom  the  facility  for  perjuring  themselves  is 
notorious.”  (Parras,  ut  supra,  no.  938.) 

Bishop  Montenegro  of  Quito  (Parras,  ut  supra)  relates  a case  in 
which  the  curate  of  a pueblo  was  accused  by  Indians  before  the 
ecclesiastical  judge.  Wearied  with  the  endless  evidently  insincere 
charges,  the  judge  at  last  resolved  to  test  the  veracity  of  the 
native  witnesses  by  introducing  some  altogether  foreign  questions. 
Among  others  he  asked: 


Appendix 


619 


“Is  it  true  that  on  a certain  day,  when  this  curate  had  finished 
his  Mass,  the  holy  King  David  appeared  clad  in  all  his  royal 
robes,  and  that  this  curate  then  killed  him  in  the  presence  of  his 
parishioners  in  the  very  same  church?”  All  the  Indians  swore 
under  oath  that  such  was  the  truth,  and  that  they  had  been  pres- 
ent! On  another  occasion  under  similar  circumstances  other  In- 
dians testified  that  they  had  seen  the  Most  Holy  Trinity  with  their 
bodily  eyes!  (See  also  Bancroft,  “History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i,  551.) 

Solorzano,  (“Politica  Indiana,”  tom.  i,  lib.  ii,  cap.  xxviii,  nos. 
34-36,  pp.  210-211)  also  advises  those  concerned  to  be  very  cautious 
in  taking  the  testimony  of  Indians,  as  little  faith  can  be  placed 
in  what  they  say  under  oath,  “on  account  of  the  little  firmness 
and  stability  of  their  judgment  and  depositions,  and  on  account 
of  the  suspicion  we  shall  always  have  of  the  falsity  of  their  tes- 
timony.” 

Experienced  missionaries  among  the  Indians  are  well  aware  of 
this  characteristic  of  their  imaginative  people,  and  therefore  pay 
little  attention  to  what  Indians  say  against  others,  unless  these 
natives  are  well  instructed  and  of  tried  piety  and  virtue.  Never- 
theless, it  must  not  be  supposed  that  Indians  are  given  to  lies 
under  all  circumstances;  but  in  the  case  of  juridical  questioning, 
as  Fr.  Parras  states,  they  seem  to  be  under  the  impression  that 
they  ought  to  furnish  the  answer  which  the  questioner  expects, 
and  which  they  are  shrewd  enough  to  detect  from  the  form  or 
tone  of  the  question,  or  which  they  know  from  other  circum- 
stances. 

Whether  the  Indian  can  always  be  believed  on  other  occasions 
is  another  question.  Rev.  Jacob  Baegert,  S.  J.,  (“Nachrichten,” 
pars,  i,  sec.  viii)  asserts  that  the  Californians  “in  one  breath  say 
six  times  ‘yes,’  and  as  many  times  ‘no.’  (Sie  sagen  in  einem 
Athem  sechsmal  ‘Ja,’  und  ebenso  vielmal  ‘Nein’).”  They  can  cer- 
tainly not  be  believed  when  excited  by  passion. 

The  Chippewa  Indian  language  in  the  northern  States  has  a 
unique  conjugation,  the  dubitative,  with  moods,  tenses,  active  and 
passive  voices,  and  affirmative  and  negative  form,  which  the  native 
uses  when  he  relates  .what  he  knows  to  be  untrue,  or  what  he 
himself  does  not  believe  to  be  true,  or  when  he  is  in  doubt,  which 
is  more  often  the  case  than  not.  He  can  thus  talk  all  day  without 
saying  anything  positive.  The  listener  may  later  discover  that 
what  he  heard  was  untrue,  and  will  declare  that  the  Indian  lied. 
The  Chippewa  would  not  regard  it  as  lying,  because  he  had  em- 
ployed the  appropriate  form  of  speech.  Of  course,  under  such 
circumstances  the  Indian’s  testimony  is  of  no  value.  (Rt.  Rev. 
Frederic  Baraga,  “Grammar  of  the  Otchipwe  Language,”  Detroit, 
1850.) 


620  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


H. 


The  Power  Exercised  by  Spanish  Kings  Over  the  Church  in 

America. 

(To  Pages  393  and  470.) 


“The  Kings  of  Spain  acted  in  virtue  of  the  delegation  and  special 
commission  of  the  Supreme  Pontiffs  (Alexander  VI.  and  Julius 
II.),  who  in  consideration  of  the  spiritual  advancement  of  the 
faithful  and  the  conversion  of  the  infidels  existing  in  those  ter- 
ritories (of  the  New  World)  had  made  them  (the  kings)  their 
legates  and  commissaries  with  full  power  to  administer  the  things 
temporal  and  spiritual  which  related  to  that  purpose”  (the  propa- 
gation of  the  faith).  (Fr.  Pedro  Joseph  Parras,  O.  F.  M.,  “Go- 
bierno  de  los  Regulares  in  America,”  tom.  i,  cap.  ii,  no.  13,  p. 
11-12.) 

“In  virtue  of  this  and  other  concessions  obtained  later,”  says 
Joaquin  Garcia  Icazbalceta,  (“Juan  de  Zumarraga,”  cap.  xiii,  128 
129)  and  somewhat  by  reason  of  custom  and  abuse,  the  Kings  of 
Spain  came  to  acquire  such  power  in  the  ecclesiastical  government 
of  America  that,  with  the  exception  of  what  is  purely  spiritual, 
they  exercised  an  authority  which  appeared  pontifical.  Without 
their  permission  no  church,  monastery,  nor  hospital  could  be 
erected;  much  less  could  a diocese  or  parish  be  established.  No 
priests  or  religious  went  to  the  Indies  without  express  license. 
The  kings  named  the  bishops,  and  without  awaiting  (Papal)  con- 
firmation sent  them  to  manage  their  dioceses.  They  assigned  the 
boundaries  of  the  dioceses,  and  changed  them  when  they  pleased. 
Theirs  was  the  privilege  to  present  and  nominate  for  every  bene- 
fice or  office,  down  to  that  of  the  sacristan,  if  they  wished.  They 
severely  reprimanded,  summoned  to  Spain,  or  banished  any 
ecclesiastical  person,  bishops  included,  who,  if  they  many  times 
came  to  disputes  with  the  governors,  would  not  fail  to  hear  the 
king’s  voice.  The  kings  administered  and  collected  the  tithes,  and 
determined  who  had  to  pay  them  and  how,  without  regard  to  the 
Bulls  of  exemption.  They  fixed  the  revenues  of  the  benefices, 
and  increased  or  decreased  them  as  they  judged  convenient.  They 
took  notice  of  many  ecclesiastical  affairs,  and  by  resorting  to  force, 
paralyzed  the  action  of  the  tribunals  or  prelates  of  the  church. 
In  fine,  not  a single  disposition  of  the  Supreme  Pontiff  could  be 
executed  without  the  consent  or  ‘pase’  of  the  king.” 

Had  writers  on  the  Spanish  Inquisition,  for  instance,  considered 
this  position  of  the  Church  in  Spain,  they  might  have  avoided 
making  themselves  guilty  of  most  unjust  and  ridiculous  criticisms. 


Appendix 


621 


The  subject  will  receive  further  treatment  in  the  next  volume. 
What  has  been  said  suffices  to  show  that  the  missionaries  in  Span- 
ish dominions  were  very  much  hampered.  The  wonder  is  that 
they  effected  so  much. 


I. 

Some  Indian  Lcmguage  Specimens. 

(To  Pages  548,  550,  552,  554.) 

1.  The  Lord’s  Prayer  in  the  language  of  the  Guaicuro  Indians: 

“Kepe-dare  tekerekadatemba  dai,  ei-ri  akatuikepu-me,  tschakar- 

rakepu-me  ti  tschie.  Ecun  graciari  atume  cate  tekerekadatemba 
tschie.  Ei-ri  jebarrakeme  ti  pu  jaupe  datemba,  pae  ei  jebarrakere, 
aena  kea.  Kepecun  bue  kepe  ken  jatupe  untairi.  Kate  kuitschar- 
rake  tei  tschie  kepecun  atacamara  pae  kuitscharrakere  cate  tschie 
cavape  atukiara  kepetujake.  Cate  tikakamba  tei  tschie,  cuvume  ra 
cate  ue  atukiara.  Kepe  kakaunja  pe  atacara  tschie.  Amen.”  (Rev. 
Jacob  Baegert,  S.  J.,  “Nachrichten  aus  der  Kalifornischen  Hal- 
binsel,”  pars,  ii,  sec.  ix,  p.  186;  Pimentel,  “Obras  Completas,”  tom. 
i,  427-428.) 

2.  The  Lord’s  Prayer  in  the  idiom  of  the  Cochimi  Indians  at 
San  Jose  de  Comundu  and  San  Francisco  Javier: 

“Pennayu  nakaenamba,  yaa  ambayujup  miya  mo,  buhu  mom- 
bojua  tammala  gkomenda  hi  nogodogno  de  muejueg  gkajim; 
pennayula  bogodogno  gkajim,  guihi  ambuayujup  maba  yaa  Kaeam- 
met  e decuinyi  mo  puegign;  yaam  buhula  mujua  ambayujupmo  de 
dahijua,  amet  e no  guilugui,  ji  pagkajim.  Tamada  yaa  ibo  tejueg 
guiluguigui  pamajioh  e mo,  ibo  yanno  puegin;  guihi  tamma  yaa 
gambuegjula  Kaepujui  ambinyijua  pennayula  dadaudugujua,  guil- 
ugui pagkajim;  guihi  yaa  tagamuegla  hui  ambinyyjua  hi  doomo 
puguegjua,  hi  doomo  pogounyi;  tamuegjua,  guihi  ufi  mahel  Kaeam- 
met  e dicuin  yumo,  guihi  yaa  hui  mabinyi  yaa  gambuegjua  pagka- 
udugum.  Amen.”  (Rev.  Francisco  Javier  Clavijero,  S.  J.,  “His- 
toria  de  la  Baja  California,”  Adiciones  al  Libro  Primero,  p.  116; 
Pimentel,  “Obras  Completas,”  tom.  i,  431-432.) 

3.  The  Lord’s  Prayer  in  Cochimi  as  recited  at  San  Ignacio: 

“Ua-bappa  amma-bang  miamu,  ma-mang-a-jua  huit  maja  tegem. 

.A.mat-ma-thada-bajua  ueuem;  kem-mu-jua  amma-bang  vahi-mang 
amat-a-nang  la-uahim.  Te-guap  ibang  gual  guieng-a-vit-a-jua 
iban-a-nang  packagit;  muht-pagijua  abadakegem,  machi  uayeog- 


622  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 


jua  packabaya-guem.  Kazet-a-juangamuegnit-pacum;  guang  ma- 
yi-aog  packabanajam.  Amen.”  (Clavijero,  ut  supra;  Pimentel,  p. 
432.) 

4.  The  Lord’s  Prayer  in  Cochimi  at  Santa  Gertrudis,  San  Fran- 
cisco de  Borja,  and  Santa  Maria  de  los  Angeles: 

“Cahai  apa,  ambeing  mia,  mimbang-ajua  val  vuit-maha:  amet 
mididuvai  jua  cucuem:  jemmujua,  amabang  vihi  mieng,  ame  tenang 
luvihim.  The-vap  yicue  timiei:  digua,  i bang-anang  gna  cahitte- 
vichip  nuhigua  aviuveham,  vi  chip  iyegua  gnaca-viuvem:  casse- 
tasuang  mamenit-gnakum,  guang  tevisiec  gna  cavignaha.  Amen.” 
(Clavijero,  ut  supra;  Pimentel,  p.  432.) 

For  other  specimens  and  for  comparisons  of  the  Lower  Cali- 
fornia and  Mexican  languages  see  Pimentel,  “Obras  Completas,” 
tom.  i. 


J- 


Hubert  Howe  Bancroft’s  Histories. 
(To  Pages  527,  562.) 


The  writer  in  places  severely  criticizes  statements  made  by 
Bancroft,  the  reputed  author  of  the  histories  which  pass  under  his 
name.  That  these  strictures  are  not  unjust  will  be  seen  from  the 
following  paragraphs  reproduced  from  “The  Quarterly  of  the 
Texas  State  Historical  Association,”  vol.  viii,  July,  1904,  pp.  87-88: 

“It  has  long  been  an  open  secret  that  Bancroft  is  not  the  sole 
author  of  the  thirty-nine  octavo  volumes  bearing  his  name  on 
the  title-page.  The  fact  that  he  tacitly  claims  sole  credit  would 
naturally  lead  to  the  inference  that  such  collaborators  as  aided  him 
must  have  been  men  of  inferior  ability,  since  otherwise  they 
would  have  demanded  recognition  of  their  work.  Mr.  Morris,” 
(who  in  “The  Quarterly  of  the  Oregon  Historical  Society,”  vol. 
iv,  no.  4,  pp.  287-364,  December,  1903,  exposes  the  methods  of  H. 
H.  Bancroft),  “brings  out  the  fact,  however,  that  they  really  were 
well-fitted  for  their  work,  and  that  one  of  them  was  already  an 
author  of  established  reputation  when  she  joined  the  Bancroft 
library  force.  Need  of  one  kind  or  another  seems  to  have  reduced 
them  all  to  the  necessity  of  submitting  to  the  agreement  that  so 
long  as  they  remained  on  Bancroft’s  staff,  they  were  to  claim  no 
public  recognition.  . . . 

“He  was  in  the  main,  therefore,  simply  a managing  editor.  He 
was  the  actual  author,  as  appears  from  Mr.  Morris’s  analysis,  of 


Appendix 


623 


only  about  four  of  the  completed  volumes.  The  ‘North  Mexican 
States  and  Texas,’  (which  treat  of  Lower  California)  it  may  here 
be  noted,  was  not  Bancroft’s  work  at  all.  The  first  volume  of  it 
was  written  entirely  by  Henry  Lebbeus  Oak.  In  the  second,  the 
Texas  part  is  by  J.  J.  Platfield;  the  rest  of  the  volume  is  by  a 
Finlander,  who  wrote  under  the  name  of  William  Nemos. 

“Mr.  Bancroft’s  lack  of  frankness,  his  failure  to  apprehend  the 
ethics  of  authorship,  could  not  fail  to  bring  discredit  upon  his 
work.  His  business  instincts  and  training,  too,  while  they  made 
him  in  some  respects  an  excellent  director  of  a great  undertaking, 
led  him  to  hurry  his  collaborators,  with  a view  to  saving  expense, 
and,  what  was  worse,  to  distort  the  facts  so  as  to  make  the  work 
popular.”  Mr.  Morris  (ut  supra,  page  360),  moreover,  finds  that 
“the  only  characteristics  which  were  common  to  the  literary  corps, 
as  shown  by  the  study  of  their  biographies,  were  good  education, 
ill-health,  and  liberal  religious  views,”  that  is  to  say,  like  their  chief, 
Bancroft,  they  never  possessed  any  religious  convictions  or  had 
thrown  them  overboard.  Hence  it  is  not  surprising  that,  when 
they  describe  the  missionaries,  their  ways,  and  their  motives,  the 
Bancroftian  scribes  and  their  chief  talk  like  a blind  man  about 
colors.  It  cannot  be  denied,  however,  as  Mr.  Morris  shows,  “that 
in  collecting  and  organizing  this  immense  amount  of  material, 
much  of  which  would  have  been  lost  with  the  passing  of  the 
Western  pioneers,  Bancroft  has  done  thankworthy  service  to 
iiuman  kind.” 


624  Missions  and  Missionaries  of  California 

K. 

The  Governors  of  Lower  California. 

(To  Page  591.) 

Luis  de  Torres  y Tortolero 1697-1699 

Antonio  Garcia  de  Mendoza 1699-1701 

Isidro  de  Figueroa 1701 

Estevan  Rodriguez  Lorenzo 1701-1746 

Bernardo  Rodriguez  Lorenzo 1746-1750 

Fernando  de  Rivera  y Moncada 1750-1767 

Caspar  de  Portola 1767-1769 

Juan  Gutierrez  (temporarily) 1769 

Antonio  L6pez  del  Toledo  (temporarily) 1769-1770 

Matias  de  Armona 1769-1771 

Bernardino  Moreno  (temporarily) 1770 

Felipe  Barri 1771-1775 

Felipe  de  Neve 1775-1782 

Fernando  de  Rivera  y Moncada  (Lt.  Governor) 1776-1780 

Jose  Maria  Estrada  (Lt.  Governor) 1781-1783 

Pedro  Pages 1782-1791 

Jose  Antonio  Romeu 1791-1792 

Jose  Joaquin  de  Arrillaga  (Lt.  Governor) 1783-1792 

Jose  Joaquin  de  Arrillaga  (temp.  Governor) 1792-1794 

Jose  Francisco  de  Ortega  (Lt.  Governor) 1792-1794 

Diego  de  Borica 1794-1800 

Jose  Joaquin  de  .\rrillaga  (Lt.  Governor) 1794-1800 

Jose  Joaquin  de  Arrillaga 18(X)-1805 

Felipe  de  Goycoechea 1806-1814 

Jose  Dario  Arguello 1814-1821 

Jose  Manuel  Ruiz 1822-1825 

Jose  Maria  de  Echeandia 1825-1829 

Jose  Maria  Padres  (Deputy) 1825-1826 

Miguel  Mesa  (Deputy) 1826-1829 

Manuel  Victoria 1829-1830 

Mariano  Monterde 1830-1831 

The  Territorial  Deputation  by  Rotation 1831-1833 

Mariano  Monterde 1833-1834 

The  Territorial  Deputation  (temporarily) 1834-1835 

M.  Martinez 1835 

M.  Conseco 1836 

Fernando  de  la  Toba 1837 

Luis  del  Castillo  Negrete 1837-1842 

Francisco  Padilla 1842 


INDEX 


A 

Abad,  Fr.  Miguel,  O.  P.,  557 
Abad,  Santiago,  468 
Absolution  refused,  281,  182 
Absolutism,  royal,  272,  273,  275, 
374 

Absurd  demands,  265,  266,  268, 
269 

Acaponeta,  162 

Acapulco,  23,  25,  30,  32,  33,  34, 
37,  45,  47,  55,  57,  58,  74,  85, 
106,  164,  170,  215,  225,  226, 
252,  566 

Accusations,  false,  401,  477-480, 
493-497 

Accbedo,  Fr.  Pedro,  O.  P.,  549 
Acebedo,  Pedro  Alvarez  de,  227 
Acta  Ordinis  FF.  Minorum,  8 
Acuna,  Juan  de,  viceroy,  223 
Adac,  251,  254,  255,  256,  258,  261, 
262 

Address  of  the  Franciscan  Col- 
lege, 296-298 
.\drian  VI.,  Pope,  13 
Afanes  Apostolicos,  94 
Afegua  Island,  209 
Agabo,  prophet,  572 
.^gnellus  of  Pisa,  Fr.,  O.  F.  M., 
7 

Agreement  between  Dominicans 
and  Franciscans,  482 
Agriculture,  97,  100,  102,  123, 
125,  126,  134,  135,  167,  172,  177, 
193,  248,  249,  254,  255,  260,  332, 
335,  425,  427,  428,  431-436,  439, 
441-444,  446,  447,  451,  488.  See 
Statistical 
Agua  Duke,  355 
.\gua  Verde,  117 
Aguila,  Fr.  Manuel  de,  O.  P., 
565 

Aguilar,  Luis,  535 
.\guilar,  Martin  de,  45,  57 
Aguirre,  Fr.  Andres  de,  O.  S.  A., 
34 

Ahome,  Sinaloa,  87,  124,  268, 
322 


Ahumada,  Fr.  Tomas  de,  O.  P., 
569 

Aid,  timely,  79 
Aivar,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  P.,  557 
Alabado,  139,  208 
Alamos,  364,  369,  461,  464 
Alarc6n,  Francisco  de,  25 
Alarcon,  Caspar  de,  46,  51 
Alarming  news,  294,  525,  526 
Alava,  253 

Alberoni,  Julio,  Cardinal,  162, 
166,  167 

Albion,  New,  18,  30 
Albuquerque,  Francisco  Fernan- 
dez de  la  Cueva,  110,  111,  115, 
117,  118 

Alcalde,  162,  587,  590 
Alcion,  The,  577 
Alegre,  Rev.  Francisco  Xavier, 
S.  J.,  see  footnotes 
Alexander  VI.,  Pope,  602-603, 
620 

Algarve,  Portugal,  244 
Alisos,  arroyo,  365 
Allowance,  annual,  see  Stipends 
Allowance  for  the  missions,  332, 
398,  452,  469 

Almiranta,  La,  36,  38,  39,  45,  49, 
50,  55 

Alms,  Salvatierra  solicits,  74 
Alone,  Friars  not  permitted  to 
live,  297,  298,  386,  394,  398 
Aloysius,  St.,  85 
Alta  California,  151,  577 
Altamirano,  Rev.  Pedro  Ignacio, 
S.  J.,  227 

Altar,  see  Rio  de  Altar. 
Alvarado,  Ignacio,  528 
Alvarado,  J.  B.,  564,  593,  614 
Alvarez  y Osorio,  Francisco,  518 
Amador,  Pedro,  500 
Amalgua  Island,  209 
America,  discovery  of,  9,  10,  26; 
first  bishop,  10;  first  Eccles. 
Council,  l2;  Franciscans  in, 
3-17;  Central,  14,  29,  589. 
American  Catholic  Quarterly- 
Review,  605 


626 


Index 


Amoros,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  F.  M., 
574 

Amount  needed  to  found  a mis- 
sion, 133,  389,  452,  469 
Amurrio,  Fr.  Gregorio,  O.  F. 

M„  396,  399,  475,  487,  488,  553 
Analecta  Franciscana,  8 
Anchu,  105 
Andalucia,  Nueva,  38 
Andres,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  F.  M.,  295, 
298 

Angel  de  la  Guarda,  172,  258 
Anian  Strait,  32 

Animals,  domestic,  see  Live- 
stock 

Antigua,  Santa  Maria  de  la,  11 
Antillon,  see  Otondo 
Antioch,  572 

Aora,  Fr.  Juan  de,  O.  F.  M.,  12 
Apaches,  94,  291,  520 
Apate,  185,  186 

Apparition  of  Guadalupe,  609- 
614 

Appeal  of  Gov.  Ruiz,  584-585 
Apolinario,  Fr.  Mariano,  O.  P., 
538,  539,  560,  561 
Apostates,  216 
Apostolic  Colleges,  614-617 
Apostolic  Letter,  6-7 
Apostolic,  Vicar,  first  in  Amer- 
ica, 9,  10,  602-604 
Appendix,  601-624 
Aquino,  Fr.  Tomas  de,  Ord. 

Carm.,  46,  49,  50,  53,  55 
Arag6n,  241,  602 

Aranda,  Conde  de,  273,  281,  282^ 
Araucano,  The,  577,  578 
Arce  y Arroyo,  J.  A.,  468 
Archives,  Archbishop’s,  see  foot- 
notes 

Archives,  California,  539,  545 
Archives  of  Santa  Barbara,  see 
footnotes 

Areche,  Jose  Antonio  de,  273, 
468 

Arezzo,  Fr.  Benedict  of,  O.  F. 
M„  7 

Arguelles  y Miranda,  Josepha 
de,  270 

Arguello,  Jose  Dario,  569,  578, 
580 

Arguello,  Luis  Antonio,  583,  584, 
585,  586 

Arizona,  14,  15.  24,  73,  143,  234, 
244 


Arizpe,  Sonora,  524 
Armesto,  Rev.  Juan,  S.  J.,  252 
Armesto,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  P.,  549 
Armona,  Matias  de,  369,  373,  377, 
378,  385,  401,  402,  404,  420,  425, 
453,  454,  479 

Arnes,  Rev.  Victoriano,  S.  J., 
257,  260,  261,  262 
Arriquibar,  Fr.  Pedro,  O.  F.  M., 
396,  399,  476,  551 
Arricivita,  Fr.  Juan  Domingo, 
O.  F.  M.,  16 

Arrillaga,  Jose  Joaquin  de,  518, 
519,  520,  527,  531,  534,  535, 
536,  540,  544 
Arroba,  339 

Arrogant  assumption,  273,  283, 
374,  375,  379,  382,  383,  384,  407 
Arroyo  Sarco,  457 
Arroyo  ael  Rosario,  or  Barraba», 
544 

.Arteaga,  Rev.  Francisco  de,  S. 
J.,  106 

Arteaga,  Nicolas  de,  106,  122, 
438 

Arts,  mechanical,  123 
Arvina,  Fr.  Rafael,  O.  P.,  540. 

547,  551,  555,  563-5H  565 
Ascension,  Fr.  .\ntonio  de,  Ord. 

Carm.,  46,  48,  49,  51,  52,  53,  56 
Asia,  32 

Assisi,  3,  4,  5,  6 
Astronomical  observations,  323 
Asumpcion,  Fr.  Andres  de,  Ord 
Carm.,  46,  49,  50,  53,  56,  57 
Asuncion,  Isla  de  la,  49 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  passage 
from,  29,  32 

Atlantic  Ocean,  25,  29,  30 
Atole,  134,  350 
Atrocious  crime,  563-564 
Audiencia,  35,  73,  74,  103,  112, 
115,  269,  271,  273 
Augustinians,  3,  12,  34,  215 
Austria,  94,  251 
Auteroche,  Chappe  d’,  323 
Authority  of  the  Church,  5 
Ayuntamientos,  580 

B 

Babachilato,  Sinaloa,  63 
Bachelor  of  Science,  330 
Baez,  Rev.  Andres,  S.  J.,  163 
Baeza,  Rev.  Juan  Antonio,  334, 
335,  422,  423,  547 


Index  627 


Bacgert,  Rev.  Jacobo,  S.  J.,  75, 
131,  137,  139,  140,  147,  148,  151, 
153,  154,  155,  156,  158-160,  176- 
178,  301-302,  350,  619,  621 
Bahia  de  Concepcion,  107,  108, 
109,  179,  183 

Bahia  de  la  Paz,  see  La  Paz 
Baitos,  Francisco  de,  215,  216 
Baida,  Fr.  Francisco  de,  36,  37 
Ballot,  secret,  96 
Baltasar,  Rev.  Juan  Antonio,  S. 
J..  246 

Bando  of  Jose  de  Galvez,  324- 
327 

Bando  of  Gov.  Barri,  505 
Bancroft,  George,  16 
Bancroft,  Hubert  Howe,  ad- 
missions of,  131,  236,  265,  277, 
279,  280,  306-307,  480;  animos- 
ity of,  75,  84,  279,  311,  347, 
564;  charges  of,  523-524,  527, 
535,  536;  on  the  Catholic 
Church,  279;  on  the  Francis- 
cans, 387;  on  the  Dominicans, 
524;  on  the  Indians,  387;  on 
the  Jesuits,  75,  279-280;  on  the 
Comisionado  System,  306-307, 
588;  his  errors,  109,  162-163; 
as  a historian,  622-623 
Bankruptcy,  121,  131,  185,  457 
Baptism,  extraordinary  num- 
bers, 13;  not  compulsory,  143; 
first  at  Loreto,  82,  86;  too 
hasty,  62;  postponed,  68,  103, 
134,  167,  261;  solemn  adminis- 
tration of,  140,  175 
Baraga,  Rt.  Rev.  Frederic,  619 
Barba,  Rev.  Jose,  S.  J.,  222 
Barcia  (Cardenas  y Cano),  15, 
36,  606 

Barco,  Rev.  Miguel  de,  S.  J.,  135, 
238 

Barefooted  Carmelites,  46 
Barrabas,  arroyo,  544 
Barrenness  of  the  soil,  21-23,  63, 
68,  116,  124,  133,  135,  140-150, 
163,  248,  249,  255,  260,  262,  277- 
278,  284,  325,  356,  460,  462,  516 
Barri,  Felipe,  387,  392,  397,  398, 
402,  409,  411,  412,  414,  415,  416, 
417,  453,  477,  485,  488,  493-499, 
500,  502-508.  513,  514,  515,  521 
Barrueta,  Juan  Crisostomo,  468 
Bartlett,  John  Russell,  25 


Basabe,  Fr.  Esteban  de,  O.  F. 
M.,  298,  304 

Basaldua,  Rev.  Juan  Manuel,  S. 
J.,  106,  108,  109,  110,  111,  113, 
119,  122,  126,  165 
Basterra,  Fr.  Dionisio,  O.  F.  M., 
295,  296,  352,  377,  379-385,  442, 
553 

Bavaria,  71,  94 

Beaumont,  Fr.  Pablo,  O.  F.  M., 
19 

Becalmed  expedition,  49 
Becerra,  Diego,  19,  20,  21 
Beginnings  of  a mission,  134 
Behring  Strait,  29 
Beitia  (Veitia),  Fr.  Juan  Leon 
de  Medina,  O.  F.  M.,  295,  296, 
304,  351,  352,  399,  445,  491,  492, 
552 

Bejar,  Rt.  Rev.  Martin  de,  O.  F. 
M.,  606 

Belda,  Fr.  Vincente,  O.  P.,  539, 
540,  549,  556,  564 
Belgian  Franciscans,  12,  17 
Bells,  first  in  America,  10 
Benavides,  Fr.  Alonso  de,  15 
Bendito,  208 

Benedict  de  Arezzo,  Fr.,  O.  F. 
M.,  7 

Benedict,  St.,  3,  602 
Benedictine  Order,  603 
Benefactors  of  California,  74,  93, 
104,  105,  no,  121,  125,  131,  205, 
244,  246,  250,  251,  262,  456- 
457 

Berkeley,  California,  545 
Bernal,  Ildefonso,  520,  535 
Bernardino,  Juan,  611,  613 
Bernardo,  Manuel,  82 
Bernardone,  Peter,  2,  3 
Berragero,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  P., 
599 

Betancurt,  Manuale  de,  344 
Bethlehemites,  275 
Biaundo,  see  Mission  San  Xavier 
Bigotry,  English,  17 
Bird  Island,  209 

Bischoff,  Rev.  Xavier,  S.  J.,  285, 
350 

Bishop,  first  in  America,  10;  of 
Darien,  11,  606;  of  Durango, 
236;  of  Florida,  14,  15,  604-606; 
of  Guadalajara,  61,  68,  170, 
264,  291,  330,  370,  469;  of  Mex- 
ico, 13,  606;  of  Sonora,  525, 


628 


Index 


526,  567;  of  California,  593, 
596;  of  Quito,  618 
Bizarra,  ship,  275 
Bizarron,  Most  Rev.  Juan  An- 
tonio, 222,  223,  226,  227,  228, 
232 

Blaine,  Hon.  James  G.,  598 
Blankets,  102,  135,  445 
Blessed  Sacrament  and  the  In- 
dians, 123 

Blind  architect,  247,  248 
Bloodless  victory,  200,  256,  261 
Bocachica,  Inlet,  430 
Bohemia,  242,  254 
Boil,  Very  Rev.  Bernardo,  10, 
602-604 

Bolanos,  Francisco  de,  34 
Bold  undertaking,  261 
Boletin  de  Madrid,  11,  604 
Borica,  Diego  de,  520,  536,  537, 
538,  539,  540,  547 
Borja,  Maria  de,  250,  251,  262, 
443,  445 

Boscana,  Fr.  Geronimo,  O.  F. 
M..  575 

Botello,  Fr.  Diego,  O.  F.  M.,  11 
Boton,  212,  213,  215,  216 
Bourbon  kings,  275,  282 
Boy  Martyr,  219-220 
Boys,  Indian,  taken  to  Guadala- 
jara, 68,  76,  83 
Brandy,  280 

Bravo,  Brother  Jayme,  S.  J.,  119, 
129,  130,  161,  163,  165,  166,  169, 

170,  241 

Bravo,  Rev.  Jayme,  S.  J.,  170, 

171,  172,  187,  188,  189,  204,  206, 
211,  213,  224,  244,  252,  254 

British  ships,  537 
Brother  Cristobal  Lopez,  O.  F. 
M.,  36 

Brother  Francisco  Tompes,  S. 
J.,  132 

Brother  Juan  Bautista,  S.  J., 
170,  253 

Brother,  N.,  O.  P.,  476 
Browne,  J.  R.,  150,  151 
Brutal  decree,  274,  275,  280,  283 
Brutishness  of  the  Indians,  22, 
97,  143,  153-160,  219-221 
Bucareli  y Ursua,  Don  Antonio 
Maria,  275,  397,  399,  412,  414, 
415,  465,  468,  469,  492,  507-508, 
513,  541-544,  545 
Buena  Guia,  see  Rio  Colorado 


Buena  Vista  Matheo  Fernandez 
de  la  Cruz,  74 
Buenas  Aguas,  562 
Bull  of  Alexander  VI.,  602,  603, 
604;  of  Honorius  III.,  607;  of 
Innocent,  394,  615,  617 
Bustamente,  Carlos  Maria,  280 

C. 

Caballer,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  F.  M.,  396 
Caballero,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  P., 
539,  560 

Caballero,  Fr.  Felix,  O.  P.,  577, 
591,  592 

Caballero,  Fr.  Rafael,  O.  P.,  539, 
560 

Caballero  (Cavallero)  y Oslo, 
Rev.  Juan,  74,  104,  110,  426, 
430,  456 

Caballero  Mountains,  104 
Cabezera,  La,  134 
Cabo  Blanco,  56,  57 
Cabo  de  Engano,  23,  26 
Cabo  de  Fortunas,  27 
Cabo  de  las  Virgines,  108 
Caborca  Mission,  Sonora,  180 
Cabrera,  artist,  614 
Cabrillo,  Juan  Rouriguez,  18,  25, 
26,  27,  29,  51 
Cabujacaamang,  262 
Cadegomo,  128,  129,  167,  434 
Cadereita,  395 
Cadiz,  290 
Cagnajuet,  261 

Calagnujuet,  260,  262,  354,  386 
Calamyet,  260 

Calderon,  Jose  Gonzales,  389 
California,  name,  18,  21,  38,  65; 
discovered,  18,  20,  21;  aban- 
doned, 42,  70;  boundary,  27; 
first  colony,  39;  buildings  in, 
248;  not  an  island,  23,  25,  93, 
168;  decrees  for,  88-89;  dio- 
cesan of,  see  bishop;  English 
in,  28;  offered  to  Jesuits,  72; 
Franciscans  arrive,  300;  in- 
habitants, 150;  first  High 
Mass,  48;  first  governor,  244; 
lamentable  condition,  224,  228. 
230,  236,  323,  324,  325,  526-527, 
584-585,  593,  594;  first  mis- 
sionaries, 37;  first  secular 
priest,  61,  62;  languages,  150; 
tribes,  150;  sterility,  277,  278, 


Index 


629 


see  barrenness;  products,  39; 
timber,  168,  559;  wine,  102. 
Calle,  Juan  Diez  de  la,  601 
Calmet,  572 
Calomofue,  354 

Calumnies,  90,  91,  92,  95,  99,  124, 
145,  264,  265,  270,  271,  279,  298, 
310,  324-325,  384,  394,  401,  402, 
406-407,  477-480,  538,  539,  617 
Calvo,  Fr.  Joaquin,  O.  P.,  552 
Cambon,  Fr.  Pedro  Benito,  O.  F. 
M.,  396,  472,  475,  491,  492,  493, 
499,  500,  502,  503,  504,  506,  507, 
508,  555 

Campa  y Cos,  Fr.  Miguel  de  la, 
O.  F.  M.,  292,  294-296,  298,  304, 
347,  351,  354,  357,  359,  399,  440, 
450,  475,  485,  488,  491,  492,  500, 
501,  503,  504,  508,  552,  555. 
Canada,  15-17,  101 
Canas,  Luis  Celestin  de,  63 
Cancer-afflicted  chief,  82 
Canete,  Lieutenant,  517 
Canoas,  Las,  26 
Cantabria,  491 
Cape  Cod,  16 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  30 
Cape  San  Lucas,  18,  23,  25,  37, 
47,  64,  150,  163,  184,  185,  186, 
205,  206,  208,  215,  225,  227,  228, 
252,  293,  299,  303,  308,  309,  319, 
323,  329,  333,  334,  337,  339,  421, 
448,  452,  462,  582,  587,  593 
Cape  San  Martin,  26 
Cape  Mendocino,  27,  32,  33,  56, 
58 

Capitana,  La,  36,  38,  39,  45,  49, 
50,  53,  55,  56,  57 
Capuchins,  12 

Cardenas  y Cano  (Barcia,  An- 
dres, G.)  Gabriel  de,  15,  36 
Card-playing,  315 
Carga,  340,  358 
Caribs,  Cannibal,  11 
Carmel,  Our  Lady  of,  48 
Carmelites,  12,  46,  49,  54 
Carmelo,  Rio,  54 
Carmen  Island,  164,  374,  430 
Carichic,  Chihuahua,  203 
Carolina  Islands,  18 
Carlos,  see  King  Carlos 
Caron,  Fr.  Joseph  Le.,  O.  F.  M,. 
16 

Carranco,  Fr.  Juan  Caballero, 
O.  F.  M.,  64 


Carranco,  Rev.  Lorenzo,  S.  J., 
190,  206,  210,  211,  212,  213,  217- 
220,  221,  222 

Carrizal,  Sonora,  128,  191 
Cartas  Edificantes,  81,  105,  130 
Casafuerte,  Marques  de,  223 
Casas  Profesas,  132,  273 
Casilepe,  534 
Casitas,  593 
Castilla,  273,  357 
Castro,  Francisco  Maria  de,  349 
Castro,  Juan  Crisostomo  de,  406 
Castro,  Salvador,  547 
Catalonian  volunteers,  337 
Catechetical  Instructions,  78, 
99,  103,  123,  134,  139,  141,  206 
Catechist,  blind,  248 
Catechism,  Copart’s,  67,  77 
Catechumens,  68,  70,  116,  134, 
140,  167,  172,  176,  177,  178,  192, 
216,  233,  248,  260,  262 
Caulas,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  P.,  539,  555, 
560,  569 

Cause  of  persecutions,  281 
Cavalier,  Rev.,  15 
Cavendish,  Thomas,  30,  31,  32 
Cavero,  Rev.  Juan  Fernando,  S. 
J.,  142 

Ceding  missions,  393,  394,  395 
Cedros  Island,  23.  27.  209,  462 
Cermehon,  Sebastian  Rodriguez, 
33-35,  55 

Cerralvo  Island,  185,  189,  308, 
377,  387,  426,  491 
Cerros  Island,  23,  49,  50,  57 
Cervantes,  Rev.  Andres  de,  S.  J., 
109 

Cevallos,  Rev.  Francisco,  S.  J., 
270 

Chacala,  64,  65 
Chacuaco,  157 

Chant,  ecclesiastical,  139,  350 
Chapel,  first  in  America,  9;  at 
La  Paz,  65;  at  San  Bruno,  67; 
at  Loreto,  82;  at  Monterey,  54 
Chaplains,  10,  19 
Chapters,  General,  Franciscan, 
6,  10,  13,  17 

Chapter  at  San  Fernando  Col- 
lege, 295,  296 

Character  of  the  first  explorers, 
50 

Charles  V.,  Emperor,  12,  13,  161, 
605 

Chiametla,  20 


630 


Index 


Chicori,  212,  215,  216 
Chihuahua,  203,  567 
Children,  care  of,  138,  139,  140, 
163 

China,  421 
Chinese  missions,  8 
Chile,  31;  freebooters  from,  577, 
578 

Choiseul,  Duke  de,  280,  281 
Christ  crucified,  image  of,  67 
Christianity,  82,  204,  233,  236,  256 
Christian  Doctrine,  see  Doctrina 
Christian  faith  hated,  220,  256, 
261,  282 

Christian  morality,  204,  261,  282 
Church  Asylum,  523 
Church.  Roman,  3,  4,  5,  6,  272, 
279,  281,  282 

Church  in  Spain,  282,  620-621 
Church  goods  for  each  mission, 
390-391,  494 

Churches  at  the  missions,  86, 
114,  135,  148,  166,  167,  172,  192, 
174,  188,  189,  206,  247,  254,  256, 
262;  see  State  of  the  Missions. 
Chuyenqui,  104 
Cieneguilla,  362,  364 
Circular,  Fr.  Sarria’s,  571-574 
Ciudad  Rodrigo,  Fr.  Antonio  de, 
O.  F.  M.,  19 
Clares,  The  Poor,  9 
Claudius,  Emperor,  572 
Clavijero,  Rev.  Francisco  Xavier, 
S.  J.,  see  footnotes. 

Clement  XIV.,  Pope,  275,  281 
Clerq,  Fr.  Maximus  le,  O.  F.  M., 
15 

Clinch,  Bryan  J.,  281,  282,  283 
Closet-historians,  99,  124,  617 
Codice  Franciscano,  19 
Cochimi  Indians,  128,  150,  153, 
155,  191,  193,  194,  195,  224,  246, 
254,  266 

Cochrane,  Admiral,  577 
Codina,  Fr.  Jaime,  O.  P.,  539,  557 
Coello,  Fr.  Jorge,  O.  P.,  539,  550, 
555 

Colonies,  English,  17 
Colonies,  Spanish,  30 
Colonizing  difficult,  116,  163,  234; 

encouraged,  110,  162,  330,  411 
Colonists,  20,  330,  331,  426,  504 
Coll,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  F.  M.,  601,  603, 
604 


Colleges,  Apostolic,  289,  290, 614- 
617 

College  of  San  Andres,  445,  455 
College  of  San  Fernando,  289, 
291,  293-298,  306,  333,  334,  347, 
376,  393,  394,  398,  409,  422-424, 
427,  430,  432-435,  438,  440,  442- 
445,  458,  460,  462,  465,  467,  469, 
479.  488,  489,  491,  493,  495,  507, 
542,  566,  615;  embarrassed,  289, 
296;  memorial  of,  296-298,  411- 
414 

College  of  Guadalupe,  593 
College  of  Saints  Peter  and 
Paul,  74,  104 

College  of  Santa  Cruz,  Quere- 
taro,  292-294,  305,  525,  526,  615 
Colorado,  see  Rio  Colorado. 
Columbus,  Christopher,  9,  10, 
601,  602 

Comanaji,  Andres,  l23,  247,  248 
Comisionados  in  the  missions, 
300,  301,  306,  307,  308-310,  581, 
582,  583,  593 
Commissary,  13,  56,  614 
Commissary,  royal,  arrogance 
of,  373-374 

Comundti,  see  Mission  San  Jose 
de  Comundii. 

Communion  of  the  explorers,  47, 
48,  49,  50,  52,  55,  336,  337,  342, 
356 

Communion  and  the  Indians, 
123,  125,  141,  177 
Compact  among  the  friars,  305, 
482 

Compostela,  496 
Conca,  mission,  395 
Concepcion,  ship,  19,  20,  66,  67, 
69,  70,  278,  299,  300,  333,  398, 
476,  480,  491 

Concepcion,  port,  9,  76,  117 
Concepcion,  point,  26 
Concepcion,  station,  238,  239 
Concepcion,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  P., 
539 

Concho,  103,  104 
Concordato  between  Domini- 
cans and  Franciscans,  465-468, 
469,  471,  482,  483,  484,  489,  490, 
492 

Condition  for  royal  license,  75 
Confession  of  the  explorers,  47. 

48,  50,  55,  336,  337 
Confesores,  meaning  of,  297 


Index 


631 


Confirmation  in  California,  249, 
250 

Confiscation  of  convents,  273, 
280,  295 

Confraternity  of  Our  Lady  of 
Sorrows,  74 

Conquest,  principal  aim  of,  45 
Consag,  Rev.  Fernando,  S.  J., 
202,  210,  237,  239,  240,  246-251, 
254 

Conquerors,  English  and  Span- 
ish, 47 

Conseco,  M.,  591 
Constituciones  Municipales,  36 
Contributions,  mission,  248,  254, 
255,  258,  260,  333,  340,  343,  344- 
346,  470,  478,  492,  494,  495,  501 
Convents,  13,  291 
Conversion  of  a soul,  value,  284 
Conversions,  remarkable,  192, 
193,  197,  198 

Conversions,  reductions,  con- 
quests, missions,  etc.,  164 
Copart,  Rev.  Juan  Bautista,  S.  J., 
64,  67,  69,  77,  184,  186,  188 
Coras,  The,  65,  66,  151,  204,  205, 
206,  210,  211,  228,  334 
Coras  language,  189 
Corbalan,  Pedro,  339 
C6rduba,  Fr.  Diego  de,  O.  F.  M., 
601 

Coronado,  Francisco  Vasquez 
de,  18,  24,  25 

Coronados  Islands,  51,  365 
Coronado  Island,  430 
Coronel,  Juan  Antonio,  361 
Corpus  Christi,  camp,  362,  364 
Corpus  Christi,  first  in  Califor- 
nia, 48 

Cortes,  Hernando,  11,  12,  13,  18- 
24,  40,  151,  609 

Cortes,  Rev.  Jacinto,  S.  J.,  63 
Coruna,  Fr.  Martin,  O.  F.  M., 
19,  20 

Cotton  raising,  135  262,  432,  444, 
551,  552,  555 
Cones,  Elliott,  25,  273 
Council,  royal,  36,  44 
Council,  viceroyal,  87,  163,  164, 
165,  166,  468.  469,  497 
Council  of  the  Indies,  161,  162, 
165,  166 

Council,  first  ecclesiastical,  12 
Course  of  Philippine  ships,  32 
Costanz6,  Miguel,  337 


Crespi,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  F.  M.,  292, 
304,  342,  349,  369,  4,53 
Cristobal,  198 

Croix,  Francisco  de,  270,  271, 
272,  273,  289,  290,  296,  307,  326, 
345,  387,  388,  389,  390,  392,  395, 
397,  399,  422,  461,  464,  479,  494, 
521 

Croix,  Theodore  de,  518,  524 
Cross  of  Tepic,  293 
Cross  worn  by  Indians,  248 
Cross,  Province  of  Holy,  10 
Cross,  The,  to  conquer,  71 
Cruelty  to  Indians,  64 
Cruz,  Fr.  Juan  de  la,  O.  F.  M., 
15,  24 

Cruz,  Mateo  Fernandez  de  la,  74 
Cruz,  Fr.  Romantino  de  la,  O. 
P.,  568 

Cruz,  Santa,  21 

Cruzado,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  F.  M., 
396,  473 

Cruzat,  Domingo  Gironza,  76 
Cuba,  10,  14,  601 
Cuivuco,  104,  197 
Culiacan,  Sinaloa,  23,  24,  267,  593 
Curate  of  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  385 
Cure,  A remarkable,  360-361 
Cushing,  Mr.,  597 
Custody,  first  in  Mexico,  13 
Custody  of  San  Carlos,  526 
Custody  of  San  Gabriel,  526 
Gustos,  meaning  of,  13 

D. 

Dabava,  Bernardo,  123 
Dances,  140 
Dancing  chief,  38 
Danzantes,  Los,  Island,  430 
Darien,  11,  606 
Davalos,  Alonso,  74 
Day,  Hon.  W.  R.,  598 
Daza,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  F.  M., 
601 

Deaths  from  scurvy,  55,  57 
Decrees  for  California,  88,  89, 
110,  133,  161,  162,  163,  164,  165, 
166,  232-237,  464,  497,  502,  515- 
516 

Decrees,  royal,  suppressed,  118, 
166 

Decrees,  why  not  executed,  23' 
Decree  of  Expulsion,  271,  274- 
279 


632 


Index 


Decision  of  Jesuit  Superior-Gen- 
eral, 131,  132 

Dedication  of  chapels,  82,  86, 
121,  122,  125,  192 
Defense  of  Fr.  Apolinario,  538- 
539 

Demands,  absurd,  265,  266,  268, 
269,  409 

Demons,  communication  with, 
175 

Deputation,  Territorial,  586-589, 
590-591 

Despotism,  royal,  271-273,  275, 
282 

Destitution,  148,  526-527,  567, 
584-585,  593,  594 
Dialects,  Indian,  150 
Diario,  Fr.  Serra’s,  348,  349,  361 
Diario,  Fr.  Crespi’s,  364,  365 
Diaz,  Bernal,  12,  18-24 
Diaz,  Rev.  Juan,  11 
Didius  Indians,  67,  69 
Diego,  Fr.  Francisco  Garcia,  O. 

F.  M..  593,  596 
Diego,  Juan,  610-612,  614 
Diet,  unusual,  176 
Diez,  Rev.  Juan  Jose,  S.  J.,  260, 
261 

Difficulty  of  teaching  Indians, 
39,  100,  101,  120.  137 
Digger  Indians,  151 
Diocese,  first  in  the  United 
States,  14 

Dionisio,  Indian  covert,  80 
Dios  y Libertad,  592 
Discretos,  290,  470 
Dilemma,  A,  503-504 
Diseases  unknown  to  Indians, 
157 

Disorder,  reign  of,  228,  591 
Disinterestedness  of  the  mission- 
aries, 147,  278,  392,  393,  480, 
493,  616,  617 
Distaffs,  102 

Distances  between  the  missions, 
142 

Distribution  of  the  missionaries, 
303-304,  481 

Disturbing  element,  211,  263-265 
Diutro,  105 

Division  of  the  country,  103 
Dividing  line  between  the  Do- 
minican and  Franciscan  mis- 
sions, 489 

Divine  Office,  297,  616 


Doctrina,  68,  99,  100,  101,  102, 
103,  120,  134,  136,  139,  140,  141, 
174,  191,  192,  205  208,  219,  311, 
451,  528 

Dolores,  Mission,  see  Mission 
Dolores. 

Dolores,  station,  238,  427 
Dolores,  Guanajuato,  567 
Dolores,  Sonora,  93,  94,  109 
Dolores  Island,  209 
Domestic  arrangement,  281 
Domingo,  Santo,  10 
Dominicans,  3,  12,  14,  360,  412, 
413,  418,  458,  460-462,  464-467, 
469,  472,  475,  477,  478,  480-483, 
486,  487,  489,  492,  493,  495,  496, 
501,  503,  504,  513-600. 
Dominican  coat  of  arms,  512 
Dominican  material,  lack  of,  513, 
521,  563,  570;  activity,  513,  521, 
527,  530,  532,  534,  536-537,  54i, 
545,  559 

Dominicans  arrive  and  depart, 
534,  539,  587 

Dominicans  and  Franciscans, 
460,  482,  506,  508,  571-574 
Dominicans,  The,  and  Padres, 
589-590 

Dominicans,  list  of,  600 
Dominican  martyrs,  143 
Domin’c  de  Guzman,  St.,  482, 
489,  506 

Donations  to  the  missions,  74, 
85,  106,  117,  118,  132,  170,  250, 
574-575 

Doyle,  John  T.,  398,  446,  468, 
475,  593 

Douay,  Fr.  Athanasius,  O.  F.  M., 
15 

Doye,  Rev.  Santiago,  S.  J.,  127 
Drake,  Sir  Francis,  18,  28,  29,  30, 
32.  33 

Drake’s  Bay,  30,  33,  34,  55,  56,  57 
Drawbacks,  mission,  39-42,  97, 
113,  144,  146-147,  470 
Drought,  429,  530,  548,  593 
Druet,  Rev.  Jacobo,  S.  J.,  239 
Ducrue,  Rev.  Benito,  S.  J.,  276, 
277 

Dumetz,  Fr.  Francisco,  O.  F.  M., 
396,  507,  508,  509 
Durango,  165,  235,  236,  263,  269, 
540,  579 

Duran,  Fr.  Narcisco,  O.  F.  M., 
593 


Index 


633 


Duro,  I''r.  Josef,  O.  P-,  577 
Dutch  freebooters,  61 
Dyestuffs,  331 

E. 

Easter  Duty,  342,  346,  356,  429 
Echasco,  Fr.  Francisco,  O.  F. 

M„  396,  399,  476,  550 
Echeandia,  Jose  Maria  de,  587, 
589,  590 

Echeverria,  Rev.  Jose  de,  S.  J., 

132,  167,  205,  206,  208,  209 
Echeveste,  Juan  Jose,  518 
Education,  123,  124,  125,  139,  242, 

520 

Edues  Indians,  67,  191 
Egypt,  28 

Election,  first  in  California,  37 
Elizabeth,  Queen,  28  29 
Elizacoechea,  Rt.  Rev.  Martin, 
236 

Elizondo,  Domingo,  292,  294 
Elmo’s  Fire,  St.,  183 
El  Oro,  station,  426 
El  Paraiso,  station,  444 
El  Valle,  arroyo,  436 
El  Verbo,  station,  238 
Embargo  on  Franciscan  goods, 
493-498,  500,  501-504 
Emulaylo,  station,  104 
Endowment  of  missions,  131, 

133,  205,  421,  423,  426,  430,  432, 
433,  435,  438,  440,  442,  443, 
445,  608,  609 

Encarnacion,  station,  186,  238 
Encinas,  Augustin  de,  85 
Encino,  527 

Encyclopedia,  Catholic,  613 
Enfado,  Sierra  de,  49 
England,  17,  28,  29,  30,  31,  282 
English  bigotry,  17,  28;  conquer- 
ors, 47-48;  cruelty,  28,  31 ; Fran- 
ciscans, 17;  freebooters,  18,  20, 
28,  29-31,  32,  33;  nomencla- 
ture, 25 

Enramada,  48,  128 
Ensenada  de  Palmas,  186,  187, 
189,  205,  210,  240 
Ensenada  de  Santa  Barbara,  338 
Epidemics,  126,  175,  176,  185, 
198,  240,  242,  263,  267,  370,  371, 
388,  410,  423,  425,  491,  530,  588, 
593 

Escalante,  Rev.  Francisco  de,  S. 
J.,  252 


Escalante,  Juan  Bautista,  114, 
117 

Escalona,  Rt.  Rev.,  592 
Escalona,  Fr.  Luis  de,  O.  F. 
M.,  15,  24 

Escobar,  Rev.  Cristobal  de,  S. 
J.,  234,  235 

Escobar,  Rev.  Jose  Manuel  de, 
269 

Escola,  Fr.  Raymundo,  O.  P., 
539,  561 

Escondido  Bay,  293,  327,  339, 
430,  488 

Escude,  Fr.  Jayme,  O.  F.  M., 
566 

Escudero,  Fr.  Juan  de,  O.  F.  M., 
333,  338,  369,  400,  409,  412,  454, 
548 

Espin,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  P.,  553,  565 
Espinosa,  Fr.  Isidro  Felix  de, 
O.  F.  M.,  14,  16 
Espiritu,  Santo  Bay,  365 
Espiritu,  Santo  Island,  184,  222 
Esteves,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  P.,  478, 
496 

Estivalles,  Brother  Jose  de,  S.  J., 
92 

Estevanico,  24 

Estrada,  Jose  Maria,  518,  520 
Eucharist,  Holy,  47,  50,  255,  274 
Europe,  160,  277,  278,  279 
Evangelio,  Santo,  de  Mexico, 
234 

Excommunication,  523 
Excuse,  welcome,  236 
Exercises  of  St.  Ignatius,  142 
Exhorto,  416,  417 
Expenditures  for  the  missions, 
117,  133,  164 

Explorers  receive  Holy  Com- 
munion, 47,  48,  49,  50,  52,  55 
Exploring  expeditions,  40,  45,  49, 
50,  61-63,  65,  124,  171,  178,  179, 
184,  237,  246,  247,  250,  252,  258- 
259,  332-335,  340,  342 
Extreme  Unction,  57 

F. 

Fages,  Pedro,  337,  414,  415,  519, 
526,  527,  528-530,  531 
Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  17 
False  Bay,  51 
Famine,  102,  126 
Fanega,  or  Spanish  bushel,  78, 
193,  340 


634 


Index 


Fehual,  195 

Fernandez  de  San  Vincente, 
Rev.  Augustin,  579,  580,  582, 
583 

Fernandez,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  P., 
569,  577 

Fernandez,  Fr.  Mariano,  O.  P., 
548,  566 

Fernandez,  Fr.  Vincente,  O.  P., 
600 

Fernandez,  Rev.  Pedro,  292,  299. 

305,  306,  333,  368,  430 
Fernandinos,  615 
Ferrelo,  Bartolome,  27 
Ferrer  de  Maldonado,  Lorenzo, 
29 

Figuer,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  F.  M.,  396, 
397,  398,  470,  548 
Figueroa,  Jose,  588,  593 
Figueroa,  Isidro  de,  96 
Figueroa,  Rodrigo  de,  40 
First  ship  built  in  California,  170 
Fish,  Hon.  Hamilton,  598 
Fiscals,  123,  134,  136,  139 
Fleet,  Vizcaino’s,  46 
Flies,  dead,  resurrected,  68 
Flogging,  138,  196,  262.  524,  538 
Floods,  166,  167,  438,  530 
Florida,  14,  15,  24,  36,  89,  143, 
604-606 

Flores,  Antonio,  46,  57 
Fogs,  Island  of,  209 
Fontcuberta,  Fr.  Sigismundo,  O. 

P.,  539,  558,  5M,  569 
Food  at  the  missions,  134 
Food,  scarcity  of,  84,  85,  87,  88. 
95,  105,  109.  Ill,  112,  113,  117, 
118,  119,  126,  176,  246,  260,  261, 
316,  318,  327 

Food  of  pagan  Indians,  153-154, 
362 

Forbes,  Alexander,  18,  89,  145, 
325 

Forgery,  282 
Fort  at  La  Paz,  62,  63 
Fortune-hunters,  145 
Foster,  Hon.  John  W.,  598 
Fragata,  46 

France.  270,  272,  280,  281,  283, 
323,  589 

Francis.  St.,  3-8,  33,  34,  50,  482, 
489,  506.  617 

Francis,  St.,  de  Paul,  603,  604 
Francis  Xavier,  St.,  71,  608 
Franciscan  Coat  of  Arms,  288 


Franciscans,  The,  in  the  West 
Indies,  9-11;  Central  and 
South  America,  11,  14;  Mex- 
ico, 12,  14;  Arizona,  15;  Cali- 
fornia, 20,  36-43,  64,  300-509; 
Canada,  15;  Florida,  14-15; 
Maryland,  17;  Illinois,  Michi- 
gan, Minnesota,  17;  New  Mex- 
ico, 15;  Texas,  16;  Philippines, 
34;  succeed  the  Jesuits,  276, 
299;  respect  for  the  Jesuits, 
320;  made  to  board  out,  306, 
348,  349;  unworthily  treated, 
306-307,  348,  349,  477-506;  ham- 
pered in  work,  300,  301,  306, 
494,  501,  502;  deprived  of  tem- 
poralities, 310-311;  receive  full 
control,  308;  absolutely  disin- 
terested, 616-617;  martyrs, 
143;  list  of,  509 

Francisco  Xavier,  Indian  boy,  86 
Franco,  Rev.  F.  X.,  S.  J.,  257, 
263 

Fraudulent  ship-builders,  127 
Fray,  Friar,  12 

French  Encyclopedists,  279,  518 
French  Jacobins,  592 
Friars  Minim,  603 
Friars  Minor,  4,  8,  9-11,  14,  16, 
460,  591,  509,  602-606,  615 
Friar,  A,  drowned,  34,  55 
Friars  not  to  live  alone,  42-43 
Fuca,  Juan  de,  29 
Fuenclara,  Conde  de,  232 
Fuenterrabia,  91 
Fund,  see  Pious  Fund 
Fuster,  Fr.  Vincente,  O.  F.  M., 
396,  399,  475,  555 

G. 

Galico,  syphilis,  157,  267,  423, 
424,  530 

Galisteo,  Fr.  Francisco,  O.  P., 
508,  521,  531,  556 
Gallard,  Rev.  Luis,  S.  J.,  180 
Gallegan,  Capt.,  345 
Gallego,  Fr.  Miguel,  O.  P.,  549, 
551,  558,  564,  565,  566 
Galleon,  see  Philippine  ship 
Galvez,  Joseph  de,  274,  289,  294, 
295,  298,  301,  307-312,  314-343, 
345,  346,  349,  353,  366-373,  376, 
379,  384,  385,  386,  388,  393,  399, 
402,  406,  422,  429,  450,  461-466, 
479,  494,  495,  514-517,  522,  523 


Index  635 


Gandara,  Rev.  Salvador,  S.  J., 
275 

Gandiaga,  Fr.  Pedro,  O.  P.,  503, 
555,  556 

Gandulain,  Rev.  Juan,  S.  J.,  177 
Gante,  Fr.  Pedro  de,  O.  F.  M., 
12,  13 

Garaza,  Jose,  312 
Garda,  Rev.  Andres  Javier,  285 
Garda,  Fr.  Manuel,  O.  P.,  508, 
522,  554,  557 

Garcia,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  F.  M.,  289, 
290,  295,  296,  298 
Garcia  Padilla,  Rt.  Rev.,  O.  F. 
M„  10 

Garda  y Ballesteros,  Rt.  Rev., 
593 

Garrison  at  Loreto,  92,  114,  116 
Garrison  in  the  south,  163,  164, 
165 

Gasteiger,  Rev.  Jose,  S.  J.,  202, 
239 

Gaston,  Fr.  Juan  Ignacio,  O.  F. 
M..  292,  304,  351,  369,  399,  491, 
550 

Gente  de  Razon,  410 
Georgia,  14 

Germany,  228,  242,  282 
German  laborers,  139,  140 
Gifts,  171,  301,  306,  307 
Gigedo,  Revilla,  20,  519,  534 
Gila,  see  Rio  Gila 
Gloomy  outlook,  87 
Gobernador,  Indian,  200,  529 
Gogni,  Rev.  Pedro  Matias,  S.  J., 
64,  65,  66,  69,  77 
Golden  Hind,  29,  30 
G6mara,  Francisco  Lopez,  23 
Gomez,  Fr.  Francisco,  O.  F.  M., 
292,  304,  338,  551 
Gomez,  Fr.  J.  Crisostomo,  O.  P., 
525,  528,  532,  535,  540,  552 
Gomez,  Toribio  de,  45,  55 
Gonzaga,  Fr.  Franciscus,  O.  F. 

M.,  10,  11,  13,  14,  15,  601 
Gonzalez,  Diego,  519,  525 
Gonzalez,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  F.  M., 
338 

Gonzalez,  Fr.  Pedro,  O.  P.,  569, 
570,  576,  577,  579,  592 
Gonzalez,  Most  Rev.  Tyro,  S.  J., 
73,  115 

Governors  of  California,  list  of. 
624 


Gordon,  Rev.  William,  S.  J., 
206,  211,  216,  217 
Gospel,  Province  of,  13,  24 
Government,  anti-Christian,  295, 
599;  Jesuit,  141-142;  military, 
142-143;  mission,  136;  penin- 
sula, 587,  590;  property,  411; 
subsidy,  144 

Governor,  first,  144,  244 
Goycoechea,  Felipe  de,  544,  569 
Grants,  money,  110,  338,  389.  See 
Stipends. 

Grass  Valley  (Sacramento),  597 
Greed,  42,  61,  64 
Greenhow,  Robert,  20,  21,  284. 
See  footnotes. 

Gresham,  Hon.  Walter  Q.,  598 
Grievances,  missionary,  398.  See 
Missionary  troubles. 

Grijalva,  Hernando,  19 
Grijalva,  Fr.  Juan  Pablo,  O.  P., 
560 

Grulla,  489 

Grumeque,  Isidro,  114,  115 
Guadalajara,  61,  68,  73,  74,  92, 
95,  103,  109,  112,  115,  130,  133, 
163,  169,  170,  264,  269,  270,  291, 
330,  334,  339,  381,  423,  477,  492, 
494,  503,  516,  526 
Guadalupanos,  615 
Guadalupe,  Our  Lady  of,  274, 
609-614 

Guadalupe,  Fr.  Alfonso  de,  O. 
F.  M.,  19 

Guadalupe,  Zacatecas,  615 
Guadalupe  College,  S.  J.,  165, 
494 

Guadalupe,  ship,  128 
Guadalupe,  station,  386,  444 
Guaicuros  Indians,  62,  65,  67, 
128,  129,  150,  155,  170,  171,  172, 
174,  184,  185,  186,  188,  204,  210, 
211,  213,  228,  230,  241,  244,  252, 
266,  334,  371,  401,  402,  403,  409, 
410,  411 

Guainamota,  269 
Gualtulco,  Oajaca,  29 
Guamas,  §ee  Medicine-men. 
Guanajuato,  289,  294,  298,  494, 
567 

Guapango,  205 
Guarda,  Almacen,  519 
Guards,  138,  142-143,  213,  214, 
229,  230.  See  Soldiers. 
Guardian,  13,  290 


636 


Index 


Guatemala,  16 

Guaymas,  107,  109,  110,  113,  122, 
125,  183,  334,  421,  430,  524,  578 
Guijosa,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  S.  J.,  64, 
65 

Guillen,  Rev.  Clemente,  S.  J, 
127,  166,  171,  172,  178,  184-186, 
204,  210,  216,  217,  221-224,  226, 
238,  243-244 
Guiricata,  258,  260 
Guisi,  Rev.  Benito,  S.  J.,  127 
Gulf  of  California,  25,  40-42,  47, 
61,  63,  94,  125,  150,  179,  184, 
467 

Gutierrez,  Juan,  312,  368,  376, 
383 

Guzman,  Nuno,  22 


H. 

Habilitado,  519 
Hacienda,  131 

Hague  Tribunal,  595,  598-599 
Harbor,  search  for,  164 
Harold,  Fr.  Francis,  O.  F.  M., 
10,  11,  12,  13,  14,  15,  601,  605, 
606 

Hatred  of  Christianity,  216-221 
Haughty  officials,  374,  375 
Hay,  Hon.  John,  595 
Helen,  Rev.  Everardo,  S.  J., 
174-178,  183,  199 
Hennepin,  Fr.  Louis,  O.  F.  M., 
17,  101 

Herod,  King,  281 
Herrera,  Antonio  de,  215,  216 
Herrera,  Antonio  de,  10,  606 
Herrera,  Fr.  Ildefonso,  O.  F. 
M.,  19 

Herrera,  Fr.  Jose  de,  O.  F.  M., 
398,  492 

Herrera,  Jose,  O.  P.,  551 
Herrera,  Juan,  A.  G.  de,  468 
Hidalgo,  Fr.  Miguel,  O.  P.,  503, 
504,  508,  522,  525,  528,  531, 
555,  557,  558 

Hidalgo,  Miguel,  (curate),  567 
Hieronymites,  9 
High  Mass  on  board  ship,  337, 
338 

Hispaniola,  10 

Hittell,  Theodore,  see  footnotes; 
his  admissions,  133-134,  145, 
164;  absurd  conclusion,  278; 
errors,  200,  211;  malevolent 


criticisms,  267,  284,  296,  298, 
310;  remarkable  argument, 
280-281;  Guadalupe,  614 
Holy  See,  obedience  to,  4-7 
Honorius  III.,  Pope,  6,  7 
Hontiyuelo,  Fr.  Francisco,  O. 
P.,  547,  548 

Hopland,  Upper  California,  99 
Horbigoso,  Fr.  Domingo,  O.  S. 
A.,  215,  216 

Horcasitas,  Juan  Francisco,  235 
Hospices,  13,  291 
Hospital,  124,  125 
Hostell,  Rev.  Lamberto,  S.  J., 
238,  253 

Housebuilding  in  California,  248 
Hualimea,  197 
Huasinapi,  174,  175 
Huexotcingo,  604 
Huimiuma,  104 

Huidrobo,  Manuel  Bernardo, 
226,  227,  229,  423 
Hungary,  210,  251 
Huron,  Lake,  16 

I. 

Ibar,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  P.,  478,  496 
Ibarzabal,  Rev.  Isidro,  299,  330, 
331,  547 
Ibimuheite,  68 
Ibo,  Indian  chief,  80 
Icazbalceta,  Joaquin  Garcia,  14, 
36,  43,  620 

Idolatry,  53,  175,  613 
Ignatius,  St.,  142 
Illinois,  17 

Image  of  Christ  Crucified,  67 
Image  of  Our  Lady,  37,  48,  49, 
50,  613-614 

Imas,  Fr.  Vincente,  O.  F.  M., 
396,  400,  473,  476 
Implements,  see  Agriculture. 
Imperfect  mission  system,  124, 
136-137,  191,  192,  403,  451,  528- 
530 

Inama,  Rev.  Francisco,  S.  J., 
135 

Independence  of  Mexico,  16, 
579 

Independencia,  The,  577,  578 
Indian  amusements,  135,  490; 
brutishness.  22.  97.  143,  153- 
160,  219-221,  321-323;  brutal- 
ity, 127,  157.  219-222,  225,  230; 


Index 


637 


characteristics,  83,  84,  137,  151, 
159,  160,  184,  188,  189,  197,  216, 
219,  266,  307,  363,  364,  371,  387; 
conspiracies,  78-81,  83,  96,  108, 
126,  213,  216-222,  229-231,  261, 
268,  401;  dancing,  28,  159;  dis- 
tressed, 70,  277,  278;  dullness, 
88,  100,  101,  123,  125,  137,  159, 
255;  education,  123-124,  155; 
fickleness,  68,  83,  97,  103,  121, 
188, 189, 195,  223,  230;  habits  and 
customs,  48,  135,  137,  151-155, 
157,  158,  194,  219,  266,  267,  321, 
323,  324,  326,  359,  362;  hatred 
of  soldiers,  39,  41,  226;  hostili- 
ties, 20,  39,  41,  50,  62,  64-66,  76, 
79,  80-81,  83,  96,  106,  107,  128, 
129,  170,  171,  181,  184-185,  198- 
201,  204,  211,  216,  228,  256,  261, 
362,  371,  400-402,  408-411,  424, 
528,  535,  536,  569,  591 ; ill-treat- 
ment of,  64,  105,  228,  374,  379, 
384,593-594;  indolence,  97,120, 
137-140,  153,  169,  190,  193,  207, 
208,  255,  265,  266.  325,  402-406, 

410,  517,  522,  523,  529;  inso- 
lence, 77-79,  83,  92,  100,  212, 
265,  404,  410;  languages,  65, 
103,  150,  158,  159,  168;  learning 
Spanish,  123,  133,  334;  liberty, 
266-267;  martyr,  219-220;  mor- 
ality, 204,  207,  211,  212,  213, 
216,  219,  221,  223,  261,  331; 
mortality,  371,  326,  435,  530; 
origin,  150;  peaceful,  37-39,  48, 
123,  174,  175,  333,  334,  394; 
population,  150-151,  530,  594; 
punishment  of,  108,  138,  196, 
224,  226,  227,  230,  231,  257,  262, 
524;  relation  to  missionaries, 
379-380,  538;  reservations,  267; 
rights  defended,  264,  375,  383, 
384;  runaways,  121-122,  372, 
403,  404,  410,  424,  425,  537-538; 
singing,  159,  208,  400;  solici- 
tude, royal,  for,  36-37,  45;  su- 
perstition, 175,  207,  229,  257; 
thievery,  53,  268,  269,  371,  392, 
402;  transplanting  of,  312,  316, 
317,  334,  353,  371,  372,  403,  410, 

411,  422,  424,  428,  431,  435,  440, 
530;  treachery,  96,  101,  121, 
189,  195,  204,  216-219,  226, 
229,  230,  268,  269,  400-406; 
treatment  of  the  sick,  152; 


trial,  200,  201,  257,  262;  tribal 
267;  unreasonableness,  83,  84, 
129,  137,  265,  266,  410;  verac- 
ity, 206,  401-402,  404,  618,  619 
Indian  Ocean,  30 
Indies,  161,  272 

Indifference  of  officials,  133,  215, 
216,  222,  223 

Industrial  school,  102,  177,  331, 
367 

Infidelity,  school  of,  280 
Ingolstadt,  Bavaria,  71,  94 
Innocent  XI,  394,  615,  617 
Inquisition,  104,  620 
Insane  fury,  281,  282 
Innovation,  unwise,  226-228 
Interest  of  Religion  and  State, 
88 

Interpreter,  171 

Inventories,  277,  306,  334,  468, 
472,  478,  481,  501,  502 
Iragori,  Rev.,  S.  J.,  274 
Iriarte,  Fr.  Juan  Pedro  de,  O. 

P„  461-466,  468,  469,  476 
Irrigation,  102,  167,  249,  427 
Isabella  of  Spain,  9,  602,  603,  604 
Italy,  6,  130,  208,  272,  275 


J. 

Jacal,  A,  559 
Jaca-Tobojol,  537 
Jaime,  Fr.  Luis,  O.  F.  M.,  396 
Jalapa,  274 

Jaliscan  province,  291,  294,  492, 
526 

Jaliscan  friars,  294,  295,  298,  299, 
300,  330 

Jalisco,  20,  21,  36,  291 
James,  St.,  10 
Japan,  58 

Jayme,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  F.  M., 
574 

Jefe  Politico,  580 
Jesuits,  3,  14,  17,  60-285,  421, 
423,  424,  427,  430,  432,  433,  435, 
442,  443,  445,  450,  458,  459,  462, 
494,  495,  496,  607 
Jesuit  coat  of  arms,  60;  colleges, 
131,  165,  274,  608;  disinterest- 
edness, 89,  264,  270,  271,  277; 
disputes,  222;  General’s  de- 
cision, 131-132;  enemies,  89, 
90,  91,  145,  222,  226,  227,  250, 
262,  264,  265,  269,  270,  275,  279, 


638 


Index 


280,  281;  expenditures,  164; 
martyrs,  143,  218-22;  organiza- 
tion, 141,  142,  232;  procurator, 
132;  property  confiscated,  272- 
273,  280;  protest,  227;  reports, 
234-235,  236,  237,  238-240; 

revenues,  131,  132,  607-609; 
success,  284;  virtues,  141,  142, 
279,  280;  visitors,  132,  141,  167, 
206,  208,  209,  216,  217,  222, 
224,  228.  269,  276;  Jesuits  and 
miners,  264;  offer  to  withdraw, 
270;  forbidden  to  traffic,  89-90, 
145,  146;  decline  temporalities, 
72,  264;  object  of  Jesuits,  75, 
89,  90,  133;  praised,  89,  232; 
scarcity  of,  106, 125;  suppressed 
in  France,  281;  expelled,  259, 
271,  278,  289,  299,  320;  brutal 
treatment  of,  274-275,  280; 
vindicated,  283;  list  of,  285 
Jetti,  104 

John  the  Baptist,  St.,  281 
Joseph,  St.  patron  of  expedi- 
tions, 336-337 
Juan,  Indian  boy,  82 
Juan  Bautista,  sorcerer,  230 
Juan  Francisco,  52 
Juan  Nepomuceno,  260,  261 
Juan  Rodriguez  Island,  27 
Juarez,  Benito,  295 
Juarez,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  F.  M.,  14, 
15,  604-606 

Juncosa,  Fr.  Domingo,  O.  F.  M., 
396 

Julius,  II.,  Pope,  10,  605,  620 
Juxtaposition,  A strange,  321 
Juzai  Mountain,  260 

K. 

Kada-Kaaman,  128,  191,  193,  195, 
202 

King  Charles  II.,  88;  Carlos  III., 
271,  279,  281,  283,  307;  David, 
619;  Ferdinand  V.,  11,  602,  603, 
604;  Ferdinand  VI.,  235,  615; 
Ferdinand  VII.,  283;  Henry 
VIII.,  282;  Herod,  281;  Juan 
III.,  608;  Louis  XV.,  280,  281; 
Philip  II.,  35,  45,  617;  Philip 
III.,  45;  Philip  IV.,  63;  Philip 
V.,  88,  106,  110,  133,  161,  227, 
232,  235,  459,  609 
King  of  Spain,  21,  32,  33,  45,  65, 


73,  88,  143,  164,  232,  252,  259, 
383,  516,  595,  596,  620,  621; 
orders  of,  232,  233;  threats  of, 
282 

Kings,  The  Bourbon,  275 

Kino  (Kuehn),  Rev.  Eusebio 
Francisco,  S.  J.,  64-66,  68,  69, 
71-73,  75-77,  93,  94,  109,  151, 
233,  536 


L. 

Labor  at  the  missions  139-140, 
524 

Labrador,  29 
Ladrones,  34 
Lady  Poverty,  4 
Lafuente,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  P.,  546, 
547 

Lago,  Fr.  Manuel,  O.  F.  M.,  396, 
399,  476,  477,  496,  551 
Land  in  severalty,  266 
Landa,  395 

Language,  Indian,  poverty  of, 
68,  158-159 

Language,  Chippewa,  619;  Co- 
chimi,  150;  Laymon,  104,  119, 
150;  Monqui,  85,  103,  119,  150; 
Pericu,  150 

La  Paz,  21,  38-41,  56,  62-66,  128, 
150,  163,  170-172,  184-189,  195, 
204,  206,  211,  216,  217,  225-228, 
241,  316,  319,  327,  331,  334,  335, 
338,  339,  377,  378,  424,  590 
Language,  learning  the,  65,  67, 
77,  82,  85,  95,  101,  103,  106,  120, 
172,  174,  176,  189,  194,  248, 
254,  260 

Lanza  Gorta,  Antonio  de,  443 
Lapland,  302 
La  Salle,  Robert  de,  15 
Lasuen,  Fr.  Fermin  Francisco 
de,  O.  F.  M„  292,  307,  314-316, 
318-320,  327,  329,  342,  353,  385- 
386,  443,  445.  475,  487,  506,  523, 
531,  532,  540,  553.  563 
Lassepas,  Ulixes  Urbano,  594 
Latin  States,  280,  589 
Lauretana,  The,  252,  476,  480 
Laws,  Spanish.  143 
Laymon  Indians,  150 
Lazaro,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  P.,  539, 
554 

Lazaro,  The,  19 
Leandro,  chief,  403,  404 


Index 


639 


Lector,  350 

Legacy  refused,  270,  271 
Legar,  Miguel  de,  46 
Legomera,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  F.  M., 

396,  399,  552 

Leguna,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  F.  M.,  396, 

397,  492 

Leo  X.,  Pope,  11 
Leon,  Dr.  Nicolas,  19 
Letter  of  Viceroy  De  Croix,  394, 
395;  of  Archbishop  Lorenzana, 
395-396 

Liberalism,  374,  583,  589-590, 
623 

Libertines,  Voltairian,  281 
Liberty,  religious,  in  Mexico, 
568,  599 

Libraries,  see  State  of  the  Mis- 
sions 

License  to  enter  California,  75, 

88 

License  to  retire,  531 
Lichu,  104 

Life  at  the  missions,  134-141 
Liggige,  104 
Liggui,  104 

Ligui,  108,  113,  119,  121,  123,  131, 
166,  172,  185,  186 
Lima,  Peru,  618 
Limerick,  605 

Limpia  Concepcion,  The,  64 
Linares,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  F.  M., 
396,  399,  491,  555 
Linares,  Fernando  de  Alancas- 
tre,  118,  132 

Link,  Rev.  Wenzeslao,  S.  J., 
255-258,  260,  261,  357,  362 
Lisaxoain,  Rev.  Ignacio,  S.  J., 
269 

Litany  of  Loreto,  278,  337 
Live-stock,  425,  451,  470,  471, 
488,  506,  508,  509,  543,  546-562, 
574,  575,  594 
Loco  parentis,  538 
Locusts,  176,  336,  428,  429,  434, 
436,  440,  447,  548 
Lodi,  208 
Lombardy,  208 

Londo,  San  Juan  de,  86,  104-106, 
109,  119,  123,  166,  252 
London,  England,  17 
Lonesome  Friars,  351,  352,  353 
Long-boat,  or  lancha,  46 
Longeles,  444 
Looms,  102 


Lopez,  Brother  Cristobal,  36 

Lopez,  Captain,  580 

Lopez,  Estevan,  57 

Lopez,  Juan  Bautista,  121,  185 

Lopez,  Luis,  520 
Lopez,  Fr.  Miguel,  O.  P.,  560, 
564 

Lopez,  Fr.  Ramon,  O.  P.,  558, 
565,  566-568,  570 
Lora,  Fr.  Juan  Ramon  de,  O.  F. 
M.,  292,  304,  334,  370,  376,  377, 
385,  398,  399,  401,  403,  404,  407, 
409,  411,  424,  425,  448,  454,  548 
Lord’s  Prayer  in  Indian,  621- 
622 

Lorenzana,  Most  Rev.  Fr.  A., 
394-396 

Lorenzo,  Bernardo  Rodriguez, 
227,  230,  237,  245 
Lorenzo,  Estevan  Rodriguez,  95, 
105-108,  113-115,  117,  146,  178, 
183,  186,  204,  211,  224-226,  244, 
245 

Loreto,  Our  Lady  of,  76,  82,  84, 
103,  104,  130,  300,  336,  390,  609 
Loreto,  see  Mission  Loreto 
Loreto  colonists,  87;  council  at, 
112;  description  of,  301-302; 
dialect,  113;  port  of,  409; 
presidio,  116,  117,  258,  263,  268; 
rainfall  at,  366;  soldiers  of,  84 
Loriente,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  P.,  522, 
432,  536,  539,  552,  560,  562 
Los  Angeles,  port  of,  251,  255, 
258,  445 

Los  Angeles,  visita,  386 
Lumber  cutting  of,  169;  brought 
to  California,  252 
Lummis,  Cha'^les  F.,  25,  364 
Luna,  Fr.  Domingo,  O.  P.,  592 
Luther,  Martin,  15 
Luyando,  Rev.  Juan  Bautista,  S. 

J.,  191,  192-198,  202,  440 
Luzenilla,  Francisco,  64 


M. 

Madre  Luisa,  The,  62 
Madrid,  184,  244,  269,  282,  461, 
465,  614 

Magellan  Strait,  29 
Magdalena  Bay,  25,  49,  178,  238 
Magi,  The  Three,  56 
Mahomedans,  5-8 
Majestades,  Ambas,  221,  315 


640 


Index 


Major-domos,  401-407,  588 
Majorca,  290 
Mangino,  Fernando,  468 
Manila,  34,  215,  225,  514 
Mansilla,  Fr.  Tomas,  O.  P.,  559, 
591,  592 
Manteca,  340 
Manuel  Bernardo,  82 
Manzanilla,  397 

Marcos  de  Niza,  Fr.,  O.  F.  M., 
14,  15,  24 
Mar  del  Sur,  29 
Marg'il,  Fr.  .A.ntonio,  O.  F.  M., 
16,  615 

Marin,  Fr.  Tomas,  O.  P.,  549 
Marquez,  Nicolas,  114 
Marras,  Rev.  Daniel  A.,  S.  J.,  72 
Martin’s  Day,  St.,  51 
Marriage  ceremony,  articles  for, 
391 

Martin,  Fr.  Fernando,  O.  F.  M., 
567 

Martin,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  P.,  571,  575 
Martin,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  F.  M.,  574 
Martinez,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  F.  M., 
304,  349,  432,  473,  474,  476,  550 
Martinez,  Colonel  M.,  590 
Martinez,  Jose  Longinos,  532 
Martyrs,  Dominicans,  143;  Fran- 
ciscans, 8,  11,  14-17,  24,  143; 
Jesuit,  143,  218-221 
Mary,  Blessed  Virgin,  titles  of, 
609 

Mary  Magdalene,  St.,  49 
Maryland,  17 

Mass,  Holy,  first  in  America,  9, 
601 

Mass,  Holy,  at  the  missions,  135, 
139 

Matanchel,  106,  108,  109,  119, 
127,  129,  133,  252,  269,  279,  292, 
298 

Mazanet,  Fr.  Damian,  O.  F.  M., 
16 

Mazatlan,  37,  42,  47,  57,  127 
Mayorga,  Rev.  Julian  de  S.  J., 
124,  125,  167,  228,  229,  432 
Meals  at  the  missions,  134,  140, 
588 

Measles,  371 

Meat,  price  of,  368,  380 
Mechanical  arts,  123 
Mechanics,  169 
Mecia,  Fernando,  468 
Medanos,  De  los,  490 


Medicine-men,  82,  96,  121,  126, 
156,  157,  167,  175,  176,  187,  192, 
194-198,  210,  211,  229,  257 
Melendez,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  P.,  601 
Memorial  of  Rev.  Bravo,  163; 
Fr.  Basterra,  379-385;  two 
Jesuits,  110;  Rev.  Piccolo,  81, 
103-105;  Rev.  Salvatierra,  87, 
116;  San  Fernando  College, 
296-298,  413 
Memorias,  519 

Membre,  Fr.  Zenobius,  O.  F.  M., 
15 

Mendicant  Orders,  12 
Mendieta,  Fr.  Gerdnimo  de,  O. 

F.  M.,  11,  12,  14,  15,  21,  24 
Mendoza,  Viceroy  Antonio  de, 
22,  24,  27,  28 

Mendoza,  Antonio  Garcia  de,  90, 
91,  95 

Menendez,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  P., 
591 

Merry  proposition,  54 
Mesa,  Miguel,  590 
Method,  Catholic,  for  missions, 
67,  68,  78,  99,  100,  120,  607-609, 
614-617 

Mestizo,  211,  216,  220 
Metate,  373 

Mexican,  independence,  579;  in- 
surrection, 567-568;  officials, 
165;  republic,  586-587;  specula- 
tor, 162 

Mexico,  first  bishop,  13,  606; 

first  missionaries,  12 
Mezquital,  290 
Michael,  St.,  26 

Micheltorena,  Jose  Manuel,  589 
Michigan,  17 
Michoacan,  19,  106,  615 
Milan,  Italy,  130 
Militia  companies,  331 
Mimbela,  Rt.  Rev.  Manuel  de, 
170 

Miners  and  mines,  263-265,  266, 
268,  276,  330,  331,  425,  426 
Minutili,  Rev.  Gerdnimo,  S.  J., 
106,  109,  111 

Miranda,  Don,  see  Villaizan 
Mission,  articles  for  each,  390- 
391;  beginnings,  134-136; 
buildings,  248,  see  State  of  the 
Missions;  ceremony  of  found- 
ing, 357,  534,  536-537;  churches, 
134,  135,  148;  contributions. 


Index 


641 


136,  248,  254,  258,  260,  333,  334, 
340-341,  343-346,  478;  draw- 
backs, 137,  620-621,  see  mis- 
sionary troubles;  endowments, 
131,  see  Pious  Fund;  food, 
134;  finances,  479-480;  fund 
necessary  to  found  a,  133,  389, 
452,  469;  government,  136, 
142-143,  145;  guards,  see  sol- 
diers; labor,  139,  140,  524, 
589;  morning  prayers,  139; 
musicians,  135;  punishment, 
see  flogging;  results,  283,  284, 
see  missionary  success;  rev- 
enues, 133,  5^,  see  stipend; 
routine,  99,  100,  102,  134,  140, 
177,  191,  192;  ruin,  529-530, 
583,  588,  593;  society,  142, 
387;  solitude,  142,  352,  353, 
386;  stations,  104-105,  140; 

system,  94.  123,  124,  133-148, 
256,  266,  267,  284,  335;  tempor- 
alities, 131,  300,  310-311 

Missionaries  badly  treated,  306, 
376,  382,  383,  see  troubles; 
genuine,  67,  100,  101,  120,  142; 
the  first,  3;  first  in  America,  9; 
first  in  California,  20-21;  their 
motives,  see  object;  and  poli- 
ticians, 374,  384;  and  soldiers, 

146,  147;  their  relations  to  the 
Indians,  374,  379,  380,  538; 
their  right  to  be  supported, 
607-609;  scarcity  of,  448,  530 

Missionary  conscientiousness, 
380;  license  to  retire,  531;  Or- 
ders, 3,  8,  147-148;  qualifica- 
tions, 206,  614-617;  sacrifices, 
69-70,  142,  252,  398;  success, 
22,  102.  103,  172,  191-192,  207, 

211,  248,  254,  256,  284,  360,  394; 
tours,  85-86,  103,  107,  108,  113, 
119,  128,  178,  246,  247,  251,  258. 
259;  troubles,  83.  84,  92,  97, 
100,  101,  120-122,  126,  127,  140, 

147,  160,  169,  176,  194,  195,  206, 

212,  213,  240,  249,  251,  253,  255, 
265,  266,  268,  270,  386,  398,  400- 
409,  412,  477-480,  500,  526, 
530,  537-539,  581-583,  620-621; 
zeal,  vide  Zeal 

Missions  on  the  Peninsula: 

Mission  Concepcion  Purisima, 
106,  122,  128,  129,  166,  168,  174, 
206,  209,  239,  261,  304,  312, 


' 340,  342,  343,  349,  353,  369,  371, 
398,  399,  414,  433-435,  440,  491, 
500,  529,  531,  535,  550,  568 
Mission  Dolores  del  Sur,  104, 

185,  186,  189,  204,  217,  223,  225, 
229,  238,  244,  252,  253,  304,  312, 
334,  343,  371,  424,  447 

Mission  Dolores  del  Norte,  239 
Mission  Guadalupe,  106,  122,  169, 
174,  176,  177,  183,  191,  199,  224, 

239,  254,  261,  276,  304,  312,  340, 
343,  349,  350,  399,  414,  434-438, 
441,  470,  529,  531,  535,  551,  591, 
593 

Mission  Loreto,  77-85,  87,  92, 
103,  107,  113-114,  116,  117,  119, 
140,  202,  238,  244,  276-278,  304, 
306,  308,  333,  334,  340,  343,  344, 
369,  370,  374,  379,  380,  381,  400, 
408,  414,  430-432,  505,  507,  529, 
535,  549,  568 

Mission  Pilar,  172,  206,  216,  228, 

240,  241,  304,  403,  405,  424,  425 
Mission  Rosario,  508,  521,  522, 

525,  534,  535,  555,  556,  569 
Mission  San  Fernando,  356-358, 
362,  363,  393,  413,  448,  450-452, 
466,  467,  469,  472,  477,  483,  488, 
490,  500,  507,  508,  521,  535,  555, 
569 

Mission  San  Francisco  de  Borja, 
142,  250,  254,  256,  257,  258,  260, 
304,  314,  315,  340,  342,  351, 
353,  354,  385,  386,  398,  414,  443- 
446,  448,  451,  462,  470,  478,  479, 
486,  487,  508,  523,  553-554,  569, 
571,  572,  573,  575,  622 
Mission  San  Francisco  Javier, 
86,  95-98,  100-105,  106-108,  113, 
114,  119,  123,  124,  126,  135,  166, 

186,  203,  205,  227-228,  238,  241, 
304,  305,  312,  338,  340,  343,  349, 
366,  369,  371,  400,  413,  414,  417, 
418,  422,  426-429,  431,  433,  476, 
529,  548,  566,  568,  621 

Mission  San  Ignacio,  122, 128, 174, 
177,  191-194,  197,  198,  200,  202, 
205,  209,  210,  223-225,  229,  237, 
239,  240,  243,  246-249,  251,  254, 
277,  304,  340,  343,  347,  351,  352, 
380,  399,  400,  414,  435,  438,  400- 
441,  443,  450,  462,  470,  486,  491, 
525,  528,  540,  552,  565,  569,  570, 
576,  579,  62  i 


642 


Index 


Mission  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  206, 
209,  211-213,  215-217,  220-223, 
227,  229,  230,  240,  241,  246,  276, 
304,  310,  312,  317,  334-336,  370, 
371,  383,  400,  406,  413,  421-423, 
428,  442,  481,  487,  492,  517,  523, 
529,  533,  535,  546,  547,  576, 
577 

Mission  San  Jose  de  Comundti, 
106,  125,  135,  166,  206,  228,  230, 
239,  242,  312,  340,  343,  349,  369, 
371,  399,  400,  414,  429,  431-433, 
435,  476,  506,  529,  549-550,  621 
Mission  Juan  Bautista  de  Ligui 
(Malibat),  108,  113,  119-123, 
127,  131,  166,  171,  185,  186,  238 
Mission  San  Juan  de  Londo,  86, 
96,  104-106,  109,  119,  123,  166, 
252 

Mission  San  Luis  Gonzaga,  186, 
238,  304,  312,  334,  343,  351,  371, 
403,  405,  424,  429,  447 
Mission  San  Miguel,  522,  528, 
532,  538,  560,  561,  569,  584 
Mission  San  Pedro  Martir,  534, 
535,  560,  587 

Mission  Santiago  de  los  Coras, 
190,  204-206,  210-213,  216,  218, 
220,  221,  227,  228,  230,  231,  240- 
242,  252,  263,  264,  266,  268,  276, 
304,  311,  312,  334,  335,  370,  371, 
383,  384,  387,  400,  406,  413,  421- 
425,  481,  518,  523,  529,  535,  547 
Mission  San  Vincente  Ferrer, 
520,  522,  527.  532,  535-537,  557, 
558,  565,  569,  577,  584 
Mission  Santa  Catalina,  536-537, 
558,  562,  565,  584,  591 
Mission  Santa  Gertrudis,  142, 
246,  248-251.  254-256,  277,  304, 
312,  340,  343,  352-354,  399,  414, 
441-443,  445,  462,  470,  478,  479, 
486,  487,  523,  552-553,  569,  587, 
622 

Mission  Santa  Maria  de  los  An- 
geles, 142,  262,  304,  316,  332, 
339,  340,  342,  343,  351,  354- 
356,  363,  386,  399,  445-477,  450- 
452,  462,  487,  491,  499,  528,  541, 
622 

Mission  Santa  Rosa,  206,  208, 
209,  210,  211,  216,  221,  230,  240, 
241,  304 

Mission  Santa  Rosalia,  106,  109, 
119,  122,  123,  128,  165,  170,  177, 


179,  183,  191,  202,  224,  239,  243, 
247,  304,  340,  343,  351,  369,  399, 
414,  432,  435,  438-440,  454,  481, 
486,  530,  531,  551,  569 
Mission  Santo  Domingo,  522, 
534,  535,  556-557,  592 
Mission  Santo  Tomas,  522,  528, 
532,  534,  535,  537,  559,  560,  563, 
569,  576,  584,  591 
Mission  Todos  Santos,  241,  304, 
334,  343,  370,  371,  376,  377,  383, 
384,  387,  400,  401,  405,  409,  410, 
411,  414,  423-426,  429,  481,  516, 
529,  547-548,  566,  569,  576-578 
Missions  destroyed,  219-222;  en- 
dangered, 215,  216,  229;  five  to 
be  founded,  388,  494,  496; 
maintained  by  private  means, 
131,  236,  458-459;  origin  of,  3; 
when  to  be  secularized,  394; 
secularized,  332,  389,  395,  422, 
423,  429,  452,  469,  588;  sup- 
pressed, 312;  surrendered,  394, 
413-414,  448,  468,  469;  Yaqui, 
69;  state  of  in  1745,  238-240 
Mississippi  River,  14,  17 
Mixteca  Country,  243 
Moctezuma,  Jose  Sarmiento, 
Conde  de,  91,  110 
Modern  philosophers,  156 
Modesty,  Christian,  135,  261,  321, 
362 

Mofras,  Eugene  Duflot  de,  458 
Mohawk  Indians,  16 
Molina,  Caspar  de,  252 
Monastery  replaced  by  theater, 
295 

Moncada,  see  Rivera. 
Montenegro,  Rt.  Rev.,  618 
Monterde,  Mariano,  590,  624 
Monterey,  Caspar  de  Zuniga, 
Conde  de,  35,  36,  43,  47 
Monterey,  port,  27,  34,  54,  55, 
322,  332-338,  413,  486,  490,  496, 
502,  504,  517,  520,  534,  544,  582, 
592,  597 

Montero,  Geronimo,  215,  225 
Montesclaros,  Sinaloa,  268 
Moors,  The,  73 

Mora,  Fr.  Vincente,  O.  P.,  477- 
479  481-484,  487,  492,  496,  498, 
500-505,  507,  508,  513,  516,  523- 
525,  542,  543,  549 
Morales,  Manuel  Garcia,  331, 
491,  503 


Index  643 


Moran,  Antonio,  102 
Moran,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  F.  M.,  292, 
304,  310-311,  335,  370,  422,  492, 
546 

Moravia,  342 
Moreno,  Bernardino,  378 
Morgana,  Juan  de,  34,  35 
Morocco,  5-8 

Morris,  William  Alfred,  622-623 
Mota-Padilla,  Matias  de  la,  24 
Motolinia,  Fr.  Toribio  de,  O.  F. 
M.,  19 

Motive  for  expelling  the  Jesuits, 
279-283 

Mugazabal,  Bro.  J.  Bautista,  S. 
J„  170,  253 

Mulattoes,  66,  211,  212 
Mulege,  arroyo,  438;  see  Santa 
Rosalia. 

Mura,  Fr.  Pedro  de,  12 
Murder  of  a soldier,  217 
Murguia,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  F.  M., 
292,  304,  339,  370,  376,  377,  398, 
400,  417,  418,  423,  470,  475,  486, 
487,  547,  548,  549 
Murr,  Christopher  de,  282 
Musquitoes,  207 
Mutineers,  20,  52,  252 

N. 

Nacosari,  Sonora,  114 
Najera,  Fr.  Manuel,  O.  F.  M., 
294 

Napoli,  Rev.  Ignacio  Maria,  S. 

J.,  186-190,  204,  206,  210,  211 
Narvaez,  Panfilo,  14,  24,  604-606 
Nascimben,  Rev.  Pedro  Maria, 
S.  J.,  202,  239,  350 
Natividad  Island,  49,  209 
Nava,  Rev.  Diego  de  la,  61,  62 
Navidad,  Jalisco,  25,  28,  34,  47, 
^57 

Navio,  A,  46 
Nayarit  Country,  294 
Negrete,  Luis  del  Castillo,  591 
Nemos,  William,  623 
Neophytes,  fervor  of,  70,  140, 
174,  175,  191,  197-198,  205,  208, 
213,  248 

Neumayer,  Rev.  Carlos,  S.  J., 
257,  263 

Neve,  Felipe  de,  375,  513-519, 
522,  523,  541 
New  Albion,  18,  30 
New  France,  16 


New  Mexico,  14,  15,  24,  32,  52, 
143,  200 

New  Spain,  18,  19,  33,  35,  41,  46, 
54,  71,  102,  110,  126,  136,  165, 
168,  178,  216,  232,  270,  273,  307, 
534,  579 
Nicaragua,  252 
Nice,  Chapter  at,  13 
Nieve,  Cabo  de,  27 
Ninumqui,  104 

Nomenclature,  English  and 
Spanish,  25 

North,  Arthur  W.,  238,  249,  255, 
260,  360,  446,  592 
Northern  Strait,  29,  30,  32 
Northwest  Coast,  28 
Notions,  wild,  522 
Novenas,  85,  188 
Novitiate,  73,  220,  253 
Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Paz,  65; 
de  los  Remedios,  65;  de  los 
Angeles,  609;  de  los  Dolores, 
609;  de  Guadalupe,  609-614; 
de  Loreto,  609;  del  Pilar,  609; 
del  Rosario,  609 

Nuez,  Fr.  Joaquin,  O.  F.  M.,  566, 
575 

Nueva  Andalucia,  38 
Nueva  Galicia,  89,  266 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  110 
Numpolo,  104 
Nuntei,  104 

O. 

Oajaca,  29,  243,  299 
Oak,  Henry  Lebbeus,  623 
Obbe,  104 

Object  of  the  Conquest,  45,  142- 
143,  463 

Object  to  the  soldiers,  69 
Object  of  the  missionaries,  69, 
70,  76.  78.  89,  90,  99,  133,  278, 
284,  386,  387 

Obstacles  to  religion,  175 
Ocana,  Spain,  208 
Ocean  currents,  32-33 
Ocio,  see  Cavallero. 

O’Donoju,  Juan,  579 
Officials,  Mexican,  133,  165,  215, 
216,  222,  223 

Ojeda,  Fr.  J.  Miguel,  O.  F.  M., 
298 

Olbes,  Fr.  Ramon,  O.  F.  M., 
566,  574 


644 


Index 


Oliva,  Fr.  Vincente,  O.  F.  M., 
566,  575 

Olmedo,  Fr.  Bartolome,  O.  SS. 
Tr„  12 

Olmo,  Fr.  Juan  de,  O.  F.  M.,  601 
Olmuetz,  242 
Onemayto,  104 

Order,  Second,  Third,  9;  Mendi- 
cant, 12 

Ordenanzas,  Jesuit,  142 
Oregon  Historical  Quarterly, 
622 

Ortega,  Francisco  de,  61,  62,  63 
Ortega  y Antillon,  Isidro,  64-66, 
69-71,  76,  80.  115,  128,  171 
Ortega,  Rev.  Jose,  S.  J.,  94 
Ortega,  Jose  Francisco  de,  364, 
487,  488,  490,  493,  499,  503,  504, 
519,  520,  527 

Osio,  Manuel,  263,  264,  294,  308, 
330,  425 

Otter-skins,  326,  329 
Outta,  104 

P. 


Pacheco  Cabrera,  Diego,  Lopez, 
Duque  de  Escalona,  63 
Pacific  Coast,  183,  197,  209,  247 
Pacific,  or  Grand,  Ocean,  29,  30, 
32,  33,  125,  178,  182,  185,  258, 
424,  433,  436,  467 
Pacific  Railroad  Reports,  24,  25 
Padilla,  Rt.  Rev.  Garcia,  O.  F. 
M.,  10 

Padilla,  Francisco,  591 
Padilla,  Fr.  Juan  de,  O.  F.  M., 
15,  19,  24 

Padres,  J.  M.,  589,  590,  624 
Padron,  543 

Painting,  wonderful,  613-614 
Palacios,  Geronimo  Martin,  46 
Palacios,  Rev.  Juan,,  S.  J.,  75 
Palacios,  Fr.  Martin  de,  O.  F. 

M.,  396,  399,  476,  550 
Palestine,  5,  6,  8 
Pallas,  Fr.  Caietano,  O.  P.,  533, 
534,  536,  538,  539,  546,  549,  558, 


560 

Palmas,  Las,  364 
Palou,  Fr.  Francisco,  O.  F.  M., 
250.  291,  292-296,  298,  300,  301. 
304.  309-311.  327,  335,  338,  343, 
345-348.  355.  369,  373,  378,  379- 
390,  398-408,  409-419,  421-458, 
460-469,  470,  473-485,  486-491, 


493-496,  498,  499-500,  505-506’ 
521,  548,  549,  555 
Pangua,  Fr.  Francisco,  O.  F.  M., 
298 

Panto,  Fr.  Jose  Pedro,  O.  F.  M., 
569 

Parras,  Fr.  Pedro  Joseph,  O.  F. 
\T.,  617-620 

Parron,  Fr.  Fernando,  O.  F.  M., 
292,  303,  304,  306,  333,  335,  337, 
400,  430.  476,  477,  496,  548,  549 
Papal  Indult,  250 
Pareda,  Francisco,  65 
Parent,  Fr.  John  of,  O.  F.  M.,  7 
Pascua  del  Espiritu  Santo,  358 
Pasion,  La,  see  Mission  Dolores 
del  Sur. 

Pastrana,  Fr.  Francisco,  O.  F. 
M.,  19 

Paterna,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  F.  M., 
396,  473,  489 

Patroness  of  California,  47-49, 
76-77,  87,  336 

Pattie,  James  O.,  558,  560-562, 
584 

Payeras,  Fr.  Mariano,  O.  F.  M., 
574,  576 

Pearl-fishers  and  pearl-fisheries, 
20,  39,  42,  61-64,  69,  70,  82,  89- 
91,  95.  no,  115,  116,  128-129, 
144-146,  166,  167,  171,  172,  187, 
227,  237,  528 
Pedro,  Indian  boy,  82 
Peguero,  Alonso  Estevan,  46,  51 
Peiri,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  F.  M., 
396,  489,  550 
Penance,  Order  of,  9 
Pena,  Dona  Rosa  de  la,  205 
Pena,  Fr.  Bonifacio  Gomez  de, 
O.  P.,  569 

Pena,  Fr.  Tomas  de  la,  O.  F.  M., 
396,  489,  550 

Peralta,  Rev.  Francisco,  S.  J., 
127 

Perdomo,  Fr.  Diego,  O.  F.  M., 
36,  37 

Perez,  Capt.  Juan,  338 
Perez,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  F.  M.,  9,  10, 
601 

Pericu  Indians,  150,  155,  158, 
171,  184,  191,  213,  222,  224,  230. 
240-242,  263,  265-269 
Persecutions,  cause,  281 
Petra,  Mallorca,  290 
Peru,  14,  15,  28,  31.  618 


Index 


645 


Philippine  Islands,  30,  32-34,  179, 

215,  252,  273 

Philippine  Trade,  32,  35,  116, 
164,  169,  215,  331 
Philippine  ships,  30,  110,  116, 
119,  164,  168,  178,  179,  183,  215, 
225,  227,  264,  331,  384,  421,  491 
Pichilingues,  61 

Piccolo,  Rev.  Francisco  Maria, 
S.  J„  76,  78,  81,  82,  85-87,  91, 
103,  105-110,  113,  114,  118,  122, 
126,  128,  165-167,  170,  172,  178, 
191,  203,  204 

Pico,  Fr.  Juan  Antonio,  O.  F. 

M„  298 
Pico,  Pio,  598 
Piedad,  La,  443 

Pieras,  Fr.  Miguel,  O.  F.  M.,  496 
Pilar,  see  Mission  Pilar. 

Pilar,  The,  499 
Pilgrim  Fathers,  15,  16 
Pilotin,  342 

Pima  Indians,  126,  181,  182 
Pimerias,  73,  94,  244 
Pimentel,  Francisco,  613,  621, 
622 

Pinadero,  Bernardo  B.  de,  63,  64 
Pineda,  Fr.  Miguel  de,  O.  P., 
569,  576 

Pineyro,  Rev.  Manuel,  S.  J.,  115 
Pinole,  350 
Pinos,  Point,  27,  54 
Pious  Fund,  74,  75.  104,  106,  110, 
121,  131-133,  234,  381,  456-459, 
468,  469,  515,  593-599 
Pisa,  Fr.  Agnello  de.  7 
Pitahaya  or  Prickly  Pear,  39,  83, 
84,  105,  153,  254 
Pizarro,  Francisco,  14,  15 
Planting  by  rotation,  244,  255 
Platfield,  J.  J.,  623 
Plymouth,  England,  28,  30 
Poblano,  soldier,  105,  108 
Point  Reyes,  34,  56 
Poland,  302 

Politicians,  88,  143,  145,  213,  215, 

216,  269,  283,  325,  326,  583,  590 
Politicians  and  Religion,  374 
Polygamy,  155,  207,  212 
Pombal,  Minister,  280 
Pompadour,  Madame,  281 
Pomegranates,  552 

Pons,  Fr.  Melchor,  O.  P.,  554 
Popery,  28 

Population,  see  Statistical. 
Portel,  Pedro,  63 


Portela,  Fr.,  O.  P.,  569 
Portezuelo,  535 

Portola,  Caspar  de,  275-277,  292- 
294,  299,  300,  340-342,  343,  356, 
357,  350-362,  364,  446,  450,  463 
Portugal,  244,  270,  275,  280,  608 
Posadas,  Vincente,  395 
Posesion,  Las  Virgines,  26 
Possession  formally  taken,  26, 
27,  38,  50,  65,  66 
Poverty  of  the  missionaries,  147, 
148,  254,  607-609,  616-617 
Poverty  of  the  missions,  316, 
318,  323,  324,  327,  422,  424,  428, 
438,  439,  447,  455;  see  Destitu- 
tion. 

Pozole,  77-79,  83,  99,  134,  188 
Prague,  Bohemia,  242 
Prat,  Dr.  Pedro,  337 
Prato,  Rev.  Pedro,  S.  J.,  64 
Prayers,  daily,  at  the  missions, 
99,  139 

Preaching,  4;  in  Spanish,  528 
Predicadores,  297 
Presidente,  13 

Presidios,  96,  116,  117,  136,  138, 
144,  163-165,  213,  215,  222,  226- 
228,  241 

Prestamero,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  F.  M.. 

396,  397,  400,  475,  486,  488,  550 
Price-lists,  368,  369,  370,  372,  375, 
380,  519 

Priests,  scarcity  of,  125,  128,  144, 
165,  291,  297,  393. 

Priests,  secular,  first  in  America, 
9,  10;  first  in  California,  61,  62, 
264 

Prime  consideration  of  the  gov- 
ernment, 234,  236,  368,  372 
Probation  of  converts,  68,  103, 
167,  261 

Processions,  37,  48,  50,  77,  140 
Procurator  of  the  missions,  94, 
119,  132-133,  162-163,  170,  205, 
241,  252,  268,  270 
Progress  of  Christianity,  82,  141 
Proposition,  A,  singular,  54,  268 
Protest  of  the  Jesuits,  227 
Provincial,  13 
Puebla,  Mexico,  243,  604 
Pueblos  organized,  177,  185,  186, 
194 

Puerto  Rico,  11 

Punishments  for  the  Indians, 
138,  196,  225,  230,  231,  241,  253, 
268 


Index 


646 

Purisima  Concepcion,  see  Mis- 
sion. 

Purisima  Concepcion,  The,  299 
Purum,  252 

Q. 

Qualifications  of  a missionary, 
4,  5,  141,  142,  206,  615,  616 
Queen  Elisabeth,  28,  29 
Queen  Isabella,  9 
Queretaro,  95,  289,  291,  294,  305, 
513,  525,  526,  615 
Quevedo,  Rt.  Rev.  Juan  de,  O. 
F.  M.,  11 

Quinones,  Most  Rev.  Francisco, 
O.  F.  M.,  604 
Quito,  Ecuador,  618 
Quivira,  32 

R. 

Rabida,  La,  9 

Rage  of  Gov.  Barri,  415-418 
Rainfall  at  Loreto,  366 
Ralston,  Jackson  H.,  595 
Ramirez  de  Arellano,  Fr.  Ig., 
O.  P.,  592 

Ramirez,  Juan  Bautista,  64 
Ramon,  Fr.,  see  Lora. 

Rancheria,  127 
Rancho,  Mission,  312,  431 
Rations,  134,  366,  379 
Real,  A.,  368,  480 
Real  de  minas,  330 
Realejo,  252 

Rector,  Fr.,  95,  112,  113,  115, 
119,  126,  141,  163,  227 
Rectorates,  141 
Redempcion,  La,  186,  138 
Reduction,  Conversion,  etc.,  164, 
324,  464 
Regidores,  587 

Reglamentos,  514,  515,  518,  580 
Reign  of  disorder,  288;  see 
Comisionados. 

Rejoicing  of  the  friars,  471,  481, 
490 

Relation  of  missionaries  to  the 
Indians,  379-380,  409,  538 
Religion,  Christian,  202,  220,  281 
Religion,  Indian,  158 
Religion  and  politicians,  374 
Religious,  The,  and  temporali- 
ties, 131,  300,  310-311,  607-609, 
616-617 


Remedies,  medicinal,  156-157, 
525 

Removal  of  missions,  189,  207, 
241,  559 

Reports  on  the  missions,  103- 
105,  238-240,  384,  420-458,  461- 
464,  541-544,  528-530,  594 
Reservations,  Indian,  267 
Resignation,  Christian,  214 
Results,  mission,  283-284 
Resurreccion,  La,  186 
Resurrection,  doctrine  of,  68 
Resurrected  flies,  68 
Retirement  of  missionaries,  531 
Retreats,  religious,  142 
Retz,  Rev.  Jorge,  S.  J.,  248-251, 
254-256,  277 

Revenues,  133,  517;  see  Stipend, 
Wages. 

Revilla  Gigedo,  see  Gigedo. 
Revilla  Gigedo  Island,  20 
Reyes,  Rt.  Rev.  Antonio  de,  O. 

F.  M.,  525,  526 
Rezador,  136,  198 
Rio  de  Altar,  180;  de  Buena 
Guia,  see  Colorado;  Caborca, 
180;  Carmelo,  54;  Colorado, 
18,  25,  93,  151,  168,  182,  235, 
237,  250,  251,  258,  362,  467,  518, 
535-537;  Gila,  93,  244;  Mulege, 
109,  119,  179;  de  las  Palmas, 
14,  604-606;  Panuco,  605;  San 
Antonio,  16;  San  Dionisio, 
364;  San  Pedro,  61;  Yaqui,  66, 
76,  79,  95,  112.  122,  125,  127, 
224;  Verde,  395 

Rioboo,  Fr.  Juan  .'\ntonio,  O. 
F.  M..  387,  396,  400,  403,  422, 
491,  546,  547 

Riooll,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  F.  M., 
566 

Rivas,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  P.,  539,  556, 
560 

Rivera  y Moncada,  Fernando 
Javier  de,  245,  247,  276,  340, 
342,  349,  352,  369,  411,  412,  446. 
466,  478,  501,  502,  504,  507,  516- 
518  523 

Road-making,  167,  197,  154 
Robandegui,  Rev.  Bernardo,  S. 
J.,  110,  124 

Robinson,  Fr.  Paschal,  O.  F.  M., 
7 

Rocky  soil,  explanation  of,  166- 
167 

Rodero,  Rev.  Gaspar,  S.  J.,  162 


Index  647 


Rodriguez,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  F. 
M.,^  574 

Rodriguez  Island,  27 
Rogers,  Woodes,  32 
Roman  Church,  6 
Romano,  Rev.  Alexander,  S.  J., 
94,  132,  162,  163,  169 
Rome,  244 
Romero,  Felipe,  312 
Romero,  Manuel  Andres,  216, 
217 

Romeu,  Jose  Antonio  de,  519, 
520,  532,  533,  535 
Rosario,  The,  109,  111,  113,  125, 
127,  168 

Rosario,  El,  386 
Rosario  Mission,  see  Mission. 
Rosario,  Real  de,  396,  492 
Rosary,  The,  100,  123,  135,  136, 
140,  192,  528 

Rotea,  Rev.  Jose,  S.  J.,  254 
Rousseau,  J.  J.,  156 
Rousset  de  Jesus,  Rt.  Rev. 
Francisco,  567 

Routine,  Mission,  99,  100,  123, 
134,  139,  177 
Royalty,  awe  for,  321 
Rubio,  Fr.  Gonzales,  O.  F.  M., 
593 

Ruin,  mission,  219-222,  593-594 
Ruiz,  Jose  Manuel,  535,  580,  586 
Ruiz,  Fr.  Jose  Manuel,  O.  P., 
558 

Rule  of  St.  Francis,  4,  5 
Runaway  Indians,  121,  122,  538- 
539 

Russia,  302,  332,  463 
S. 

Saccrdotes,  297 

Sacrifices  of  the  missionaries, 
69,  100,  393;  see  Missionary 
troubles. 

Sailors  massacred,  225 
Sailors,  see  Soldiers. 

Salas,  Diego  de,  65 
Sales,  Fr.  Luis,  O.  P.,  522,  525, 
527,  528,  532,  558,  561 
Salgado,  soldier,  355 
Salgado,  Fr.  Juan  Maria,  O.  P., 
539,  554 

Salinas,  or  saltworks,  164,  165, 
374 

Salmeron,  Fr.  Zarate,  O.  F.  M., 
43 


Salpointe,  Most  Rev.  John  Bap- 
tist, 15 

Salsipuedes  Island,  179,  182 
Salvatierra,  Rev.  Juan,  Maria,  S. 
J.,  72-76,  78-88,  91-96,  103,  105, 
107,  108,  111-113,  115-119,  122, 
124,  125,  128-132,  136,  138,  141, 
145,  151,  161,  163-165,  168,  171, 
178,  179,  203,  213,  233,  244,  430, 
536 

Salve  Regina,  140,  336 
Salzcdo,  Fr.  Fernando,  O.  F.  M., 
11 

San  Augustin,  The,  33,  34,  55 
San  Augustin,  station,  238 
San  Andres,  arroyo,  436 
San  Andres  Hispelo,  365 
San  Angel  de  Clavacio,  365 
San  Angelo  Fulgino,  364 
San  Anselmo,  365 
San  Anteojenes,  489 
San  Antonio,  camp,  365 
San  Antonio,  pueblo,  263,  330, 
577,  578,  587 
San  Antonio,  Texas,  16 
San  Antonio  (El  Principe),  The, 
322,  333,  337,  338,  366,  388,  396 
San  Antonio,  station,  426 
San  Athanasio,  239 
San  Bartolome,  49 
San  Basilio,  365 

San  Bernabe  Bay,  47,  48,  62,  215, 
264,  276,  331 
San  Bernabe,  camp,  365 
San  Bienvemito,  365 
San  Bernardo  Island,  26 
San  Bias,  279,  291,  299,  308,  335, 
338,  339,  367,  370,  374,  376,  378, 
387,  390,  396,  397,  413,  458,  470, 
473,  476,  488,  491,  497,  498,  515, 
519,  579 

San  Borja,  station,  239,  240 
San  Borja,  The,  317,  319 
San  Bruno,  66,  69-71,  76,  77,  83, 
111,  118,  124,  179,  238,  430 
San  Buenaventura  (Up.  Cal.),  26, 
53,  412,  473 

San  Carlos  Inlet,  237,  441 
San  Carlos  (Up.  Cal.),  335 
San  Carlos,  The,  322,  332,  335, 
337,  338,  343,  366,  388,  396,  397, 
409,  488,  499,  579 
San  Clemente  Island,  27 
San  Diego,  18,  26,  51,  323,  332, 
333,  335,  338,  339,  342,  360,  364, 
370,  388,  393,  399,  412,  431,  450, 


648 


Index 


490,  493,  499,  504,  507,  528,  536, 
544,  569,  571,  574,  591 
San  Diego,  Guanajuato,  294-295 
San  Diego,  The,  45,  49,  55,  57 
San  Dionisio  Bay  95,  170 
San  Estanislao,  365 
San  Estevan  Island,  25 
San  Felice  de  Cantalicio,  521 
San  Felipe,  38 

San  Fermin,  The,  85,  87,  168 
San  Fernando  College,  see  Col- 
lege. 

San  Fernando  Mission,  see  Mis- 
sion S.  F. 

San  Francisco  (Up.  Cal.).  33,  34, 
50,  55,  57,  412.  448,  452,  466, 
467,  469,  473,  507,  539 
San  Francisco  de  Borja  Mission, 
see  Mission 

San  Francisco,  El  Nuevo  Reino 
de,  24 

San  Francisco  Island,  38 
San  Francisco  Javier  Mission, 
see  Mission. 

San  Francisco  Regis.  368,  444 
San  Francisco  Solano  (Up  Cal.), 
365,  489,  532,  534,  593 
San  Francisco,  The,  36,  38,  42, 
58 

San  Gabriel,  Mexico.  25 
San  Gabriel  (Up.  Cal.),  472,  476, 
479,  489 

San  Geronimo,  Puebla,  220 
San  Gervasio,  365 
San  Guido,  365 

San  Ignacio  Mission,  see  Mis- 
sion. 

San  Ignacio,  Puebla,  220 
San  Ignacio,  Sonora,  70,  180 
San  Ignacio,  station,  125,  386, 
444 

San  Ignacio,  The,  317 
San  Jacobo  Ilirico,  3o5 
San  Joaquin,  239,  521 
San  Jorge,  365 
San  Jose  de  Gracia,  436 
San  Jose  del  Cabo,  San  Jose  de 
Commendu,  see  Missions  of. 
San  Jose  de  Guaymas,  Sonora, 
107,  122 

San  Jose  Island,  184 
San  Jose,  port,  19,  47 
San  Jose  Rancho,  556,  557 
San  Jose,  The,  36,  42,  66,  69,  85, 
168,  252,  322,  333,  334,  338,  339, 
345 


San  Jose  y San  Francisco  Xav- 
ier, The,  64 

San  Jose  (Up.  Cal.),  593 
San  Juan  (mission  site),  522, 
528 

San  Juan  Bautista,  camp,  365 
San  Juan  Bautista,  arroyo,  467, 
489,  490 

San  Juan  Capistrano,  521 
San  Juan  de  Dios,  258,  364,  466 
San  Juan  Gomez,  50 
San  Juan  de  Ligui,  San  Juan  de 
Londo,  see  Missions  of. 

San  Juan  Nepomuceno,  ense- 
nada,  436 

San  Juan  Nepomuceno,  station, 
238 

San  Lazaro,  The,  19,  20 
San  Leon,  365 
San  Lucar,  Spain,  11 
San  Lucas,  port,  25 
San  Lucas,  presidio,  228,  241 
San  Luis  Bay,  260,  317,  355,  446, 
451,  487,  499,  535 
San  Luis  Potosi,  Mexico,  289 
San  Luis  Gonzjga  Mission,  see 
Mission. 

San  Marcos,  239 
San  Martin,  sierra,  27 
San  Mateo  Bay,  26 
San  Miguel,  Azores,  532 
San  Miguel  (San  Diego),  26,  51 
San  Miguel  Mission,  see  Mission 
San  Miguel,  Fr.  Juan  de,  O.  F. 
M.,  19 

San  Miguel  de  Grande,  443 
San  Miguel  Island,  25 
San  Miguel  de  la  Pena,  443 
San  Miguel,  station,  166,  167, 
184,  238,  350 
San  Miguel,  The,  25 
San  Nazario,  365 
San  Pablo,  203,  238,  248 
San  Pacifico,  365 
San  Pascual  Bailon,  521 
San  Pedro  Mission,  see  Mission. 
San  Pedro,  port,  25 
San  Pedro  Regalado,  363 
San  Pedro  y San  Pablo,  station, 
239,  286 

San  Pedro,  The,  25,  33,  34 

San  Pio,  365 

San  Quentin,  126 

San  Rafael,  365 

San  Ricardo,  364 

San  Roque  Island,  49 


Index 


649 


San  Saba,  Texas,  291 
San  Sabas,  239 
San  Salvador,  11 
San  Salvador,  The,  25,  27 
San  Simon  y San  Judas  Bay,  50 
Santiago  Mission,  see  Mission. 
Santiago,  port,  19,  25 
San  Sebastian,  56,  57 
San  Sebastian  (San  Vincente), 
558 

San  Sebastian  Bay,  209 
San  Sebastian  Island,  38 
San  Telmo,  365,  557 
San  Vincente  Ferrer,  camp,  364 
San  Vincente,  Sierra  de,  191 
San  Vincente  Valley,  202 
San  Vincente  Mission,  see  Mis- 
sion. 

San  Xavier  Bay,  209 
San  Xavier  el  Viejo,  427 
San  Xavier,  The,  85,  87,  95,  110, 
113,  125,  127,  168,  355 
Santa  Agueda,  The,  20,  23 
Santa  Ana  Island,  26 
Santa  Ana,  mining  pueblo,  189, 
263,  308,  312,  314,  330,  331,  332, 
334,  338,  340,  370,  371,  377,  378, 
383,  387,  401,  402,  404,  410,  411, 
422,  423,  425-426,  429,  453,  514, 
547,  548 

Santa  Ana,  proposed  mission, 
527 

Santa  Ana,  The,  30 
Santa  Barbara  Channel,  26,  53, 
54,  56,  179-181,  183,  184,  453, 
544,  574,  591 

Santa  Catalina  Island,  53 
Santa  Catalina  Mission,  see  Mis- 
sion. 

Santa  Catalina,  port,  26 
Santa  Catalina,  Sonora,  62,  63 
Santa  Catalina,  The,  25 
Santa  Clara,  port,  26 
Santa  Clara  (Up.  Cal.),  469,  473 
Santa  Cruz  College,  see  College. 
Santa  Cruz  Bay,  21,  22,  23,  25 
Santa  Cruz,  camp,  365 
Santa  Cruz,  Provincia  de,  10,  601 
Santa  Cruz,  Tepic,  292,  458,  475, 
491 

Santa  Cruz,  station,  351 
Santa  Ella,  73 

Santa  Gertrudis  Mission,  see 
Mission. 

Santa  Helena,  Provincia  de,  15 
Santa  Humiliana,  364 


Santa  Isabel,  365 
Santa  Lucia,  Sierra  de,  54 
Santa  Lucia,  station,  239 
Santa  Margarita,  365 
Santa  Maria  Mission,  see  Mis- 
sion. 

Santa  Maria  Magdalena  Bay,  25, 
49,  178,  238 

Santa  Maria  Magdalena  Mis- 
sion, 239 

Santa  Maria  Magdalena,  station, 
238 

Santa  Maria  de  la  Luz,  240 
Santa  Maria,  port,  175 
Santa  Maria,  station,  239 
Santa  Maria,  Fr.  Vincente  de, 
396,  400,  417,  491,  549 
Santa  Marta,  239 
Santa  Miguelina,  365 
Santa  M6nica,  239,  365 
Santa  Ninfa,  239 
Santa  Petronila,  364 
Santa  Rosa  Mission,  see  Mis- 
sion. 

Santa  Rosalia  Mission,  see  Mis- 
sion. 

Santa  Rosalia,  station,  238,  427 
Santa  Sabina,  179 
Santa  Ursula,  488 
Santo  Domingo,  West  Indies,  10 
Santo  Domingo  Mission,  see 
Mission. 

Santo  Evangelio,  Provincia  del, 
36 

Santo  Tomas  Island,  20 
Santo  Tomas  Mission,  see  Mis- 
sion. 

Santos  Martires,  364,  365 
Sahagun,  Fr.  Bernardino,  O.  F. 
M.,  613 

Sanchez,  Fr.  Jose  Antonio,  O.  P., 
550,  569,  576 

Sanchez,  Fr.  Jose  Miguel,  O.  F. 
M.,  396,  400,  425,  492,  493,  504, 
548,  575 

Sancho  de  la  Torre,  Fr.  Juan, 
O.  F.  M„  292,  304,  350,  351, 
399,  435,  491,  531,  551,  553,  574 
Sanel  Indians,  99 
Santipac,  162 

Santos,  Fr.  Ramon  de,  O.  P.,  569 
Sanz,  Fr.  Placido,  O.  P.,  539,  549, 
567 

Saracens,  5 

Sarabia,  Fr.  Nicolas  de,  O.  F. 
M.,  36 


650 


Index 


Sardinia,  196 

Sarria,  Fr.  Vincente  de,  O.  F. 

M„  571,  574,  575,  585,  586 
Scandalizing  the  Indians,  501-506 
Scherer,  Rev.  Henry,  S.  J.,  18 
Schools,  first  in  America,  10,  11, 
13 

Schools  in  California,  123,  135, 
139,  163,  165,  520,  587 
Scum  of  society,  146-147,  265,  423 
Scurvy,  52,  54-55,  56-57,  215 
Sect,  anti-Christian,  272 
Secularization  proposed,  517,  518, 
522,  581,  587 

Secularizing  missions,  235,  333, 
370,  393,  394 

Secularized  missions,  422,  423, 
429,  523 

Senan,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  F.  M.,  569 
Senra,  Fr.  Marcelino,  O.  F.  M., 
396,  397,  398,  400,  403,  425,  470, 
548,  553 

Sensebe,  Jaime,  532 
Serra,  Fr.  Junipero,  O.  F.  M., 
290-292,  295,  299,  300,  303-307, 
317,  332-334,  337,  342-344,  347- 
366,  394,  446,  450,  472-475,  493, 
496,  497,  502-508,  549. 

Serri  Indians,  125,  179,  180,  268 
Sevilla,  Spain,  221 
Shea,  John  Gilmary,  15,  16,  17, 
58,  605 

Sherman,  Hon.  John,  598 
Ship,  worthless,  85,  87,  252 
Ship-building,  168,  169,  174,  252 
Shipwrecks,  33,  34,  62,  63,  125, 
127,  167,  169,  244,  252,  397,  476 
Sick,  treatment  of,  by  Indians, 
136,  152,  156,  157 
Sierpe,  Pedro  Gil  de  la,  74,  75, 
82,  85 

Sierpe,  Romero  de  la,  76 
Sierra  Gorda  Missions,  289-292, 
297,  335,  351,  393-395 
Sierra,  Fr.  Juan  Benito,  O.  F.  M., 
333,  338,  369,  399,  491,  551 
Sierra  Madre,  467,  490 
Sierra  de  Vajademin,  167 
Sinaloa,  24,  61-66,  69,  72,  75,  87, 
89,  93,  95,  102,  110,  116,  205, 
226,  252,  268,  269,  397,  398,  410, 
423,  426,  493,  504 
Sindico,  388,  389,  587 
Sinodo,  458,  480,  503,  528,  529 
Singing,  139,  140,  208,  350 
Sistiaga,  Rev,  Sebastian,  S.  J. 


123,  166,  168,  179,  183,  191,  193, 
199,  200,  202,  209,  210,  237,  239, 
242,  243,  246,  247 
Sitjar,  Fr.  Buenaventura,  O.  F. 
M.,  396 

Smallpox,  126,  198 
Snow  in  California,  256 
Sola,  Fr.  Bernardo,' O.  P.,  569 
Sola,  Pablo  Vincente  de,  574 
Soldevilla,  Fr.  Geronimo,  O.  P., 
548,  566 

Soldiers,  a consolation,  84,  90, 
113,  146,  245,  253;  detested  by 
the  Indians,  39,  66,  97,  171,  206; 
a drawback,  39-42,  97,  113,  146- 
147,  157,  171;  duty  of,  138,  143- 
145;  extra  pay  of,  144,  145; 
when  independent  of  the  mis- 
sionaries, 147,  222-229,  323;  ne- 
cessity of,  142,  143,  213,  229, 

233,  234,  452;  objects  of,  69, 
143-144,  213,  229,  233,  234,  276; 
scum  of  society,  146-147,  423; 
subordinate  to  the  mission- 
aries, 92,  116,  144-147,  228,  233, 

234,  413,  414;  wages  of,  144, 
164,  368,  453 

Soledad,  571,  574 
Solorzano  y Pereyra,  Juan  de, 
13,  619 

Somera,  Fr.  Angel,  O.  F.  M., 
396,  472,  476 
Sonoma,  124 

Sonora,  23,  25,  69,  73,  76,  88,  93, 
102,  107,  109,  112-118,  122,  124, 
168,  182,  190,  233-237,  244,  399, 
412,  470,  471 

Sorcerers,  see  Medicine-men. 
South  America,  14,  29,  272 
South  Sea,  23,  110;  see  Pacific 
Ocean. 

Spain,  6,  7,  9,  10,  32,  89,  125,  162, 
208,  221,  234,  241,  253,  270,  272, 
273,  279,  282,  399,  422,  462,  465 
Spanish  interests,  32,  33;  lan- 
guage, 123,  139,  528;  laws,  143 
Spectacles,  Fr.  Serra’s,  364 
Spinning,  102,  135 
Spiteful  order,  500 
State  Catholic,  374,  583 
State  of  the  Missions,  238-240, 
420-455,  546-562 

Statistical,  86,  168,  172,  177,  190, 
202,  205,  207,  246,  261,  284,  427, 
430-433,  435,  438,  440,  442-445, 
447,  451,  488,  540,  546-562 


Index  651 


Stigmata  of  St.  Francis,  33 
Stock-raising,  102,  105,  135,  177, 
193;  see  Statistical. 

Stipends,  110,  117,  118,  131-133, 
136,  144,  235,  236,  332,  367,  388, 
389,  393,  411,  468 
Straffort,  William,  179,  184 
Subsidy  to  the  missions,  144 
Success,  missionary,  284 
Suarez,  Rt.  Rev.  Juan,  O.  F.  M., 
14,  604-606 
Sulpitians,  15 

Sultan  Meledin.  8;  Sultan,  The, 
of  Damascus,  8 
Sunday  service,  140 
Sugar-cane,  547 
Supernumeraries,  472 
Superior-General,  73,  74, 115,  124, 
131,  132,  145,  205,  282 
Superstitions,  Indian,  97,  175, 
176,  198,  207,  229,  257 
Suriano,  Juan  Francisco,  46 
Surrender  of  the  missions,  409- 
411,  413-414,  467 

Surroca,  Fr.  Eudaldo,  O.  P.,  539, 
546,  563 

Survey  of  the  gulf,  237 
Sutro  Collection,  29,  33-36,  38, 
42-47,  58 

Syphilis,  see  Galico. 

System,  see  Mission  System. 
System,  imperfect,  see  Imperfect 
Mission  System. 

Swearing,  sermon  on,  84 

T. 

Tacubaya,  526 

Tagle,  Rt.  Rev.  Pedro  Anselmo 
de,  236 

Tamaral,  Rev.  Nicolas,  S.  J., 
129,  166-168,  206-209,  211-213, 
215-218,  220-222,  421 
Tamazula,  127,  397,  477,  524 
Tamburini,  Most  Rev.  Miguel 
Angel,  S.  J..  124,  169 
Tamonqui,  105 
Tancoyol,  395 
Tanuetia,  185 

Tapis,  Fr.  Estevan,  O.  F.  M., 
565-567,  569 
Tapis,  Pedro,  165 
Taraumara,  203 
Taraval,  Miguel  de,  208 
Taraval,  Rev.  Sigismundo,  S.  J., 


150,  202,  205,  208-210,  216,  217, 
221-223 

Tartary,  Sea  of,  463 
Taxes,  265,  268 
Taxing  Indians,  383 
Teachers  imported,  139 
Teaching,  method  of,  67 
Tecto,  Fr.  Juan  de,  O.  F.  M.,  12 
Te  Deum  Laudamus,  490 
Tehuantepec,  19 

Tejada,  Fr.  Francisco  Xavier, 
O.  F.  M.,  396,  398,  491 
Tello,  Fr.  Antonio,  O.  F.  M.,  19, 
22-24,  36,  37,  43 

Tejeiro,  Fr.  Ricardo,  O.  P.,  539, 
550 

Tempis,  Rev.  Antonio,  S.  J.,  228, 
240,  242 

Temporalities  and  the  mission- 
aries, 131,  136,  310-311,  384, 
387,  400,  413,  607-609,  616-617 
Ten  Commandments,  99,  583 
Ten  Years’  Service,  531 
Tepeacac,  610,  613 
Tepic,  102,  129,  269,  291-295,  298, 
305,  396,  398,  473,  475,  491,  496 
Tepoqui,  179 
Teposcolula,  243 
Tepotzatlan,  73,  178,  220,  244 
Tercio,  358 
Teopum,  105 

Texas,  14-16,  89,  143,  291,  321, 
518,  520,  615 

Texas  Historical  Quarterly,  622 
Thaddeus,  Fr.,  O.  F.  M.,  17 
Thanks  of  Archbishop  Loren- 
zana,  395-396;  of  Viceroy  de 
Croix,  394-395 

Theater  replaces  monastery,  295 
Thomas,  courageous  Indian,  196 
Threat  of  Don  Galvez,  393;  of 
King  Carlos  III,  282 
Thornton,  Sir  Edward,  597,  598 
Tiburon,  180 
Tienda,  48 
Tilaco,  395 
Timber,  168,  169,  559 
Timon,  Fr.  Domingo,  O.  P.,  551, 
552 

Tinaja,  380 

Tiol,  Fr.  Jacinto,  O.  P.,  569,  576 
Titular  Saint,  140 
Tlatelulco,  610,  611 
Tlaxcala,  12 

Toba,  Fernando  de  la, >591 
Tobacco,  157,  315,  327,  328,  381 


652 


Index 


Todos  Santos,  72,  210,  216,  217, 
221,  257,  263,  264,  304,  312,  346, 
398;  see  Mission. 

Todos  Santos  Bay,  26 
Toledo,  Antonio  del,  373,  513, 
515;  his  arrogance,  374,  379, 
382,  388 

Toledo,  Francisco  de,  618 
Toledo,  Spain,  208 
Tolpetlac,  610 

Tomas,  Fr.  de  Aquino,  Ord. 

Carm.,  46,  49,  50,  55,  57 
Tompes,  Bro.  Francisco,  S.  J., 
132 

Tonantzin,  613 
Topia,  263 

Toro,  Jose  Rodriguez  del,  468 
Torquemada,  Fr.  Juan  de,  O.  F. 
M.,  14,  31-33,  35-40,  42-51,  53- 
58 

Torre,  Manuel  Ortez  de  la,  586 
Torre,  see  Sancho. 

Torres,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  F.  M.,  298 
Torres  y Tortolero,  Luis  de,  76, 
83,  90 

Torrubia,  Fr.,  O.  F.  M.,  10 
Toulouse,  France,  573 
Transfer  of  missions,  236,  477, 
481,  486,  488 

Training  school,  331,  367 
Transplanting  Indians,  312,  316- 
319,  353,  371,  372,  403,  410,  411, 
422,  424,  428,  431,  517,  523,  527, 
530 

Transportation  expenses,  133, 
235 

Traveling  expenses,  469 
Treasury,  royal,  165,  372 
Tres  Reyes,  The,  37,  45,  49,  50, 
55,  57 

Trent,  Tyrol,  94 
Tribal  Indians,  267 
Tribes  of  California,  150-151 
Trillo,  Francisco,  380,  382,  390 
Trinidad,  port,  25 
Trinidad,  Provincia  de  SS.,  65 
Trinidad,  stations,  186,  197,  238, 
239 

Trinidad,  The,  23 
Trinity,  Order  of,  12 
Tripue,  104 

Triunfo  de  la  Cruz,  The,  169, 
171,  179,  181-183,  206 
Troya,  Francisco,  373 
Tubutama,  109 
Tuido,  104 


Tuersch,  Rev.  Ignacio,  S.  J.,  276 
Turks,  8 

Twelve  Apostles,  The,  of  Mex- 
ico, 12 

Two  priests  at  each  mission,  233 

U. 

tJbeda,  see  Escalona. 

Uchiti  Indians,  150,  184-186,  204, 
228,  240 

Uchiti  language,  150 
Ugarte,  Rev.  Juan  de,  S.  J.,  74, 
75,  85,  88,.  94,  95,  97,  100-102, 
105,  107,  108,  112,  113,  115,  119, 
123,  124,  126,  129,  132,  146,  163, 
167,  168-172,  174,  178-183,  185, 
186,  199,  203,  204,  253 
Ugarte,  Rev.  Pedro  de,  S.  J.,  Ill, 
113,  119,  120-122,  126,  127 
Ulloa,  Francisco  de,  22,  23,  26 
Undua,  104 

United  States,  14,  15,  267,  591 
United  States  Surveyor’s  Office, 
545 

Unkind  order,  503-506 
Unubbe,  104 

Urdaneta,  Fr.  Andres,  O.  S.  A., 
34 

Uson,  Fr.  Ramon,  O.  F.  M.,  548, 
396,  400,  470. 

Unworthy  treatment  of  mission- 
aries. 306,  348-349,  382,  383, 
477-506 

Utopian  plan,  317,  326,  366 

V. 

Vajademin,  sierra  de,  167 
Valcarcel  y Fonseca,  Domingo, 
468 

Valdellon,  Fr.  Tomas,  O.  P.,  535, 
536,  558,  562 

Valdes,  Pedro  Toral,  468 
Valencia,  Fr.  Martin  de,  O.  F. 
M.,  12.  13,  19 

Valero,  Baltasar  de  Zuniga,  Mar- 
quez de,  129,  161,  163,  165,  166, 
170,  184,  413,  414 
Valero,  Fr.  Joaquin,  O.  P.,  522 
Vallejo,  Dona  Josefa,  106,  122 
Vallejo,  Mariano  G.,  564 
Vara,  242 

Varela,  Fr.  Roque,  O.  P.  576 
Vassalage,  Indian,  384 
Vasquez,  Jose,  503,  504,  525 


Index 


653 


Vega,  La,  10 

Vega,  Rev.  Roque  de,  S.  J.,  62. 
63 

Vega,  Sr.,  564 

Velasco,  Fr.  Joseph  Ortez  de,  O. 
F.  M.,  298 

Velasco,  Luis  de,  186 
Velasco,  Viceroy  Luis  de,  33-35 
Velicata,  339,  342,  360,  364,  388, 
390,  399,  446,  462,  463,  479,  486, 
491,  495,  501-502,  526,  528;  see 
Mission  San  Fernando. 
Venegas,  Rev.  Miguel,  S.  J.,  61- 
71,  89,  117,  127,  223,  457;  see 
footnotes. 

Vetancurt,  Fr.  Augustin  de,  O. 
F.  M.,  14,  15,  24,  25,  36,  37,  42, 
43,  63,  67,  68,  70 

Ventura,  Rev.  Antonio,  S.  J.,  268 
Ventura,  Rev.  Lucas,  S.  J.,  252 
Vera,  Rev.  Nicolas  de,  S.  J.,  110 
Verbo,  El,  238 

Vera  Cruz,  35,  272,  274,  275,  279, 
299,  347,  465,  532 
Verger,  Fr.  Rafael,  O.  F.  M., 
297,  298,  420-421,  465,  468,  470 
Vpations,  477-485,  487,  492-507 
Viaticum,  Holy,  255 
Vicar-Apostolic,  first  in  America, 
9,  10,  602-604 
Vicario  Foraneo,  593 
Vicar-General,  first  in  Califor- 
nia, 61,  62 

Viceroy’s  decision,  507-508 
Victim  of  pestilence,  422 
Victoria,  Manuel,  590,  624 
Victoria,  Fr.  Marcos  Antonio, 
O.  F.  M.,  575 
Victocia,  The,  25,  26,  27 
Victory,  unbloody,  200 
Vidaurreta,  Fr.  Jose,  O.  P.,  433, 
546 

Viel,  Fr.  Nicolas,  O.  F.  M.,  16 
Vigge-Biaundo,  see  Mission  San 
Francisco  Xavier. 

Vila,  Vincente,  337 

Villaizan,  Joseph  de  Miranda,  74, 

102,  no 

Villapuente,  Jose  de  la,  106,  125, 
170,  185,  205,  244,  246,  421,  423, 
432,  433,  435,  442 
Villa-Senor  y Sanchez,  Jose  An- 
tonio, 238 

Villaumbrales,  Fr.  Andres,  O.  F. 
M.,  292,  304,  351,  399,  491,  492, 
551 


Villuendas,  Fr.  Francisco,  O.  F. 

M.,  396,  400,  423,  547 
Villatoro,  Fr.  J.  Garcia,  O.  P., 
600 

Vindication  of  the  Jesuits,  283 
Vineyards,  125 
Violation  of  justice,  599 
Virgines,  Las,  26 
Viroco,  34 
Visitacion,  La,  365 
Visitations,  religious,  141,  205, 
206,  209,  246,  280,  398 
Visitors-General,  72,  76,  141 
Visits,  mutual,  142,  398 
Vizcaino,  Fr.  Juan,  O.  F.  M.,  333, 
338,  453 

Vizcaino,  Sebastian,  26,  31,  34- 
47,  51,  58,  61,  178 
Vocabulary,  Indian,  77 
Voltaire,  279,  282 
Voltairian  libertines,  281 
Voltairian  school,  280 
Vonu,  104 

Vow  of  Portola,  293 
Vows,  renewal  of,  352 

W. 

Wadding,  Luke,  O.  F.  M.,  7,  301, 
605 

Wages  of  Indians,  366,  374,  375, 
413,  588 

Wages  of  soldiers,  144,  164,  368, 
453;  see  Soldiers. 

Wagner,  Rev.  Francisco  X.,  S.  J., 
125,  228-230,  239,  242 
Walimea,  197 
Washington,  D.  C.,  24,  25 
Water,  scarcity  of,  248,  249,  251, 
260 

Wax  candles,  scarcity  of,  357 
Weary  waiting,  19,  292 
Weaving,  102,  135 
Week,  Holy,  83,  135,  140 
Weekly  rations,  366 
West  Indies,  28,  602,  603 
Wharton,  Hon.  William  F.,  598 
Whipping,  138 
Wine,  102,  133,  135,  249,  428 
Witchcraft,  175 
Woman,  A disreputable,  281 
Women,  scarcity  of,  267,  268,  317 
Women,  Indian,  50,  129,  137,  152, 
155,  362,  364 
Worst  grievance,  398 
Wool-raising,  102,  135 


6S4 


Index 


Writers,  superficial,  99 
Wuertemberg,  Duke  of,  282  ‘ 
Wyandots,  16 

X. 

Xalpan,  395 
Xalisco,  see  Jalisco. 

Ximenez,  Francisco  Cardinal,  O. 
F.  M.,  10 

Ximenez,  Fr.  Francisco,  O.  F. 
M„  19 

Ximenes,  Fortun,  20 
Xuarez,  see  Fr.  Suarez. 

Y. 

Yaqui  Indians,  124,  179,  224,  225, 
237,  268,  454 

Yaqui  missions,  69,  76,  109 
Yaqui  River,  see  Rio. 
Yemuyoma,  104 
Yeneca,  212,  213 
Yoldi,  Fr.  Mariano,  O.  P.,  538, 
561 


Yovidinegge,  103,  104 
Yucatan,  605 
Yuma  City,  518 
Yuma  Indians,  151 

Z. 

Zacatecas,  243,  494,  593,  615 
Zalagua,  37 

Zamudio,  Fr.  Bernardino  de,  O. 
F.  M.,  36,  37 

Zarate,  Fr.  Pablo  Mariade,  O.  P., 
546,  576 

Zavaleta,  Fr.  Martin,  O.  P.,  554 
Zeal,  missionary,  68,  100,  120, 
127,  136,  160,  167,  168,  175,  176, 
185,  186,  191-200,  206,  207,  211, 
242-244,  247,  249,  251,  262,  263, 
278,  370,  393-395,  447,  491,  492 
Zuniga,  Rev.  Juan  de,  62 
Zumarraga,  Most  Rev.  Juan  de, 
O.  F.  M„  13,  14,  606,  610-612, 
614,  620 
Zuni,  24 

Zuzaregni,  Fr.  Manuel,  O.  F.  M., 
299,  300 


\ 

.( 


I 


